Wednesday, January 09, 2019



"In view of the vote that was taken here on Saturday and which I had definitely to oppose as one that was tending to subvert the Republic which I was elected to my present position to defend and maintain ; and as it appeared to me also to be a vote which would tend to subvert the independence of the country, I could no longer continue — as I was beaten in that - I could no longer continue in my present office feeling I did not have the confidence of the House. I therefore wish to place my resignation in the hands of the Assembly ; and I think it is not necessary to say any further words in doing so, but simply to resign my office and the responsibilities of it and the members of the Cabinet all go with my resignation" - Eamon de Valera (pictured) stepped down from that position on the 9th January 1922 because of the 'Treaty of Surrender', which had been accepted by Michael Collins and others (Arthur Griffith, Riobárd Bartún [Robert Barton], Eamonn S Ó Dugáin [Eamonn Duggan] and Seoirse Ghabháin Uí Dhubhthaigh [George Gavan Duffy] had also appended their names to that vile document) on the 6th December, 1921, in London - at ten minutes past two on that Tuesday morning (6th December 1921), those men accepted 'dominion status' and an oath which gave "allegiance" to the Irish Free State and "fidelity" to the British Crown - within six months a civil war was raging in Ireland, between the British-supported Free Staters and the Irish republicans who did not accept that 'Treaty'.

De Valera had already stated, on the 18th December 1921, that he was against that 'Treaty' - "We were elected by the Irish people and did the Irish people think that we were liars when we said that we meant to uphold the Republic. I am against this Treaty because it does not reconcile Irish national aspirations with association with the British Government. I am against this Treaty not because I am a man of war, but a man of peace. I am against this Treaty because it will not end the centuries of conflict between the two nations of Great Britain and Ireland. It gives away Irish independence ; it brings us into the British Empire.." ('1169' comment - yet the same man had no problem with working on behalf of that 'empire' in the years following that 'not acceptable' speech!)

He had offered to resign on the 6th January, 1922, but the offer was not accepted at the time - but, on the 9th, it was accepted by 60 votes to 58 votes, following which Arthur Griffith (another Free-Stater-in-waiting) stated - "Before another word is spoken I want to say : I want the Deputies here to know, and all Ireland to know, that this vote is not to be taken as against President de Valera. It is a vote to help the Treaty, and I want to say now that there is scarcely a man I have ever met in my life that I have more love and respect for than President de Valera. I am thoroughly sorry to see him placed in such a position. We want him with us."

Others objected to the 'deal', and among them were Austin Stack, who stated his intention to fight on "even if this rotten document be accepted", and Erskine Childers, who complained that the 'Treaty Ports' section of the document would prevent the Free State from pursuing an independent foreign policy. The seven women members of the Dáil opposed the Treaty on the grounds that lives had been lost in pursuit of an Irish Republic, which the document subverted. Many, such as Margaret Pearse, Mary MacSwiney and Kathleen Clarke had lost close relatives in the struggle for independence and stated that such an outcome was not what they and others had fought for. And, one week later (on the 16th January), Michael Collins and his Free State comrades were given the seat of British injustice in Ireland - Dublin Castle - from which to continue the campaign against Irish republicans from.

Máire Nic Shuibhne [pictured] (Mary MacSwiney) stated her objection to the 'Treaty' - "I claim my right, before matters go any further, to register my protest, because I look upon this act worse than I look upon the Act of Castlereagh. I, for one, will have neither hand, act, nor part in helping the Irish Free State to carry this nation of ours, this glorious nation that has been betrayed here to-night, into the British Empire — either with or without your hands up. I maintain here now that this is the grossest act of betrayal that Ireland ever endured. I know some of you have done it from good motives ; soldiers have done it to get a gun, God help them! Others, because they thought it best in some other way. I do not want to say a word that would prevent them from coming back to their Mother Republic, but I register my protest, and not one bit of help that we can give will we give them.

The speech we have heard sounded very beautiful — as the late Minister of Finance can do it ; he has played up to the gallery in this thing, but I tell you it may sound very beautiful but it will not do. Ireland stands on her Republican Government and that Republican Government cannot touch the pitch of the Free State without being fouled ; and here and now I call on all true Republicans ; we all want to protect the public safety, it is our side that will do its best to protect the public safety. We want no such terrible troubles in the country as faction fights. We can never descend to the faction fights of former days. We have established a Government, and we will have to protect it.

