Friday, January 27, 2006

THE DUBLIN COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS - founded on March 3rd , 1886 : 120 years ago this year .
First published in 'AP/RN' , 27th February 1986 .

Monday , March 3rd 1986 marks the centenary of the Dublin Council of Trade Unions (DCTU) . To commemorate this occasion , Donal Lyons , with the invaluable co-operation of the DCTU's Centenary Arrangements Committee and the Irish Labour History Society traces the history of the DCTU from its inception , through to the traumatic 1913 Lock-Out , its leaders' involvement in the 1916 Rising and right up to the present day's campaign for tax reform :

The Dublin Council of Trade Unions was formed in the rather inappropriately-named and long-since-demolished Odd Fellows' Hall on Dublin's Southside on March 3rd 1886 . The inaugural delegate meeting of 27 unions had its origins in an exhibition in 1884 where the work of Dublin artisans was shown . Thirty-four unions were involved in the show and the regular meetings required to set the display up impressed upon the unions the need for a central body in Dublin to represent the needs of labour .

In its formative years , the DCTU was totally dominated by the craft unions and was inclined to be somewhat arrogant in its attitude to the general worker , taking the view that labour and capital should not be antagonistic to each other but should instead wotk together for the promotion of native industry . With this outlook the DCTU presented no threat to the political , social or industrial status quo and , not surprisingly , attracted the patronage of establishment figures such as the Catholic Archbishop William Walsh , Unionist Alderman Robert Sexton and 'Lord' Iveagh .......

(MORE LATER).




BLOODY SUNDAY.......
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - Tomorrow ,Saturday 28th January , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

On 29 January 1972 (the eve of 'Bloody Sunday') the DUP announced the cancellation of their 'prayer meeting' - "We have been assured that the civil rights march will be halted by force if necessary . We are prepared to give the (British) government a final opportunity to demonstrate their integrity and honour their promise , but warn that if they fail in this undertaking they need never again ask loyalist people to forfeit their basic right of peaceful and legal assembly . "

That same afternoon (29 January 1972) , a run-of-the-mill riot in William Street shuddered to a halt when a local man , Peter McLaughlin , was hit in the shoulder by a single shot fired by a British soldier stationed on a rooftop about 100 yards away - as the streets cleared , another man , Peter Robson , ran out to help : as he bent over McLaughlin , another shot from the rooftop on the Strand Road struck him in the shoulder and passed through his body less than half an inch from his spine .

Within an hour , the British Army had issued a press statement claiming that the two men had been throwing nail-bombs : they had fallen a few yards from the spot where Damien Donaghey and John Johnston , the first casualties of Bloody Sunday , were to be shot the next day . Neither man was ever questioned or charged in relation to the 'nail-bomb' allegation . Later that same night , (29 January 1972) at their home on Westway , Creggan , Peter Robson's brother Terry , having driven from Belfast upon hearing of the shooting noted military vehicles on the move in unusual numbers . He remarked - " There's something really odd about all this . Something's up ....... "

(MORE LATER).




INFORMERS : The RUC's Psychological War .......
From 'IRIS' magazine , March 1983.
By Sean Delaney.

When the RUC's Chief Constable Jack Hermon said on March 24th 1982 that the IRA "...is reeling from these blows and becoming desperate .. " he was undoubtedly giving voice to a new-found optimism shared by other Six County 'security advisors' that the IRA's 'back' , which , contrary to British government expectations , had been strengthened , not weakened , by the hunger-strikes , might finally be broken through the demoralisation among Republican supporters which they believed the use of informers would provoke .

That optimism proved ill-advised , and RUC man Hermon received a 'rap on the knuckles' from fellow loyalists for his bravado , when the IRA struck devastatingly next day in West Belfast , shooting three British soldiers dead in an M60 machine-gun ambush . Since then , the IRA has proved effectively time after time - maintaining earlier levels of military operations - that whatever internal problems have been posed by the RUC's use of informers , the tactic is far from being a winning card , and that its structure and operational personnel remain intact . Neither the large-scale arrests on the 'evidence' of Christopher Black or those on the 'evidence' of Raymond Gilmour and Bobby Quigley have prevented the IRA in Belfast and Derry operating with considerable success over the past year .

Nevertheless the RUC has continued its use of paid informers with undiminished enthusiasm precisely because the primary thrust of the tactic was not to cripple the IRA organisationally (which from bitter experience the RUC believes to be an unrealistic proposition) but has been geared to inflicting a political defeat by creating a crisis of confidence in the Republican Movement among its active supporters - demoralising them and making them afraid of giving support or assistance to IRA Volunteers , in case - so the propaganda goes - they should later be informed on ....... ('1169...' Comment - ...much the same as what appears to be happening today in the Provo organisation : Westminster , having exposed some of its own agents in the Provisional group , has succeeded in neutralising any possible political or military opposition to it that still may have been present in Adams' organisation . Members of that group now face two options - either stay 'in the fold' , which means keeping the head down , accepting further sell-outs and hope , like their leadership have , to obtain a political 'career' from doing so , or - walk ! And the fact that they did'nt walk away from the Adams Family ten years ago when this debacle started has convinced the PSF leadership [and rightly so , it seems] that their members are indeed politically 'pliable' enough to eventually fit-in to an RUC/PSNI uniform and to wear same in the belief that they do so in order to obtain the reunification of their country ! Redmond and Parnell must surely be surprised that such 'followers' still exist ...)
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Thursday, January 26, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

We call on those who would follow a leadership which flies in the face of all reason and experience of Irish conditions : we say to them - " Think again . The road to Westminster , Stormont and Leinster House is paved with the good intentions of erstwhile Republicans . Tomorrow may be too late . Give your support now to the Republican Movement which will last . Do not throw your efforts away on yet another parliamentary debacle ."

We have the support of Republicans in almost all the country outside of sections in Dublin and Wicklow and a small number of scattered individuals elsewhere . We are going ahead and one of our first steps is the launching of a new Republican monthly newspaper which will be called 'An Phoblacht' , the first edition of which is expected on February 1st (1970) . For a number of years now those involved in the take-over bid have traded on the good name of Sinn Fein - a name respected for honesty , integrity , sincerity and national ideals by Irishmen everywhere . Now that the 'umbrella' has been removed from them , they stand exposed and the Irish people in their own way can now form their judgement . We are content to leave it at that .

[END of 'WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS' .]
(Tomorrow - 'The Dublin Council of Trade Unions' : from 1986.)




