" A wealth of information..."

"1169 And Counting is a wealth of information on our Republican past and present , and demonstrates how the Irish political landscape , like that of any nation, will never be a black and white issue..."

(From the ‘e-Thursday’ section of the ‘Business Week’ supplement of the ‘Irish Independent’ , 21st August 2008.)

IRISH BLOG AWARDS 2017 - ooops! It seems that our entry application was "not completed in time to be considered.." (?) and, as such, we are not now in the running. But we wish all the best to the successful entrants and to the organisers, and we hope all goes well for them on the day!

Monday, August 13, 2007

The name Tony Gregory was virtually unheard of outside Dublin before 1982 when he was elected to Leinster House as an independent in Dublin Central , a post he still holds . He made the headlines with the famous 'Gregory Deal' in the same year when , in return for his support , the Fianna Fail government pumped £76 million into the redevelopment of inner city housing .
By Sean Ó Donáile .
From 'USI NEWS' , February 1989.

In the parochial world of politics , Tony Gregory soon became synonymous with tweed jacket and open neck dress and still doesn't don the customary suit and tie - " People can wear whatever they like . I think those who are offput by dress have very little on their minds and should look at more serious topics rather than wasting time on irrelevant issues ."

On a more serious vein , however , I queried him on his background and how he managed to establish himself as a Leinster House 'regular' without the backing of a party machine : " I was brought up in a working class background and I didn't like the society I was growing up in . I wanted to play a part in changing it , so I joined an organisation (Official Sinn Fein - now renamed 'The Workers' Party') which I thought was a very radical party at that time . I had the experience of spending a number of years in the 'Officials' and the IRSP after that , so I was familiar with the mechanisms for contesting elections .

However , I found out that this party was radical in some ways but very reactionary in other ways , so I left and became involved in community organisations and through that to electoral politics and I was elected to Dublin City Council and subsequently to Leinster House. My reason for going forward was not just to contest and expound theories , but to win....... "



Feminists and anti-imperialists in Ireland have often regarded each other's struggles with misunderstanding , mutual suspicion , and sometimes outright rejection . What then is the relationship between them ? Eibhlin Ni Gabhann surveys the emergence of women's liberation groups in Belfast and Dublin over the past decade or so , and some of the questions they have faced .
From 'IRIS' magazine , November 1983.

Greater social conservatism generally , and in the six counties the re-emergent questions of civil rights and partition ('1169...' Comment - the issue of partition cannot be solved by increased 'civil rights' , regardless of who obtains same from Westminster) made it far harder for Irish women to organise themselves in any corresponding movement around the same period .

Although it was often women in the north of Ireland who were dominant in the marches and protests for civil rights ('1169...' Comment - ...as opposed to Republican women who 'march and protest' for a British political and military withdrawal) the most politicised among them found - like their American sisters - that this involvement in mass movements against the Orange State was not raising any questions about the oppression of women within that State .

So that despite the massive upsurge of militancy among working-class nationalist women in the Northern ghettos it was to be left to radical middle-class women , with their traditional hostility to nationalism , to do so . In the South , too , without the politicisation of events on the scale seen in the six counties , it was middle-class women and students who took the initiative : by 1974 , there were women's groups in the two Northern universities and in Dublin and Cork universities . These groups were in contact with one another but their mutual refusal to take any stand on the national struggle , which so many women were involved in or were affected by , effectively limited both their growth and impact.......


From 'The Phoenix' magazine , January 2003.
(Note: as a result of our recent posts on this subject , a reader asked us to locate and publish this 'Phoenix' article . We are pleased to be able to do so.)

When the Gardai were called , the scene was preserved and John O' Shea's death was treated initially as suspicious . The inquest heard that this was because the dead man had sustained a number of visible injuries to his face and neck . Following the post mortem , the State Pathologist, John Harbison, stated that the cause of death was hypothermia . He told the first day of the inquest in Kerry that his decision was heavily influenced by Garda information given to him , namely , that John O' Shea had been outside the house for several hours , half undressed . Subsequently , however , no garda at the inquest - eighteen in all gave evidence - could say who told Professor Harbison this .

In a dramatic development in the Listowel courtroom last month , the O' Shea family solicitor , Michael Finucane, requested the recall of John Harbison to clarify evidence surrounding his verdict of death due to hypothermia . Coroner Helen Lucey rang John Harbison by mobile phone in open court and four hours later he arrived after a flight from Dublin.......