Therefore, let there be no misunderstanding, no soft talk, no ráiméis at this last moment of the betrayal of our country, no soft talk about union. You cannot unite a spiritual Irish Republic and a betrayal worse than Castlereagh's, because it was done for the Irish nation. You may talk about the will of the Irish people, as Arthur Griffith did ; you know it is not the will of the Irish people, it is the fear of the Irish people, as the Lord Mayor of Cork says. And tomorrow or another day when they come to their senses, they will talk of those who betrayed them today as they talk of Castlereagh. Make no doubt about it. This is a betrayal, a gross betrayal, and the fact is that it is only a small majority, and that majority is not united. Half of them look for a gun and the other half are looking for the fleshpots of the Empire. I tell you here there can be no union between the representatives of the Irish Republic and the so-called Free State."

And today, on the 9th January 2019 - 97 years after the Westminster and Free State-enforced partition of Ireland - Irish republicans remain adamant that there can be no political union between "the representatives of the Irish Republic and the so-called Free State".


An edited version of this speech was published in 'The United Irishman' newspaper in October 1954. This is the speech in full ; on the 13th March, 1920, Terence MacSwiney (pictured) was unanimously elected as the 'Lord Mayor of Cork' by that city's Corporation. He donated his salary for the position to an outside organisation and received no salary for the other position he held at that time - Brigadier of the No. 1 Brigade, Cork IRA.

"I shall be as brief as possible. This is not an occasion for many words, least of all a conventional exchange of compliments and thanks. The circumstances of the vacancy in the office of Lord Mayor governed inevitably the filling of it. And I come here more as a soldier stepping into the breach, than as an administrator to fill the first post in the municipality. At a normal time it would be your duty to find for this post the councillor most practical and experienced in public affairs. But the time is not normal. We see in the manner in which our late Lord Mayor was murdered an attempt to terrify us all. Our first duty is to answer that threat in the only fitting manner by showing ourselves unterrified, cool and inflexible for the fulfillment of our chief purpose - the establishment of the independence and integrity of our country — the peace and the happiness of our country. To that end I am here.

I was more closely associated than any other here with our late murdered friend and colleague, both before and since the events of Easter Week, in prison and out of it, in a common work of love for Ireland, down to the hour of his death. For that reason I take his place. It is, I think, though I say it, the only fitting answer to those who struck him down. Following from that there is a further matter of importance only less great — it touches the efficient continuance of our civic administration. If this recent unbearable aggravation of our per­secution by our enemies should cause us to suspend voluntarily the normal discharge of our duties, it would help them very materially in their campaign to overthrow our cause. I feel the question of the future conduct of our affairs is in all our minds. And I think I am voicing the general view when I say that the normal functions of our corporate body must proceed, as far as in our power lies, uninterrupted, with that efficiency and integrity of which our late civic head gave such brilliant promise.

I don't wish to sound a personal note, but this much may be permitted under the circumstances — I made myself active in the selection of our late colleague for the office of Lord Mayor. He did not seek the honour and would not accept it as such, but when put to him as a duty he stepped to his place like a soldier. Before his election we discussed it together in the intimate way we discussed every­thing touching our common work since Easter Week. We debated together what ought to be done and what could be done, keeping in mind, as in duty bound, not only the ideal line of action but the practical line at the moment as well. That line he followed with an ability and success all his own..."


'A NEW THEORY OF RELATIVITY...', by Pat Rabbitte.

From 'Magill' magazine, February 1998.

Whoever is responsible, 'relativity' has certainly caught on in Ireland - some have done relatively well from it. Others not so well. There is no doubt it has been expensive for the Irish taxpayer (sic - he means 'State taxpayer'). Charlie McCreevy may prefer a chat with his caddy at the 'K Club', but there is no doubt that when it comes to 'relativity', the finance minister agrees with the Liberty Hall porter ; he warned in his budget-day speech that 'relativity is something up with which he will not put'. Well, the gardaí have news for Mr McCreevy - their 'relativity' claim is well advanced and coming down the tracks at a fierce pace. I support the gardaí.

It is important that members of the Garda Síochana are fairly remunerated for the impartial and effective discharge of their important duties. The manner in which they serve the citizenry to a considerable extent defines the character of our democracy. We are regularly reminded that for many gardaí their job is becoming increasingly dangerous and they are expected to risk life and limb so that the citizen can sleep safely in his or her bed.

Insofar as is reasonable - and it is not possible in absolute terms to reflect that nobility in pay terms - the gardaí in turn have a right to expect a fair day's pay for a fair day's work...