BLOODY SUNDAY.......
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - on Saturday 28th January next , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

A meeting of the Stormont Joint Security Committee , chaired by Brian Faulkner , had been attended by the General Officer Commanding British troops in the North , Lieutenant General Harry Tuzo , RUC Chief Constable Graham Shillington , Junior British 'Home Affairs' Minister John Taylor and a British government Official . It is likely , to put it no higher , that the handling of the Derry March had been the main item on the agenda .

In London , Mr. Faulkner addressed a meeting of industrialists on the 'investment attractions' of the North , and then met for more than an hour with British Prime Minister Edward Heath at Downing Street before flying home ; on the following morning , Friday 28 January 1972 , Edward Heath presided at a meeting of his cabinet's Defence and Overseas Committee , attended by British Home Secretary Reginald Maulding , - responsible for 'Northern Ireland' Affairs - British Defence Secretary 'Lord' Carrington , Leader of the British Commons William Whitelaw , and the 'Joint Chiefs of Staff' .

This group , minus the Joint Chiefs of Staff , also constituted the British Cabinet's 'Northern Ireland Committee' - it is likely that the Derry March featured at this meeting , too : during the British Commons debate in April 1992 on presentation of the Widgery Report ,Edward Heath was to reveal that "...(British) Cabinet Ministers.. " had been aware of the plans for 'handling' the Derry March . The next day , 29 January 1972 , the RUC and the British Army issued a joint statement : " Experience this year has already shown that attempted marches often end in violence and (sic) must have been foreseen by the organisers . Clearly , the responsibility for this violence and the consequences of it must rest fairly and squarely on the shoulders of those who encourage people to break the law . The security forces ('1169...' Comment - sic) have a duty to take action against those who set out to break the law . " ('1169....' Comment - As we now know , that joint RUC/BA statement , issued on the eve of what became known as 'Bloody Sunday' , was a clear signal from Westminster that carnage was on its way to Derry ....)

(MORE LATER).




INFORMERS : The RUC's Psychological War .
From 'IRIS' magazine , March 1983.
By Sean Delaney.

1982 was a remarkable year for the Republican struggle in two respects - on the positive side , the hard lessons and re-appraisals that followed the hunger-strikes produced an increased politicisation among the Nationalist community and a growth in political maturity among Republican activists . The fruits of this , in terms of reflecting popular support for Republican resistance and a significant rejection of SDLP constitutional'reformism' , were seen by the October 20th Assembly elections which marked a real advance politically for the Republican Movement , posing yet another threat to the British administration's grip on the North .

Less fortunately on the other hand , 1982 was also memorable for the large number of paid RUC informers whose testimony has resulted in lengthy imprisonments on remand for scores of nationalists and some loyalists , has prompted widespread raids and house-wrecking across the North , and has left the usual catalogue of trauma and family suffering in its wake . The RUC's use of the 'informer tactic' has been facilitated by the enticement of massive financial rewards and immunity from prosecution for informers and by fundamental changes in legal practice in the Six Counties .

As the trial of 38 North Belfast people on the 'evidence' of informer Christopher Black draws to a conclusion , Sean Delaney takes a look at recent informer cases and argues that they should be viewed in terms of a massive psychological propaganda offensive against the Nationalist community by the RUC , and as part of a tactical change in the way that community's political resistance is repressed . Failing to understand that , or becoming demoralised , is dangerously to swallow that propaganda .......

(MORE LATER).







Wednesday, January 25, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

We are unanimous in that there can be no question of rapprochement or of meetings with those who are opposed to us ; for their part , their attitude before and during the Ard Fheis was as could be expected . On Saturday morning , January 10th (1970) , the opening day of the Ard Fheis , a Dublin morning paper carried an alleged ' Northern Command' statement which said , in reference to those against (State) recognition - ... " the divisive tactivs of those few malcontents .. " and "...it is being openly suggested that Fianna Fail has already succeeded in planting one of its agents in this group .. " .

The smear tactic was early in use : on Saturday night , before the Sinn Fein Commission recommendations could be considered by the Ard Fheis delegates , a statement was read from the already compromised 'Army Council' which urged the delegates to accept the proposals - it spoke in typically hard-line terms of the Provisional Army Council and its supporters , saying that "...if they persisted in error , then all sentiment must be put aside in dealing with them .. " : this dogmatist attitude is surely worthy of the Inquisition of many years ago in its dealings with 'heretics' .

The same source said later regarding 'recognition' that "...as long as they advanced one step in revolutionary theory , it did not matter if they slipped back two in 'organisation' .. " . Again , on that Saturday night , "...minorities.." which could not carry out whatever policies were adopted were told that they would have to 'get out' . So much for the attitude of the 'new parliamentarians' before Sunday , January 11th (1970) : sice then they have found our support to be nation-wide and decisive . They talk of "...healing the split.. " now that they are on the defensive : we reject their overtures for the reasons given in this statement and we believe that which divides us is fundamental and runs very deep . We call on them to cease describing themselves as Sinn Fein . That honoured name has never belonged in Westminster , Stormont or Leinster House . Let them join with their new-found 'friends' in their
'National Liberation Front' or whatever they wish to call it and leave the Republican Movement alone .......

(MORE LATER).




BLOODY SUNDAY.......
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - on Saturday 28th January next , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

Unionists were not impressed by the performance of the British 'security forces' regarding anti-internment marches - so they issued a threat of Orange Order marches in 'defiance' of the ban if a stop was'nt put to the anti-internment protests - " In the absence of a clear demonstration of the ban's effectiveness , the (British) government can hardly expect our people to observe it . " At Stormont the following Tuesday , 25 January (1972) , Ulster Unionists MP's Robert Mitchell and John Laird defied the party whip and voted for a motion jointly proposed by Mr. Craig and Dr. Paisley condemning the application of the ban to parades by "...the loyal orders.. " ; on the same evening , the Derry branch of the DUP called for 'action' against the Bogside-Creggan : "...the Queen's writ must run in all parts of our city .. " and announced a 'prayer-meeting' in Guildhall Square at 3PM the following Sunday to coincide with the scheduled arrival of the anti-internment march .

The DUP statement ended with a 'plea' - " Where are the men at the top ? Why are they so silent ? What are they waiting for ? " The following evening , Mr. Craig enthused a packed rally at the Apprentice Boys Hall in Derry , contemptuously contrasting the fumbling of Brian Faulkner with the 'tough leadership' that would have been forthcoming from 'true men' like Edward Carson - loyalists , he declared , "...must find new leaders and go into action . " He announced a series of demonstrations to begin the following week , to culminate in a 'monster rally' in Belfast on 18 March 1972 : "(Nineteen-seventy-two) would be loyal Ulster's (sic) year of decision . " At 8.30 AM the following morning , the first two RUC men to lose their lives in Derry in 'the Troubles' , Peter Gilgun , 26 , married with an 18-month-old son , and David Montgomery , 20 , were killed in a Provo ambush as their car travelled along Creggan Road at the edge of the 'no-go area' .

