- inscription on the grave (pictured) of Seán Glynn, who was born into a strong republican family in 1911 and, on leaving school, began work as a labourer.
In 1930 he joined the IRA and was known to be a committed Volunteer. He rose through the ranks and soon became O/C of 'B' Company of the Mid-Limerick Brigade, a position previously held by his father, John Glynn, during the early 1920's.
In 1936, the Free State government had banned the Wolfe Tone Commemoration at Bodenstown and ordered contingents of its State police and troops to block all approaches to Bodenstown.
In Limerick, approximately 30 republicans, including Seán Glynn, commandeered a Limerick County Council lorry and headed for Bodenstown.
They were apprehended at Dunkerrin, County Offaly and subsequently sentenced to prison terms ranging from 6 to 18 months (Seán was sentenced to nine months imprisonment). The prisoners were committed to Arbour Hill Military Prison, where the Free State Army ran an exceptionally harsh regime, including a policy of strict silence (the screws actually wore rubber-soled shoes, to ensure that they could 'appear as if from nowhere' in an attempt to frighten the prisoners), which was brutally enforced.
The Fianna Fail administration had warned that Arbour Hill "was no longer (sic) going to be a holiday camp or hotel for republican prisoners".
Conditions in the prison were grim - Free State military guards kept the republican prisoners in solitary confinement and they were punished for trying to speak or otherwise communicate with each other ; the prison was said to be like a tomb, and the system was intended to drive men insane and in some cases succeeded.
Several men never recovered from their months of solitude even if they did manage to preserve their sanity. These were the conditions that drove Seán Glynn, serving nine months for IRA membership - who had been in perfect mental health prior to his arrest - first insane and then, on Sunday, September 13th 1936 - 87 years ago, on this date - to take his own life (another IRA prisoner, Christy Aherne, had attempted to kill himself a few months earlier, for the same reason).
Two days after his death, Seán Glynn was buried in the Republican Plot in Mount St Laurence's Cemetery in Limerick.
At 24 years of age, he was driven to take his own life on September 13th, 1936 - 87 years ago on this date - by a Fianna Fail administration : driven to suicide by concocted prison conditions, Arbour Hill Barracks, Dublin.
Rest In Peace.
'KEOGHBOYS OF THE 1950's...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
Sinn Féin must indeed be this man's 'bane of bliss and source of woe', because he sacrificed his claim to even the slightest shred of common sense in an effort to discredit it -
"Of around 1,300,000 votes cast, only 2090 first preferences were in favour of the only party who advocated physical force. We, of the Hibernian Order, who have always condemned physical force, find it extremely gratifying that of a total of 1,300,000 votes cast at the last General Election, only 2090 disagree with us."
He did not state that out of the 147 seats Sinn Féin had only contested two constituencies in the Twenty-Six Counties with no machinery, no money and no propaganda from the press. The last brave statement is just amusing -
"The protestants and the catholics of Northern Ireland (sic) can, therefore, believe together that in a united Ireland the task of subduing a few hundred at the most who would refuse to accept the law of the land would indeed be a light one."
It was all ended by the singing of 'A Nation Once Again'.
God help us.
An Goban Saor.
(MORE LATER.)
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS...?
On the 13th September 1919 - 104 years ago on this date - 'The Dundalk Examiner' newspaper was closed down by British forces, who were operating under orders from their military superiors in Dublin Castle, and other so-called "subversive" newspaper were also visited by British military wrecking crews.
The newspapers targeted had, for the most part, published advertisements for the 'Dáil Loan' request from that 32-County entity and, in doing so, had marked themselves out as 'enemies of the (British) State'.
In the following weeks about 35 newspaper offices throughout the 32 Counties were attacked by the British, who physically prevented the printing of any material by taking the equipment and other machinery apart and removing the various components with them on leaving the premises.
The newspaper owners were later contacted by Dublin Castle operatives and told that they could have their equipment back and resume publication only if they gave signed personal guarantees that they "would not publish seditious literature" in future.
But at least seven newspapers were either never given the 'choice' or, if offered, refused it, and ceased publication.
Dáil Éireann (not the current institution on Kildare Street in Dublin) decided to increase its own advertising abilities to relace the lost outlets and produced three million leaflets/brochures explaining the benefits of the scheme and distributed same throughout the country, posted out more than 50,000 letters to what were described as "high-net-worth" individuals and (correctly, as it transpired) expanded the Dáil's 'Loan Department'.
The 'Dáil Loan' operation stayed active until mid-July 1920 and, when the final tally was done, it had raised over £370,000 (equivalent to between about five and seven million Euros today) and was oversubscribed by about 50%.
Westminster and its minions in Dublin Castle had cut off their nose to spite their face!
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
Ireland has always been famous for its strong sense of community, in which everybody knew everybody else* ; a society in which our roads were like umbilical cords attaching us to our families who nurtured us through their influence even from a distance : a society in which social opprobrium was one of the principle determinants of behaviour.
It was also a society that produced 'the valley of the squinting windows' as a metaphor for our intrusiveness and suffocation.
This has changed significantly and there are few, if any, social sanctions remaining - only murder, rape and financial wrong-doings are the focus of any public disapproval.
Evidence from other countries points to the controlling influence of social disapproval in stemming antisocial behaviour. Against this background, it is hardly surprising that crime is increasing, that teenagers are running amok and that their loutish behaviour, seen especially after exams, is regarded as nothing more than spirited high jinks...
( * '1169' comment : not anymore, unfortunately : State borders are, to put it very mildly, porous, and have been left so, purposely, for years. There now exists many new 'communities', consisting of tens of thousands of economic migrants, mostly young males, who are here to take whatever free resources they can, regardless of how they acquire them. Indeed, the political administrations in other countries have recently advised their citizens not to holiday in this State, as it's too dangerous to do so. And it's just as dangerous for State citizens here, too.)
(MORE LATER.)
'IN ANSWER TO CHURCH AND STATE AND IN DEFENCE OF IRISH REPUBLICANISM...'
Address to the Annual General Meeting of Comhairle Uladh (Ulster Executive) in Cootehill, County Cavan, on Sunday, November 22nd, 1987, by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Uachtarán, Sinn Féin Poblachtach.
Comhaírle Uladh AGM, November 22nd, 1987.
The British Government, for its part, refused to declare illegal the loyalist organisation which claimed responsibility and soon afterwards capitulated to the loyalist demands in scrapping Sunningdale.
The British royal visitors to the bereaved and injured in Enniskillen ignored the family of Tommy MacAuley, killed in a loyalist sectarian assassination in Belfast. In point of fact between seven and eight hundred catholics have died in the Six Counties in the same manner in recent years.
The lessons of the reaction to the Enniskillen bombing is that there are two standards being operated with regard to the loss of human life in the present armed conflict in Ireland. On the one hand, such deaths are minimised and quickly forgotten and, on the other, such occasions are used politically to root British rule even deeper in Ireland and to collaborate with it in the most humiliating fashion...
(MORE LATER.)
AND, FINALLY...
The 'Irregulars' were armed with rifles, handguns and grenades and, after the operations, one IRA man lay dead and another was injured, as were three Free State soldiers and three civilians. Also, a 'retired' RIC man, James O'Rourke, was killed during the battles.
On that same date, on Little George Street in Belfast, a young (Protestant) boy who worked as a messenger, John Walker, was shot dead by a lone gunman.
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon and the team.