We won't be posting here on the 16th January next as we'll only be just about coming out of the aftermath (!) of the monthly 650-ticket fund-raising raffle, which will be held on Sunday, 13th January, in a venue on the Dublin/Kildare border, but we couldn't let the 16th pass without mentioning a remarkable Irish republican woman who, to our shame, is practically forgotten about today. The following piece will hopefully encourage some of our readers to want to find out more about this dedicated Irish republican 'dissident' -


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, February 1955.

The death of Gobnait Ni Bruadar (Albina Broderick), pictured occurred on the 16th January last (1955), at her residence in Ballimeoona, Castlecove, in County Kerry. This splendid woman remained constant in her loyalty to Ireland and was actively associated with the Republican Movement until she died in the 93rd year of her life.

She was educated in England and spent most of her early life there, was 'presented at the Court' and knew only the 'society life' of a 'Lady' in England. Yet this did not prevent her from seeing the ills which existed in Ireland under the system of the absentee landlord nor the injustices being perpetrated by the English conquerors of the native Ireland she loved.

And for her, love was shown by deeds, not words - she gave up the easier way of living and took up one decidedly less attractive in the Republican Movement. She became a member of Cumann na mBan and remained in that organisation while she could continue to take an active part. In her last years, when too old to be actively militant, she still continued to help in every way she could, particularly in raising funds. The dependents of the republican prisoners were always a special care of hers. Her life was an inspiration to all who knew her and the Republican Movement has great reason to regret her death.

(END OF 'DEATH OF PATRIOT IRISHWOMAN' : next post [23rd January 2019], from the same source - 'SAVINGS LAW SHOULD BE CHANGED', a letter sent to the 'Irish Times' by a Dr. Lucey).

Also, regarding the 16th January date (...this post dictated by the in-house requirement for gender balance!) we want to give a brief mention to a perhaps lesser-known figure from Irish republican history, who was born on the 16th January 1822 -
"From the time I came to what have been called the years of discretion, my entire thought has been devoted to Ireland. I believed the course I pursued was right ; others may take a different view. When the proceedings of this trial go forth to the world, the people will say that the cause of Ireland is not to be despaired of, that Ireland is not yet a lost country — that as long as there are men in any country prepared to expose themselves to every difficulty and danger in its service, prepared to brave captivity, even death itself if needs be, that country cannot be lost..." - Thomas Clarke Luby (pictured) was born in Dublin on this date (16th January) 197 years ago.

His mother was of a different religious persuasion from his father (a Tipperary-born Church of Ireland clergyman) and both parents were determined that their son, Thomas, should be 'successful' in life : he was educated at Trinity College, in Dublin, from where he graduated in 1840, then studied law at 'The Temple', in London. However, he became more interested in journalism than in practising law and, as a 'toff' with a solid social conscience, he joined the 'Repeal Association' but came to the opinion that that organisation was not prepared to go far enough in defending Irish society from the ravages inflicted on it by Westminster and joined a more radical organisation, the 'Young Irelanders' and was active in the 1848 Rising. When that rebellion was put down by the British, Luby and other 'dissidents' established a new revolutionary organisation, the 'Irish Democratic Association' ('IDA') and once again challenged British misrule in Ireland - but, once again, they failed in their endeavours.

Shortly after that failure, Luby went to France in the hope of improving his military tactics and then to Australia, where he stayed for about a year, before returning to Ireland. He made his living through journalism (mostly working for, and with, 'The Tribune' newspaper) and, in 1858, he helped establish the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood', known as the 'Fenians,' with the avowed and same purpose of that of his previous efforts - to overthrow British rule in Ireland and establish an Irish Republic. Such were the times he lived in - including the period in our history when the 'Irish National Invincibles' struck a blow for Irish freedom - and Thomas Clarke Luby supported and/or was involved in every such effort. He died in Jersey City, at 79 years of age, in 1901, from paralysis, on the 29th November, 1901, and is buried, with his wife, in Bay View Cemetery in that city, under a headstone which reads - 'Thomas Clarke Luby 1822–1901. He devoted his life to love of Ireland and quest of truth.'

His objective remains unfulfilled.

Thanks for reading ; we'll be back on Wednesday, 23rd January, 2019. Sharon.