There was now , naturally , even more intense outrage in the calls for harsher 'security action' . As those two RUC men drove into the ambush , Mr. Faulkner was en route to London , possibly ruminating on the meeting of the Stormont Joint Security Committee , which he had chaired the previous night - and at which the Derry anti-internment march would have been discussed .......

(MORE LATER).




ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS .......
By Comdt. General Tomas Maguidhir (Thomas Maguire) , October 1986.

Comdt. General Thomas Maguire's Statement of 1969 :
" The majority of the delegates at the December 1969 IRA Convention , having passed the resolution referred to above , proceeded to elect an Executive which in turn appointed a new Army Council , committed to implement the resolution . That Convention had neither the right nor the authority to pass such a resolution . Accordingly , I , as the sole surviving member of the Executive of Dail Eireann and the sole surviving signatory of the 1938 Proclamation , hereby declare that the resolution is illegal and that the alleged Executive and Army Council are illegal , and have no right to claim the allegiance of either soldiers or citizens of the Irish Republic .

The delegates who opposed the resolution , together with delegates from units which were not represented at the Convention , met subsequently in Convention and repudiated the resolution . They re-affirmed their allegiance to the Irish Republic and elected a Provisional Executive which , in turn , appointed a Provisional Army Council . I hereby further declare that the Provisional Executive and the Provisional Army Council are the lawful Executive and Army Council respectively of the IRA* and that the governmental authority delegated in the Proclamation of 1938 now resides in the Provisional Army Council and its lawful successors . I fully endorse their call for support from Irish people everywhere towards the realisation of the full freedom of Ireland .

Dated the 31st day of December , 1969 .
Signed : THOMAS MAGUIRE , (Tomas Mac Uidhir) Comdt. General. "
('1169...' Comment - * Following the 1986 division , Comdt. General Thomas Maguire nominated the Continuity IRA as the legitimate IRA . Tom Maguire died in 1993 , aged 101 .)
[END of 'ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS' .]
(Tomorrow - ' INFORMERS : The RUC's Psychological War' - from March 1983.)






Tuesday, January 24, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

We believe in vigorous local government representation and we have the support of the majority of Sinn Fein local councillors in our present stand . We seek to build an alternative 32-County State structure which will draw off support from the existing British-imposed partition system within which our objectives are unattainable .

A number of assumptions and impressions exist in the public mind due to speculative and inaccurate reporting :
(A) That we are militarists who will promote 'border raids' is untrue . We will , nonetheless , support all efforts to defend our people in the Six Counties .
(B) It is said that we are 'wild men' , whose policies are crude and old-fashioned , while those now in opposition to us are 'reasonable people' . To this we reply that while we adhere to basic principles we believe in forward-looking policies as have been outlined in this statement .
(C) The generalisation that those who intend recognising Westminster , Stormont and Leinster House are 'progressives' while we are 'traditionalists' is also false . They will at best end up in parliamentary blind alleys as have the other splinters from the Republican Movement - Cumann na nGaedheal (now 'Fine Gael') , Fianna Fail and Clann na Poblachta , not to mention the Northern Nationalist Party . ('1169...' Comment - .....and this crowd , too .)

This was the British intention in imposing the 'settlement' of 1921 and after 50 years the constitutional framework has failed and frustrated the Irish people . While we take our inspiration and experience from the past we are realistic as to what will strengthen the people's will to resist British imperialism and what will weaken that will . Participation in the institutions designed to frustrate our people's progress to full freedom is certain to weaken that will to resist .......

(MORE LATER).




BLOODY SUNDAY.......
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - on Saturday 28th January next , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

The 30 January 1972 march was scheduled to begin in the Creggan and to weave through the Bogside before proceeding to Guildhall Square in the city centre ; it promised to be the biggest in a series of marches* that had begun on Christmas day with a demonstration from the outskirts of Belfast to the gates of Long Kesh internment camp . ('1169....' Comment - * A fact usually overlooked by journalists commenting on 'Bloody Sunday' and , equally , ignored by Westminster , who have attempted to portray that particular demonstration as the one-and-only time that 'the natives' "broke the law..." on group protests .)

In the four weeks before Bloody Sunday there were nine 'illegal' anti-internment marches across the North : Brit 'Supremo' Brian Faulkner was constantly challenged on the issue by 'dissidents' within his own party , such as William Craig , and by the 'Reverend' Ian Paisley , of the recently-formed 'Democratic Unionist Party' . Internment , they complained , had not made the 'State' more secure - the 'law' was openly being flouted on a vast scale . If "...drastic.." action was not taken , warned Mr. Craig on 16 January 1972 , "...there will be determined loyalist action to sweep weak leadership away .. " .

On 22 January 1972 , an anti-internment march in Armagh was scattered by British soldiers firing CS gas and rubber bullets ; on the same day , a march to a newly-opened prison camp at Magilligan in County Derry was beaten and kicked into disarray by British soldiers , including men of the First Battalion of the Parachute Regiment bussed-in from near Belfast . Civil Rights leaders complained about British soldiers 'putting the boot in' but , as far as Faulkner's far-right critics were concerned , he was still 'pussyfooting' around ! As Armagh and Magilligan marchers nursed their bruises on the way home , the 'Grand Amalgamated Committee' of the Orange Order , the Royal Black Preceptory and the Apprentice Boys of Derry was meeting in Lurgan .......

(MORE LATER).




ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS .......
By Comdt. General Tomas Maguidhir (Thomas Maguire) , October 1986.

Comdt. General Thomas Maguire's Statement of 1969 :
We publish in full the text of a statement issued by Comdt. General Thomas Maguire , Cross , County Mayo , on the question of Republican leadership -

" An IRA Convention , held in December 1969 , by a majority of the delegates attending , passed a resolution removing all embargoes on political participation in parliament from the Constitution and Rules of the IRA . The effect of the resolution is the abandonment of what is popularly termed the 'Abstentionist Policy' - the 'Abstentionist Policy' means that Republican candidates contesting parliamentary elections in Leinster House , Stormont or Westminster give pre-election pledges not to take seats in any of those parliaments .

