'The paper was founded by John Francis Maguire under the title 'The Cork Examiner' in 1841 in support of the Catholic emancipation and tenant rights work of Daniel O'Connell...the first issue of the newspaper appeared on 30 August 1841. Maguire was a barrister and an MP who supported an independent parliament for Ireland. From its inception, 'The Cork Examiner' was an advocate of constitutional nationalism.
The newspaper was originally an evening paper which appeared three times weekly...the newspaper's printing presses printed the First National Loan for the Sinn Féin Finance Minister, Michael Collins, in 1919, leading to the British authorities briefly shutting down the paper.
Ironically, the I.R.A. damaged the newspaper's printing presses in 1920, which were again destroyed by the anti-Treaty I.R.A. in 1922...' (from here.)
The newspaper had also found itself in difficulty in 1919 when it was closed down by Westminster for two days, in reprisal for it having published a Sinn Féin advertisement asking for donations towards a £250,000 fund that the republican organisation was trying to raise to further its objectives.
It had similar trials and tribulations the following year, 1920, when Westminster failed to get the results it wanted in the 15th January 1920 Elections in Ireland, so Westminster went to 'Plan B' - they called in British Army General 'Sir' Nevil Macready and appointed him as the 'Commander-in-Chief' of the their forces in Ireland.
Macready was known to be in favour of martial law and the imposition of a complete military dictatorship on the island and, in December 1920, he told his political masters in Westminster that his "military governors" in Ireland had been given 'permission' "to inflict punishments" on the local population following any IRA operation in that local area -
"Punishments will only be carried out on the authority of the Infantry Brigadier who, before taking action, will satisfy himself that the people concerned were, owing to their proximity to the outrage or their known political tendencies, implicated in the outrage...the punishment will be carried out as a Military Operation and the reason why it is being done will be publicly proclaimed." ('1169' comment - this was, in effect, carte blanche to the British military to do as they liked in Ireland.)
However, as a 'pr stunt', in the belief that he could portray himself as something other than the vicious bastard he was, Macready implemented a policy by which those to be 'punished' were given one hours notice to remove any valuable foodstuffs, hay or corn, but not furniture, from their homes, which were then reduced to rubble by the use of explosives.
But, generous to a fault as Westminster was (and is...!) to us Irish, a slightly different variation of this punishment was applied to those who lived in terraced houses - the furniture was to be removed from the dwelling and burned in the street!
On the 3rd January 1921, in Middleton, Cork, the British reduced seven houses to rubble "in official reprisal" for an IRA ambush carried out in the area, on 29th December 1920, in which three RIC/Tan members were killed. 'The Cork Examiner' newspaper carried a report of that particular IRA operation -
'Attack on Police at Midleton.
Followed by Ambush.
Two constables dead.
Closing on to ten o'clock at night when the police patrol standing at a corner of the main street were attacked by a large number of men who fired on them from three directions. The firing was of rapid but short duration. The ten policemen were considerably outnumbered, and taken as they were, completely by surprise, they had little time to put up a defence. One of them, Mullen, was shot by one of the first few shots discharged. He was killed instantly. A telephone call was made to Cork, and some lorries of police and ambulances set out and had nearly got to Midleton by 11.30pm.
The procession of lorries and ambulances, it is stated, had their way further impeded about two miles from the town, by obstacles, such as heavy branches of trees, lying on the roadway. They were just within two miles of the town, at a point where boreens cut off the main road, when fire was opened on the last lorry.
A sharp encounter ensued. In all, three policemen died as a result of the shooting.'
It was also on that same date (ie 3rd January 1921) that 'The Cork Examiner' newspaper printed a statement from the British, in which they outlined their position and intentions regarding that IRA attack - that statement declared that the "authorities" were going to destroy some nearby houses "as the inhabitants were bound to have known of the ambush and attack, and they neglected to give any information either to the military or police authorities."
Seven houses were chosen and the families in them were given one hour to remove any money or valuables, but not furniture. The houses were then destroyed as, indeed, was Macready's reputation in this country (and that of his kind in Westminster) so much so that he had failed so miserably in encouraging locals to support* him, his troops and their ideals that he had no reason not to try and bully and intimidate the locals into supporting him and his fellow thugs.
True to form for all imperialists.
(*Macready asked influential trade union leader Tom Foran to assist him to "get a grip" in Ireland, to which Foran stated - "William O'Brien, kidnapped by your predecessor and deported, is the person best qualified to give the most authentic information respecting the Labour movement in Ireland...it is useless attempting to 'get a grip on the conditions in this country' until you let go your grip on the citizens of this country.." - Macready obviously ignored that good advice and attempted to do the opposite.)
Anyway - in 1996, in a move to increase readership, its title was changed from 'The Cork Examiner' to 'The Examiner' and, in 2000, it became 'The Irish Examiner' but is now, unfortunately, an echo chamber for Leinster House propaganda.
'KEOGHBOYS OF THE 1950's...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
Mr George Coburn TD, the next speaker, stated that the importance of demonstrations such as the one in Ballycastle was that they were not provocative.
Mr PS Donegan TD did, however, to put it in vulgar parlance, "take the cake", and proceeded to point out without, of course, stating the specific incidents, how the direct attacks on the British military in this country resulted in a strengthened and more incited border patrol by the 'Special Constabulary' in the Six Counties, and in the recent shootings by that body.
"During the last six months the consequences of an incorrect approach to the eventual unity of a Christian Ireland have been amply displayed. Armed men have made incursions into this State within a State, and within a nation, in the mistaken belief that force can only be met by force and coercion by similar coercion.
Sadly, the obvious truth that like begets like was only too clearly displayed in recent incidents at the Border when one perfectly innocent young man lost his life and others, injured and uninjured, have stood the gravest danger of losing theirs..."