Wednesday, January 02, 2019



"If the Germans landed in Ireland, taking it by force of arms, they would have just as much right to it as England...fight for Ireland and be buried in consecrated ground, not dying like those in France, to be thrown into a *bode.." - Tomás Ceannt, speaking at a public meeting in Ballynoe, County Cork, on the 2nd January 1916 - 103 years ago on this date (* borehole/hole in the ground).

Tomás Ceannt (Thomas Kent) was born on the 29th August, 1865, in Bawnard House, Castlelyons, in Cork, the fourth of seven sons and two daughters, for David and Mary Kent. The Kent family had a long tradition of fighting against social and political injustices : 'His family were squeezed off their land by the British Crown's incremental rate increases. Thomas Kent left for Boston in the United States, but returned to Ireland several years later, owing to illness. Himself and his three brothers became radicalised, and were often jailed for their political activities, chiefly their support for the Land League and their membership of the Irish Volunteers. When the Easter Rising kicked off in April 1916, Tomás Ceannt, then 50 years of age, and his brothers, obeyed Eoin MacNeill's countermanding order and stayed home, Kent having planned to head to Dublin to fight. In a swoop for known republican sympathisers, however, the RIC made a dawn raid on the Kent family home in Castlelyons.

The Ceannts resisted arrest and had a shoot-out with the RIC, which lasted four hours. The RIC's head constable was killed, his face blown off, before the Ceannts surrendered. When they arrested Tomás Ceannt..he was paraded through the town of Fermoy a bit like Jesus Christ. His hands were tied and he had no shoes — he wasn't allowed wear any boots. He was humiliated...his mother was 89 and she was cooling down the guns and supplying her sons with ammunition during the raid. (The RIC) humiliated her as well. She was too old to walk so they put her on a cart with her dying son, the youngest son, Richard. He suffered from his nerves, as they said in those days. He had mental issues...he was terrified when he was arrested and he ran away and was shot in the back. He was dying. He died about a day later from his wounds...' (from here).

Thomas and his brother, William, were charged by the British with 'armed rebellion' - the brother was acquitted, but Thomas was found guilty and sentenced to death. Another brother, David, was 'found guilty' of the same charge and received a death sentence, but this was commuted to five years penal servitude. On the 9th May 1916, Tomás Ceannt was put to death by firing squad and his body was placed in a hole in the ground of Cork Prison, where he lay for 99 years : in 2015, the Free State administration, still attempting to associate themselves with those who fought against British rule, shamefully re-buried that Irish republican in a televised display of pomp and ceremony and it and the 'establishment' it spawned practically crawled over themselves to be seen to be associated with such a man. After their taxpayer-funded meal and drinks, they reverted to condemning those who continue to fight for the freedom of this country. Disgusting behaviour from a disgusting political 'elite'.

'WE ASK FOR NO MERCY AND WE WILL MAKE NO COMPROMISE...' - edited highlights of a speech on the 13th March, 1920, by Terence MacSwiney. From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, October 1954.

"Those whose faith is strong will endure to the end and triumph. The liberty for which we today strive is a sacred thing - inseparably entwined as body with soul with that spiritual liberty for which the Savour of man died and which is the inspiration and foundation of all just governments. We, taking up the work left incomplete, confident in God, offer sacrifice from ourselves. We ask for no mercy and we will make no compromise."

(END of the 'United Irishman'-edited version of that speech : NEXT - that speech in full).


"One branch of the family was very militant. At the time land-grabbing was rampant in Ireland. You had an agent in Milltown called Leslie, and Lord Mounteagle was the landlord. You could be doing well today and a couple days later they would raise the rent to something you couldn't meet and they would put another fellow into it and you got the road. That brought the Moonlighters and it must be said, the Moonlighters did a great job. In every generation you had [people willing to fight] . . . the Moonlighters, the United Irishmen, then onto Sinn Féin and the IRB. You could say they were the soul of Ireland at the time..

They were great, the local people at the time, they were the soul of Ireland. Without the local people, the Flying Columns couldn't exist. They'd [the police] get no response from the people. The people were opposed to them at the time, and it continued that way right up to the Truce..De Valera? I never liked him. He'd make a statement and it'd have about four different meanings.. I always thought there was something queer about him...when it came out that you were prepared to hand over a big part of your territory to the British, there was a revulsion against it. People expected a lot — when they found out they got nothing but partition, they got very annoyed..