The Republican candidates seek elections to the 32-County Parliament of the Irish Republic , the Republican Dail , or Dail Eireann , to give it its official title . The declared objective is to elect sufficient representatives to enable the 32-County Dail Eireann to be re-assembled . In December , 1938 , the surviving faithful members of the latest 32-County Republican Parliament , the Second Dail , elected in 1921 , delegated their Executive powers of government to the Army Council of the IRA .

This proclamation of 1938 was signed by S. S. O Ceallaigh (Sceilg) , Ceann Comhairle , Mary MacSwiney , Count Plunkett , Cathal O Murchu , Brian O' Higgins , Professor Stockley and myself , Tomas Maguire ....... "

(MORE LATER).







Monday, January 23, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

At this stage it is necessary to give an indication of our views on social and economic questions , because 'extreme Socialism' has been listed as one of the main points of difference : our socialism envisages the nationalisation of the monetary system , commercial banks and insurance companies , key industries , mines , building land and fishing rights ; the division of large ranches ; an upper limit on the amount of land to be owned by any one individual ; the setting-up of worker-owned co-operatives on a wide scale in industry , agriculture , fishing and distribution , but still leaving ample room for private initiative under State supervision. The extension and development of Credit Unions is also included .

What the junta which remained in control in the Intercontinental Hotel seek would lead to dictatorship and in this they travel the same road as the Communist Party of 'Northern Ireland' , the Irish Workers' Party and the Connolly Youth Movement . As an example - they tried to knock RTE cameras during the walk-out and assaulted several of the delegates who were leaving , showing that they would deny free speech to anybody who dis-agreed with them .

Ours is a Socialism based on the native Irish tradition of 'Comhar na gComharsan' , which is founded on the right of worker-ownership and on our Irish and Christian values ; it is hoped to expand and explain this in the near future . Many of those who left the Intercontinental Hotel and went to Parnell Square had worked hard in Housing Action Committees , the National Waters Restoration League , Land Leagues and such like and will continue to do so . We believe in the need for an 'Economic Resistance Movement' to arrest the decline and take-over of our country and we will continue on constitutional lines to organise the people to achieve our objectives of Irish freedom , political , economic , social and cultural .

We have played , and will continue to play , our part in the struggle for Civil Rights in the Six Counties ....... ('1169...' Comment - a bad choice of words for a document such as this : the struggle is not about obtaining mere 'civil rights' in the Six Counties - it is about removing the British military and political presence .)

(MORE LATER).




BLOODY SUNDAY.......
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - on Saturday 28th January next , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

Bloody Sunday was so hugely shocking at the time , and has echoed so distinctively and ominously down the years since , that it has come to be seen almost as an event on its own , as if having happened in isolation from the political context of its time . But the pressure that produced the spasm of evil around Rossville Street on 30 January 1972 had been generated from deep within the North's political system .

The 'parliament' at Stormont , which the Unionist Party had dominated for 51 years , was beleagured from without and disintegrating from within - the specific likely purpose of the Bloody Sunday operation will have been to thwart the perceived threat to Stormont rule posed by what was happening in Derry . The 30 January 1972 march was in opposition to internment without trial , which had been introduced by Mr.Brian Faulkner , 'Home-Affairs' Minister as well as British Prime Minister , under Stormont's Special Powers Act the previous August .

The march was 'illegal' , all parades having also been banned in August : Mr. Faulkner's extreme-unionist critics had welcomed internment but were angered that the blanket nature of the ban curtailed Orange processions , too . Internment so enraged the Catholic working-class areas from which most internees were drawn that many - and some not for the first time - instantly became 'no-go areas' for the RUC and the British Army . The largest and most obdurate was the 30,000-strong Bogside-Creggan district of Derry .......

(MORE LATER).




ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS .......
By Comdt. General Tomas Maguidhir (Thomas Maguire) , October 1986.

In June 1923 General Maguire escaped from Athlone Barracks and was never re-captured . Along with other surviving faithful members of the Second Dail - the last All-Ireland parliament - he delegated Executive Authority to the Army Council of the IRA in 1938 . In December 1969 , he recognised the Provisional Army Council as the legitimate successor to the 1938 body .

Comdt. General Maguire has delivered many commemorative addresses over the years , the most notable in recent times being at the symbolic funeral of Mayo hunger-striker Frank Stagg . In April of last year (1985) he unveiled a memorial plaque at Tuam old work-house site to eleven of his command who fell before Free State firing squads in 1923 . Among those who died at Tuam was his younger brother Sean , aged 17 years and three months . Tom Maguire remains active and farms at Cross , Claremorris , County Mayo : he is now the sole survivor of the Second Dail Eireann .......
(Tomorrow - 'Comdt. General Thomas Maguire's Statement of 1969' .)
(MORE LATER).







Friday, January 20, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

The leadership of the Republican Movement was obsessed with the Commission and getting its recommendations adopted , and preparations for the defence of our people did not receive the necessary attention . This was an underlying reason for the 'walk-out' : despite repeated warnings from last May on , sufficient priority was not given to this matter , with results too well known to require enumeration .

We will not dwell at length on this matter since it is self-evident to any observer of the Northern scene . We might add that we feel particularly strongly on this point ; we find absolutely incomprehensible from any Republican stand-point the campaigning in favour of retaining the Stormont parliament in August , September and October last when it was in danger of being abolished altogether by the British government .

In any future struggle for freedom it would surely be preferable to have a direct confrontation with the British government on Irish soil without the Stormont junta being interposed . In any event , the taking away of the Orange Order's power-bloc would surely be a step forward rather than backward . The line of policy adopted at the time was , of course , yet another product of the 'policy-makers' who by this time must have felt really secure and able to dictate.......

(MORE LATER).





BLOODY SUNDAY.
On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .
(Note - on Saturday 28th January next , a Commemoration to mark the 34th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday will be held at the GPO in Dublin between 1PM and 3PM . All Welcome.)

The British government has two closely related problems in dealing with Bloody Sunday : the first has to do with political motivation and responsibility for the massacre , the second with the possibility that a subsequent cover-up was organised at the highest level within the British political and legal establishments .

The facts suggest as a likelihood that the military operation was approved in advance by representatives of both the North of Ireland and British governments and mounted in order to shore up the Stormont administration headed by Mr. Brian Faulkner and that , thereafter , the lord chief justice of England conspired for political reasons to conceal or distort the truth and thus to pervert the course of justice .

There are no foreseeable circumstances in which a British government would sanction an inquiry that it was aware might establish these likelihoods as fact ; in other words , there is currently no possibility of the key demand of the families of the victims being met . Twenty-six years on (ie 1972-1998) , the 'Bloody Sunday' issue is as far from resolution as ever .......