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (30TH AUGUST) 101 YEARS AGO : IRA ATTACK STATERS IN BANTRY, COUNTY CORK.
On the 30th August 1922 - 101 years ago on this date - IRA Volunteers from the Cork No. 5 Brigade arrived in the town of Bantry, in County Cork, to take the Post Office building back from the Free State Army, who were in occupation of it.
The rebels succeeded in capturing several buildings located near their objective but, as they were consolidating their gains, four of their number were killed - Brigadier General Gibbs Ross, Captain Patrick Cooney, Quartermaster Donal McCarthy and Lieutenant Michael Crowley, and one Free State soldier, a Captain John Hourihane - who had previously been an IRA Volunteer in the Cork No. 5 Brigade - was also killed in the battle.
The loss of four of their Officers led to the IRA retreating.
BRIGADIER COMMANDANT GIBBS ROSS, GLANDART, BANTRY.
CAPTAIN PATRICK COONEY, BRIDGE ST, SKIBBEREEN.
LIEUTENANT DONAL MCCARTHY, CARRIGBAWN, DRINAGH.
LIEUTENANT MICHAEL CROWLEY, REENOGREENA, GLANDORE.
'LIFE’S GREATEST SACRIFICE : FOR LIBERTY, FREEDOM, AND HAPPINESS.'
On the 30th August, 1921, Eamon de Valera replied to a letter he had received from Llyod George on the 26th August, in which Mr de Valera "stressed" how important it was 'that Ireland's declaration of independence and Britain's refusal to accept it' was. The same man was later to accept a so-called 'Free State' within Ireland and accept Britain's refusal to withdraw, politically and militarily, from all of Ireland.
In 'disturbances' in Belfast on the 30th August 1921 (mostly in the New Lodge Road, North Queen Street and York Street areas), nine people were killed : Stephen Cash, William Kennedy, William Smith, Annie Watson (5 years young), Henry Robert Bowers, Samuel Ferguson, John Coogan, Thomas McMullan and Charles Harvey.
On the 30th August 1922, the Free State administration in Leinster House issued an 'order' that any of its members involved in the anti-Treaty campaign should be arrested and also declared that any of its members currently in prison (ie anti-Treaty politicians) would not be released for the purpose of attending meetings of the institution (as they could rekindle old political passions in some Free Staters, no doubt).
On the 30th August 1922, a British Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Richard James Story, was found dead in Dublin -
'King’s Shropshire Light Infantry.
Lieutenant Story, a native of Wrington Somerset, was found at 11.35pm on Wednesday the 30th of August 1922 near Island Bridge Dublin, he had been shot in the head.
Initially it was suspected, and some witnesses testified, that Storey had shot himself but Storey’s revolver was produced in evidence and testimony given that the gun had not been fired for several weeks. A verdict of death due to laceration of the brain caused by a bullet fired by some person unknown was returned...' (more here.)
The 'story' is that that man, the army, agency, and political grouping that he represented shouldn't have been in Ireland, and they still shouldn't be here.
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
We assert our right to get a drink when or where we want it, and our individual needs take precedence over minor inconveniences that may be imposed when more restrictive laws are considered.
Meanwhile, we proclaim a desire to tackle the alcohol problem by our constant reference to underage drinking, when all the evidence is that the problem is not confined to the under-18's but exists among the over-18's also. This double-think is a recurring attribute of much of modern Ireland.
Ireland, enveloped by rapid social change - particularly in areas of personal morality - has shifted from the absolute certainties and authoritarianism of the past to moral relativism, at least in the area of parenting.
The 1950's have been blamed for many of Ireland's ills, and there has been a rush to jettison any disciplinarian residue from that period. So the child-centredness of Dr Spock, the parenting guru, has been adopted with gusto.
The result for parents is not so much that they do not wish their children to be well-behaved and responsible as that they are uncertain of how they should instill values lest they be dubbed backwoods people.
This ambivalence leads to a reticence in addressing a range of behaviours and values that include alcohol and drugs, relationships, the influences of pop music, abortion etc but, by their reluctance, parents have disempowered themselves and created a vacuum.
Stepping into the breach has been the State, whether by design or default, with the addition of more and more courses of a personal development nature to the already overcrowded school curriculum. To religion has been added 'Civic, Political and Social Studies', 'Relationship and Sexuality Education' and a pilot scheme for boys called 'Exploring Masculinities'... (MORE LATER.)
'IN ANSWER TO CHURCH AND STATE AND IN DEFENCE OF IRISH REPUBLICANISM...'
Address to the Annual General Meeting of Comhairle Uladh (Ulster Executive) in Cootehill, County Cavan, on Sunday, November 22nd, 1987, by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Uachtarán, Sinn Féin Poblachtach.
Comhaírle Uladh AGM, November 22nd, 1987.
The obvious inference of all this is that the British Occupation Forces in Ireland are morally right while the 'natives' who resist them are morally wrong.
But the 'natives' in this case are Irish people exercising the prerogative - some would say the duty - of resisting foreign aggression in their own land, a right common to all peoples on the face of the earth. However, the Catholic Church never said officially that the 1916 Rising was justified - quite the contrary, in fact - or that the partition of Ireland and the continuation of British imperialist rule here in new forms was unjust.
Similarly, the orchestrated reaction to what happened in Enniskillen is in sharp contrast to the low-key attitude or total ignoring of other occasions of great loss of life in Ireland since 1969.
One of the first major tragedies was in December 1971 when McGurk's Bar in North Queen Street in Belfast was demolished by a loyalist bomb and 15 nationalist people - the youngest aged 8 years and the eldest aged 80 - were killed. It was ignored...(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon and the team.