(Michael) Collins did marvellous work in the war against the Tans — but when he went Free Stater then, actually he declared it one time that he was signing his own death warrant. He knew it was wrong, which made it worse. As it went along then he got very bitter..I went back to Kerry then and I worked in a bread van for a number of years, but I got various jobs through the years all along. I was arrested a number of times ; the finish was refusing to answer questions and I was jailed. I lost my job again — came out and was going all right again. There was a lot of turmoil, unemployment was rotten..we decided anyway to take him (O'Duffy) out of it, the IRA in Kerry. Six of us assembled in Ballyseedy. The train is over the road at Ballycarthy. I was up in the railway station and Christy Leen was in the roadside to give me the number of the car when it'd come. The reception party was Johnny O'Connor, John Duggan, my brother Tadhg and Josie Hassett — they were well armed, they had a Thompson machine-gun and two rifles, he wouldn't escape...

I had a number of men there (in England) — three or four active men. We kept ourselves small. And we laid bombs whenever we got the chance. You would have to say we were very successful for a long time. You would select places and one of the places we selected was the Grosvenor Hotel in Park Lane. The bomb was laid at the back of a flowerpot. The only thing was to try and cause as much confusion as we could. But as time went by, what we were doing was nothing. The war was on.." - Dan Keating, pictured, from here.

Dan Keating was born on the 2nd of January in 1902 - 117 years ago on this date - in the townland of Ballygamboon, Castlemaine, Co Kerry. In 1917, he went to work in Tralee at Jerry McSweeney's Grocery, Bar and Bakery. Jerry McSweeney's uncle, Richard Laide, was shot in the attack on Gortalea barracks which was the first barracks to be attacked in Ireland. Dan joined the Fianna in Tralee in 1918 and about two years later he joined the Irish Republican Army. Others to join at that time were Gerry Moyles, Donnchadh Donoghue, Tommy Vale, John Riordan (Kerry All-Ireland footballer), Jerry O'Connor (better known as "Uncy"), Matt Moroney and Paddy and Billy Griffin.

In the meantime, he met a soldier who used to frequent the bar where he worked and during conversations procured a rifle from him. This was then handed over to Johnny O'Connor of the Farmers' Bridge unit. Dan was later to join this unit which included men of the calibre of Johnny Duggan, Johnny O'Connor, Timmy Galvin, Moss Galvin, Jack Corkery, Jim Ryle, Mick Hogan and Jamesy Whiston. This unit was very active from 1920 to 1924 and many of its members took part in the Headford ambush which claimed the lives of approximately 20 British soldiers. Volunteers Danny Allman and Jimmy Baily also lost their lives at Headford. He took part in the ambush at Castlemaine in which eight RIC and Black-and-Tans were killed. Gerry Moyles was severely injured in this encounter. The last ambush in Kerry took place in Castleisland on the night before the Truce and Dan also participated in this. Four RIC members were killed in this action and Volunteers Jack Shanahan, Jack Prenderville, John McMahon and John Flynn also lost their lives.

Dan, pictured in 2002, when he was 100 years of age.

In 1922, he was transferred to a unit in Tralee which was commanded by Tommy Barton of Ballyroe when they occupied Ballymullen barracks for a period of three months. He took part in the attack on Listowel barracks, now occupied by the Free Staters, in which one Free Stater was shot dead. In Limerick, Dan, along with comrades from Kerry, fought the Free State troops over a period of ten days. Republican Volunteers Patrick Foran, Charlie O'Hanlon and Tom McLoughlin lost their lives there. Dan was then sent to Tipperary to instruct Gerry Moyles to return to Kilmallock but on the way they were surrounded by Free Staters. After a battle at Two Mile Bridge, Dan and his comrades were taken prisoner and held in Thurles barracks for two days before being conveyed to Portlaoise Jail where he was held for six months. This was to be the first of many times he was interned by the Free State. During this period in Portlaoise the jail was burned and Volunteer Paddy Hickey from Dublin was shot dead. Dan was then transferred to the Curragh Internment Camp and was held there until March 1923. A Free State soldier named Bergin from Nenagh, who became friendly with the republican prisoners and acted as a courier to republicans on the outside, was executed by the Staters.

Dan was charged with possession of a shotgun in 1930 and was issued a summons but did not attend court and was fined £1. In the true republican tradition he refused to pay and was sent to Limerick and held for one week. During a court case in Tralee involving Johnny O'Connor and Mick Kennedy, in which they refused to recognise the court, their supporters in the courthouse cheered loudly and when things died down the judge ordered Dan Keating to be brought up before him and gave him three months for contempt. He was jailed in Cork with Johnny O'Connor but after a hunger strike by Johnny both were released after three weeks.