(MORE LATER).




ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS .......
By Comdt. General Tomas Maguidhir (Thomas Maguire) , October 1986.

Tom Maguire :
Comdt. General Tom Maguire was Officer Commanding of the South Mayo Brigade of the Irish Republican Army in the Black-and-Tan war .

He led the Brigade Flying Column in the Kilfall and Tourmakeady ambushes and in the latter action was seriously wounded . In May 1921 he was elected Sinn Fein T.D. for South Mayo-South Rescommon and was later appointed General Officer Commanding , Second Western Division IRA . In January 1922 in the Second Dail Eireann he voted for the All-Ireland Republic and against the Treaty .

At various times during the 1920's he was a member of the IRA Executive . In October 1922 he was captured by Free State forces and interned in Athlone Barracks . In January 1923 he was one of six men set aside for execution : the other five men faced the firing squad .......

(MORE LATER).







Thursday, January 19, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

We have already dealt with the Sligo case and that of Cumann na mBan , but Northern Republicans were not to be exempt - Jimmy Steele of Belfast , who has suffered almost 20 years of imprisonment in Crumlin Road Jail for the Republican Cause , was expelled last July because he dared to criticise ultra-left policies in his oration at the re-internment of Peter Barnes and James McCormack in Mullingar .

Sean Keenan of Derry City , another veteran Republican who was Chairman of the Derry Defence Association last August and has been very active on behalf of Civil Rights in the North , was expelled in December last while on a tour of America . His first notification of this action came when a friend showed him a four days' old copy of the 'Irish Times' newspaper which contained a news report of his expulsion from the Republican Movement . These are but the most notable cases .

There is no doubt that all this formed part of a plan to push out certain members who opposed the 'master-minds' - in other words , those who showed they had minds of their own - and replace them with others . Around the country some people of mature years who had displayed no interest whatever in the Republican Movement heretofore , now joined its ranks and were quickly promoted to positions of influence . Such individuals had invariably had previous connections with the 'radical groups' already mentioned .

The basic method of procedure was stated to be that the ultimate objective was the only principle - everything else was merely a tactic ; truth and justice and many other things were to go 'by the board' , apparently . At the Ard Fheis itself elaborate precautions were taken regarding the admission of delegates known to be opposed to 'recognition' . Where a Sinn Fein Organiser would report a Cumann to be in favour or indecisive , receipts for affiliation fees and delegates cards were forwarded , even up to the eve of the Ard Fheis but the affiliation fees of long-standing Cumainn , well-known to be 'against' , were returned with the excuse that they were too late .

In Belfast , three Republican Clubs were denied representation on the 'grounds' that they had been "...inactive.." since August last . We leave it to the public to assess the validity of this last subterfuge , bearing in mind the circumstances of Belfast for the past six months . It seems hardly likely that any Republican would be 'inactive' . In all this harassment of the delegates opposed to 'recognition' , many of the full-time paid officials of the organisation were unduly active .......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

The irreversible trend of family interventions which Fr. Denis Faul had nursed , cajoled and nourished with emotional and moral exploitation , distortion of truth , vilification and downright political hostility to the hunger-strike and the achievements of the prisoners' demands , was in the ascendency .

The coup de grace to the hunger-strike was achieved at a meeting in the Lake Glen Hotel in Belfast where all but one of the families attending a meeting there with Faul indicated that they , too , would seek medical intervention . Challenges from the O'Hara and Fox families about the implied slurs and the baseless moral pressures which utterances of Faul's had subjected the mothers of those families to were waved aside with the same arrogance as when on previous occasions Faul had been exposed as untruthful .

Once again Fr. Denis Faul trotted out the rubbish of external authorship of prisoners' statements , and perhaps sensing 'victory' , embellishing his point by referring to members of Sinn Fein as "...thugs.. " and to the National H-Block/Armagh Committee as "...cowboys.." .

All that was left after that was the formal announcement by the Republican prisoners of the ending of the hunger-strike at 3.00PM on Saturday October 3rd , 1981 .

[END of 'FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN' .]
(Tomorrow - ' BLOODY SUNDAY : 30 JANUARY 1972 - 14 CIVILIANS SHOT DEAD' . )



ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS .
By Comdt. General Tomas Maguidhir (Thomas Maguire) , October 1986.

" There is no difference between entering the partition parliament of Leinster House and entering a partition parliament of Stormont . I speak as the sole surviving Teachta Dala of the Second Dail Eireann and as the sole surviving member of the Executive of the Second Dail Eireann .

In December 1969 , as the sole surviving member of the Executive of the Second Dail Eireann , I recognised the Provisional Army Council , which remained true to the Irish Republic, as the lawful Army of the Thirty-Two County Irish Republic . I do not recognise the legitimacy of any Army Council styling itself the Council of the Irish Republican Army which lends support to any person or organisation styling itself as Sinn Fein and prepared to enter the partition parliament of Leinster House .

The majority of delegates to a recent IRA Convention purported to accept the Leinster House partition parliament and , in so doing , broke faith and betrayed the trust placed in their predecessors in 1969 . The Irish Republic , proclaimed in arms in Easter Week 1916 and established by the democratic majority vote of the people in the General Election of 1918 , has been defended by Irish Republicans for several generations . Many have laid down their lives in that defence . Many others have suffered imprisonment and torture . I am confident that the Cause so nobly served will yet triumph " .

' If but a few are faithful found , they must be all the more steadfast for being but a few' - Terence MacSwiney in 'Principles of Freedom' .

Dated the 22nd day of October , 1986 .
Signed - Thomas Maguire.
Tomas Maguidhir
Comdt.General.

(MORE LATER).







Wednesday, January 18, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

It is of interest to note that the entire Cumann na mBan organisation was expelled from the Republican Movement because it objected to these 'radical groups' with their banners taking part in the Bodenstown parade of 1968 . The Sligo town Cumann of Sinn Fein , which included the Mayor , the late Councillor Norbert Ferguson , was disbanded in 1969 because they objected to the local Connolly Youth Movement marching as a body in uniform , in the annual Easter Commemoration parade .

After those Republicans were thrown out without their side of the case being heard , a 'new' Cumann of Sinn Fein was formed consisting almost entirely of the Connolly Youth members . We leave it to the people of Ireland to draw their own conclusions in regard to this point : we know that in other countries which have come under the control of organisations similar to these 'radical groups' , totalitarian dictatorship has been the outcome . We have no reason to believe that the result would be any different in Ireland. We believe that the delegates who 'walked out' had long been disgusted with the internal methods in operation in the Republican Movement for some time and indeed with the general atmosphere at the Ard Fheis .

In 1966 , the entire North Kerry Comhairle Ceantair of Sinn Fein , embracing 13 Cumainn and 250 members and including three local councillors and leading figures such as Miss May Daly (sister of Charlie Daly , executed at Drumboe , Donegal , in 1923 ) , John Joe Rice , Sinn Fein T.D. , 1957-1961 and John Joe Sheehy , veteran Republican and Kerry footballer , were ousted from the organisation . The underlying issue was the uncompromising stand of Kerry in refusing recognition to Westminster , Leinster House and Stormont . Others in Cork and Kildare resigned in disgust at what was happening .......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

On Saturday , 26th September 1981 , a statement was issued by the Republican prisoners who were on hunger-strike :

" From recent experience we have found Fr. Faul to be a conniving , treacherous man , not in the least shy about twisting the truth to achieve his own ends . Once he decided to oppose the continuation of the hunger-strike , he threw himself into a vigorous campaign to discredit both we prisoners and the National H-Block Committee .

Realising the futility of such a campaign , he turned his attention to the hunger-strikers' families , who are under tremendous pressure as it is , and he actively set about increasing the pressure on them . He has insinuated that those mothers who so courageously stood by their sons were somewhat less than 'loving mothers' ; and we utterly deplore such devious manipulation of emotional words to maximise the pressure on families , and especially on mothers , to go against their sons' expressed wishes .

At one stage , Fr. Faul was seen to be a sincere cleric who was genuinely concerned about the attainment of justice for prisoners , but now he has forfeited that moral standpoint on justice and emerged as the best friend the British government has . " (End of Statement.)

The prisoners' statement was in reality no more than putting their view on the historical record .......

(MORE LATER).



THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

If the Free State administration does not believe that the basic 'security structures' of the Six Counties can be reformed in the absence of a united Ireland , then there is no point in calling , as Charles Haughey has done , for the disbandment of the UDR before a united Ireland is achieved .

A cosmetic level of constitutional 'progress' which consists in no more than the establishment of a 'consultative process' achieves only the worst of both worlds , giving a validity to discredited 'security forces' and at the same time risking an escalation of loyalist violence . What is needed is real and tangible progress towards finding acceptable institutions of justice .

Without it , all the talks of "...historic objectives and a united Ireland .. " is just so much verbiage .

[END of 'THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN' .]
(Tomorrow - 'ENTERING LEINSTER HOUSE - A VETERAN SPEAKS' : from October 1986.)






Tuesday, January 17, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

Ex-members of the Irish Workers' Party who joined Sinn Fein and who were in a position to do so , made sure that the historical background to the Movement and the fundamental Republican position* were , needless to say , not part of the education courses which they were in charge of , so that for four or five years many young people came into the Republican Movement without knowing many of the basic tenets of Irish Republicanism ; by 1969 the process of infiltration and take-over was nearing completion , as will be seen . ('1169....' Comment - * Today , Provisional Sinn Fein refer's to its "30 year campaign" against the British , deliberately choosing to ignore its own history . It prefers its new members to be politically ignorant of that part of its past .)

There is no doubt that an extreme form of socialism was being pushed on the Movement by the 'policy makers' referred to and their aides ; this was a further reason for the 'walk-out' . While we ,who went to Parnell Square , believe in a Democratic Socialist Republic for all Ireland , it seems certain that the ultimate objective of the leadership which remained at the Intercontinental Hotel is nothing but a totalitarian dictatorship of the Left . It was admitted that the 'National Liberation Front' would eventually involve a merger and amalgamation with the 'radical groups' mentioned , since all would be working for "...the same ultimate objective.." .

Meanwhile , it was stated , joint educational classes involving members of the Communist Party of 'Northern Ireland' and the Irish Workers' Party could be held : " While we were strong on practice and weak in theory , the reverse was true of them and they could educate us on theory .. " , was how this was put . Furthermore , in the opinion of the 'master-minds' , there was no need for establishing a Republican youth organisation when the Connolly Youth Movement existed , nor was there any need for the Republican 'Clann na hEireann' organisation in Britain since the Connolly Association was there . The 'master-minds' also turned their attention to the Cumann na mBan organisation .......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

On Friday 4th September 1981 , Matt Devlin's family sought medical intervetion to prevent him from dying on hunger-strike ; he had gone fifty-two days on his fast . Two days later , on Sunday 6th September 1981 , Laurence McKeown's family did likewise - he had fasted for seventy days .

On Friday 25th September 1981 , Bernard Fox dropped out of the hunger-strike after thirty-two days because of a serious , premature deterioration which would have caused death within days . On Saturday 26th September 1981 , Liam McCloskey came off the hunger-strike after fifty-two days when his mother , accompanied by a Fr. McIldowney , convinced him that she would intervene in the event of him lapsing into a coma .

On that same day the prisoners issued a statement calling on Fr. Denis Faul to cease his hunger-strike breaking activities and to mind his own business by staying out of their affairs . That statement verbally lashed Faul , describing him as , amongst other things , "...the best friend the British government has.. " .......

(MORE LATER).



THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

Where Charles Haughey is wrong is to link this demand for the disbandment of the UDR with a rhetorical repetition of the demand for a United Ireland ; such a stance not only fuels the paranoia which it is in the interests of those who would manipulate Loyalist reaction to build up , it also ignores the fundamental problem of unity by 'consent' - the 'winning' of the consent of both communities in the Six Counties . That 'consent' can only be built on the basis of certain basic agreed structures of law and justice * and those structures need to be given time to work in the absence of the kind of strife and violence which the 'threat' of a United Ireland will provoke (ie - to the Loyalists). ('1169...' Comment - * 'Consent' can also be 'obtained' [and indeed, was so obtained] by , in this case , the enemy [Westminster] securing control of the leadership of what once was the
opposition . Doing a 'Scap/Donaldson/?/' , some might call it ... )
.

The 26-County administration either believes that the basic security structures of the North can be 'reformed' in the absence of a united Ireland or it does not - if it does , then the emphasis in any deal it can do with the British government needs to be on the radical overhaul of the 'security' machinery , and not on a 'consultative role' which involves responsibility without power....... ('1169....' Comment - The Dublin administration will do all in its power to assist Westminster to 'run' the occupied Six Counties : Leinster House may occasionally make noises to the contrary , especially around election time , but it long ago 'washed its hands' of any desire to re-unite this island . And that is one of the 'trump cards' which Westminster knows it holds .)

(MORE LATER).







Monday, January 16, 2006

(Still here.....!)


WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

The recommendations of the Sinn Fein Commission which were made , were two in number :
(A) ' That the relationship with "other radical groups" involving co-operation for the achievement of limited objectives be now brought a stage further ; that it be formalised into an alliance to be known for the sake of convenience as the 'National Liberation Front' ' .
(B) ' That , subject to certain conditions etc , Republican elected representatives should participate in Westminster , Leinster House and Stormont . '

Some of those who came into the Republican Movement from the Irish Workers' Party were prominent on both the Conference of 1965 and the Commission of 1968-1969 ; in point of fact , by 1969 they had , with the aid of a few long-standing members , become the 'master minds' and policy makers of the Republican Movement .

One of them in particular had been in charge of an 'Education Department' for the stated purpose of educating new members and re-educating older members into certain social and economic policies . ('1169....' Comment - a dangerous position for the Movement to have placed those people in . As we will see ...).......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

On Sunday August 23rd 1981 , Fr. Denis Faul eventually rectified the scurrilous and baseless assertions made in the 'Irish News' newspaper on August 14th 1981 , villifying hunger-strike supporters outside the prison and implying manipulation of the hunger-strikers - but it took a blistering row with Brendan McFarlane and other Republican prisoners to achieve that .

Emerging from the prison after saying Mass there on Sunday , August 23rd 1981 , Faul put the public record straight on that score - still declaring the hunger-strike situation as "...hopeless.." he nevertheless said that the prisoners "...insisted that the chain of command on the hunger-strike is inside the prison and they are not taking commands from outside . They asserted , very strongly , that all statements issued in their name do , in fact , come from them.. "

The public record was one thing - enforced as it was by a confrontation with the prisoners who needed a public response from Faul to satisfy them but , privately , as part of his on-going campaign of undermining and vilification , Faul was to adhere to his untruthful claims about the authorship of prisoners' statements in order to wean the hunger-strikers' families to his own ends . And his more subtle and less dramatic tactics paid off in the end .......

(MORE LATER).



THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

As symptoms , the behaviour of the UDR and the behaviour of the RUC have also been massive irritants in preventing the evolution of basic structures of law and justice which could win even a temporary and contingent consensus of 'Catholic' and 'Protestant' support ; Charles Haughey is again right to identify the disbandment of the UDR as a central pre-requisite to a meaningful agreement .

All but a handful of the 7,500 members of the UDR are Protestants and the increasing role that that British regiment has played in 'security' in the North has meant that through it and the RUC one 'community' has been given the task of 'policing' the other - 'security' has been hopelessly compromised as part of a sectarian apparatus , and much of the hatred and disgust which Catholics feel at the operation of the 'State' in the North has been directed at the UDR , a disgust quite properly strengthened by the role of UDR members in sectarian crimes .

This is not in itself the problem as John Hume says * , but the disbandment of the UDR would be an achievement which would give the Northern Nationalist 'community' reason to believe that the Southern government was acting as an effective guarantor ** of its immediate interests . Without the disandment of the UDR what can the Southern government hope to achieve by being 'consulted' about the operation of an innately sectarian 'security' system .......?
('1169...' Comment - * As far as Hume and his SDLP are/were concerned [and , indeed , the Church hierarchy and the rest of the 'Establishment'] , the "problem" was not the British presence , but those that opposed that presence [which is now the PSF line , too] ! ** The bastard Free State administration in Leinster House has always been an "effective guarantor" to the British - it never had , in the first place , a 'back' to turn to Republicans . And , regardless of its composition - it never will .)
(MORE LATER).







Saturday, January 14, 2006

1169 And Counting - Irish history , Irish politics : from today and yesterday : all 32 Counties !

We believe we may be taken 'off line' in the next few days .
On Thursday night last , January 12th , at approximately 10.10PM , the house belonging to myself , John Horan , in Clondalkin , Dublin , and at which the equipment used to publish the '1169...' blog is housed , was visited by four members of the 'Special Branch' , this States 'political police' force .
From past experience of such events (with this house and with houses belonging to our colleagues) this seems to have been a 'dry run' by those State operatives . We therefore expect to be raided in the near future and , as is usual in such events , computer equipment , discs , mobile phones etc will be removed from the premises .
If/when this does happen , we will obviously be unable to 'post' any articles for ... a while ! But we will get 'up and running' as soon as possible ! It is a small price to pay when one considers what those that went before us paid .


Slan go foill anois ,

John , Sharon , 'Junior' .
1169 And Counting .......

Friday, January 13, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

In the years 1964 and 1965 certain persons came into the Republican Movement from the Irish Workers' Party and the Connolly Association in England and , early in 1965 , a ' .....conference to discuss political tactics , policy and internal organisation (and make recommendations).. ' was established .

Most of the ten points which emerged (from the Conference) were turned down at an Extraordinary Ard Fheis in June 1965 , notably one which sought to have Sinn Fein recognise Westminster , Stormont and Leinster House . Another - which was also turned down but was later accepted by a further Ard Fheis - looked for "...co-operation with other radical groups.." in pursuit of limited objectives : these groups included the Communist Party of 'Northern Ireland' on one side of the 'border' , the Irish Workers' Party and Connolly Youth Movement on the 'other' side of the 'border' , and the Connolly Association in England .

Fifteen months ago , after the 'parliamentary' idea had been rejected at an IRA Convention by a majority of three to one and the continuation of "...co-operation with the other radical groups .. " already named , carried once more by a slender majority , a Commission was set-up to examine again all the policies of the Republican Movement and make recommendations - this Commission was to tour the country and take evidence at local centres .

In spite of the developments North of the 'border' since October 5th 1968 , in Derry , and the escalation of events throughout the Six Counties all through the first half of 1969 , the Commission remained blind to what was obvious to even outside observers . The terror of August 1969 in Belfast , Derry , Armagh , Dungannon and other places was not foreseen when the Commission reported finally in July 1969 , nor was anything of the kind considered or provided against .......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

From Thursday August 20th 1981 , an insidious campaign of moral exploitation took place involving clerics who not only adopted Bishop Daly's recommendation of family intervention but posed it as a moral duty for Catholic mother's to do so .

So conspiratorial were they in their endeavours that when three Belfast men - Pat Sheehan , Jackie McMullan and Bernard Fox - joined the hunger-strike consecutively , on August 10th 1981 , August 17th and August 24th , respectively , it drew the somewhat neurotic response from Fr. Denis Faul that this was a deliberate ploy aimed at making their families more amenable to 'ghetto discipline' !