The next time he was interned was after O'Duffy's visit to Tralee ; he was sentenced to six months in Arbour Hill Prison in Dublin. He was later captured in Carrigans in Clonmel by a policeman who had previously arrested him in Tralee and was taken first to Thurles and from there to the Curragh where he was held for three years and six months. In this period the camp was burned and Barney Casey from Longford was shot dead.

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and Dan Keating, pictured in January 2007.

He was also on active service in England during the early 1940's, and returned to work in Dublin and operated as a barman in the Eagle House, James Street, the Cornet and the Kilmardenny public houses. His other great interest was Gaelic games, and indeed between football and hurling he has attended more than 140 All-Ireland senior finals including replays, which must be a record in itself. When he retired he returned to Kerry in 1978 and resided at Ballygamboon, Castlemaine and, in 2004, he replaced George Harrison of Mayo and New York as the fourth Patron of Sinn Féin Poblachtach since 1986, following in the footsteps of such illustrious republicans as Comdt-General Tom Maguire and Michael Flannery of Tipperary and New York. During his long, healthy and adventurous lifetime he had seen many splits and deviations from republican principles, but he remained loyal and true to the end. He died in Tralee on the 2nd of October 2007, at 105 years of age, after a short illness, and is buried in Kiltallagh Cemetery in Castlemaine, in Kerry, and his funeral oration was delivered by his comrade Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.

I measc Laochra na nGael go raibh sé .


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, February 1955.

DERRY MEN FINED : Patrick Shields, Terence Doherty, John O' Doherty, Thomas Mellon and Seán Keenan, all of Derry, were charged at Derry Petty Sessions on January 31st last with collecting for the Republican Prisoners Dependents Fund without having a 'police permit'. None of the men appeared in court . They were fined £2 each.

GAA SUPPORT : Offaly County Board, GAA, adopted a resolution that each club contributes ten shillings to a fund in aid of the dependents of the men imprisoned as a result of the raid on Omagh Barracks.

MISTAKEN IDENTITY : In our January issue we commented on an article by a David Jack, which appeared in the 'Empire News' newspaper of the 26th December 1954. In the course of our comment we stated that Mr Jack was the coach to the Shelbourne Soccer Club. We are now in receipt of a letter from Mr David BN Jack, the Shelbourne manager coach, in which he states that he is not a contributor to the 'Empire News' and has therefore no connection with the article in question. We regret the error and wish to tender our apologises to Mr Jack for publishing it.

(END of 'Derry Men Fined', 'GAA Support' and 'Mistaken Identity' : NEXT - 'Death Of Patriot Irishwoman', from the same source.)


From 'Magill' magazine, February 1998.

A porter I knew at Liberty Hall was renowned for the sheer breadth of his opinions on complex national and international issues, although he may have been a bit weak on portering as such. Where Noel Browne went wrong in his battle with the Catholic Church and the medical establishment, where the country (sic) went wrong on decimalisation and where the government went wrong on emigration were only some of his areas of expertise.

"Do you know what has this country ruined?", he challenged a couple of drinking cronies in the adjacent Liffey Bar on a cold January evening. His comrades hugged their hot whiskies, knowing they were going to be told anyway : "Relativity", he pronounced, looking up from his 'Evening Press'. "There was never any relativity in this country before the British unions..." And he went on to berate one 'British union' official in particular who, happily, is still with us.

I thought it an odd line from an ITGWU partisan, given the origins of Connolly and Larkin. As if reading my mind, he threw aside the latest coverage of industrial strife and triumphantly 'belled the cat' - "I tell a lie. He (naming the 'British union' official) is not responsible for relativity. I read one time that a foreigner called Einstein started relativity, but I still say yer man brought it to Ireland..." (MORE LATER).


Thanks to all our readers for continuing to check-in with us and we hope you keep doing so in 2019 - we do appreciate it, and like to think that we're doing a little something and maybe even making some progress in our endeavours to counter the manner in which the establishment media repeatedly misrepresent and/or ignore the Irish republican position. We haven't got the same resources at our disposal as the latter has but we'll continue to avail of the outlets we have - this blog, Twitter and Facebook - to promote what we believe in and hopefully reinforce that same belief in other Irish republicans and perhaps even convert some of those 'on the fence' to see issues as we do. A tall order, we know, but we're nothing if not persistent!

Thanks for reading, Sharon.