The reality of the situation was , however , that as Belfast men constituted the biggest percentage of all the H-Block prisoners it was unavoidable that at some stage a geographic spread of hunger-strikers from throughout the Six Counties could not be maintained by the prisoners : what Faul was in fact decrying was that he believed Belfast families to be less amenable to his influence . Faul was to have a blistering row with the Republican prisoners after which he backed-down , but only reluctantly so .......

(MORE LATER).



THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

Charles Haughey's 'sleight-of-hand' should not be allowed to obscure , as it has to date , the debate about the 'consultative role' which the 26-County government is to have after the signing of the Hillsborough Treaty : for it is * possible to isolate the demand for legitimate and agreed institutions for policing 'Northern Ireland' and for administering justice from the demand for a United Ireland . (* '1169...' Comment - In our opinion , the two cannot be separated : the claim of 'jurisdictional control' from Westminster throws a shadow over any attempt to do so successfully .)

And it is clear that a 'consultative role' which comes into effect only before the institutions of 'the Northern State' have been reformed is meaningless . If the 26-County government is to be involved in overseeing the operation of (British) 'security forces' which have not been fundamentally reformed , then they will be in an even weaker position than they are at the moment in seeking to represent the point of view of northern Nationalists with regard to those 'security forces' .

They may find theselves unable to exert any control over the RUC and the UDR , and at the same time unable even to protest publicly about the behaviour of the RUC and the UDR because they are locked into a 'consultative process' . John Hume argued at the SDLP conference that the UDR , the RUC and their behaviour were not the 'Northern Ireland' problem ; Hume said that "...they were symptoms of a deeper problem , which is division .. " . This is of course true * , but it is not an excuse for entering an 'agreement' which leaves the position of the UDR and the RUC fundamentally unaltered ....... (*' 1169...' Comment - ...as usual with the SDLP , they sold themselves short with that comment : they should have asked who fostered that "division" , and laid the blame at that doorstep . But those with a 'Free State' mentality will never do that - it is easier not to . And certainly safer .)

(MORE LATER).







Thursday, January 12, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.......
The following statement was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 .

Those who remained in The Intercontinental Hotel on Sunday January 11th 1970 sought to reverse this basic principle of the Sinn Fein organisation down the years and to participate in all three existing parliaments . That sitting and participating in the affairs of these assemblies constitutes recognition of them , all reasonable people will agree without hesitation .

Those who walked out stand by the Constitution and Rules of the Sinn Fein organisation ('1169....' Comment - ....as , indeed , they did in 1986 when others [including those working for British Intelligence] attempted to constitutionalise the organisation) and claim the historic name of Sinn Fein , while those who remained sought , without success , to alter that Constitution and change a National Movement into yet another political party seeking votes at all costs ; having failed to secure the necessary two-thirds majority to effect these changes they then pressed on the Ard Fheis (ie - the Organisation's 'AGM') a resolution requiring a simple majority only viz : "...expressing allegiance to the IRA leadership.." which had , prior to the Ard Fheis , adopted recognition of Westminster , Stormont and Leinster House as policy.

This the delegates loyal to a 32-County parliament could not tolerate and since the resolution in question seemed likely to be carried , they took the only action open to them if they were not to be compromised - they walked out and resumed the Ard Fheis elsewhere ( in the Kevin Barry Hall , Parnell Square , Dublin) . The background to these events is not as well known as the events themselves : we refer to the years 1964 and 1965 .......

(MORE LATER).



FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

In an attack on the hunger-strike and on Republicans in general , Fr. Denis Faul , indicative of his general as well as specific political attitude to the hunger-strike , Faul defended the 'Establishment' , whose continuing co-operation with the British government , Republicans had correctly pinpointed as the chief buttress of its intransigence : " It is not a 1916 situation . People have not changed their political consciousness to any great degree . It is foolish to expect salvation from an increased effort from the Dublin government , the hierarchy and the SDLP ... "

Prominent among his other ludicrous assertions was that the statements issued by the Republican prisoners were written by people on the outside ! But more serious was the implication of external manipulation of the hunger-strikers , inherent in that ridiculous assertion . Overall , the purpose of Fr. Denis Faul's attack was to further instill defeatism , defend the 'Establishment' which reflected his own political views and vilify the prisoners' supporters .

On Thursday , August 20th 1981 , Micky Devine , the tenth and final hunger-striker to give his life for political status , died at 7.50 AM after sixty days on hunger-strike . The Nationalist people of Fermanagh and South Tyrone cast their votes to elect Owen Carron as the prisoners' candidate that day also . Early that evening , Mrs. Pauline McGeown sought medical intervention to prevent her husband , Pat - at that stage forty-two days on hunger-strike - from dying .......

(MORE LATER).



THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

Loyalist opposition to a Dublin voice will focus on the consultative machinery involving the Dublin Government and on any secretariat from the South which is based in Belfast . There is a tendency to assume that those aspects of an agreement would of themselves be enormously significant for nationalist aspirations , but a clear look at the consequences of such a 'consultative' machinery suggests otherwise - Charles Haughey has good reason to regard a 'consultative role' which gives responsibility without authority as potentially "...disastrous.. " .

In many ways a 'consultative role' is a diplomat's dream - the prospect of continuing , open-ended discussion , of an endless series of 'nods and winks' and behind-the-scenes 'bargainings' has innate attractions for the professional diplomats who have negotiated the substance of the deal . It sets up a machinery which is self-generating and ultimately self-'justifying' ; there is always plenty to consult about and consultation is always sufficiently vague to be seen as an end in itself ! ('1169...' Comment - 'Talks about Talks' , anyone ... ?)

The point , however , is the institutions which this machinery is meant to oversee , and it is those institutions themselves which have created the immediate problems which the Anglo-Irish process is supposed to tackle . Mr. Charles Haughey has engaged in some 'sleight-of-hand' in this regard - the term 'alienation' which has been used so often to sum-up the plight of the Northern nationalist is deeply ambiguous - it implies at once an alienation from 'the United Kingdom' , which can only be overcome by the institution of a United Ireland , and a more specific alienation from the machinery of security and justice , which can be overcome in the absence of a United Ireland - Haughey has used these senses of 'alienation' interchangably , allowing him to move imperceptibly from criticising any arrangement which does not tackle the alienation of the nationalists from the 'security forces' and
the 'Courts' to maintaining that there is no solution short of a United Ireland ....... ('1169...' Comment - We have had over eight centuries of 'solutions' imposed on us , and all have failed . Though it pains us greatly here on this blog to do so (for other reasons) , we would have supported Haughey in his supposition regarding the 'United Ireland' solution . Having said that , we do recognise that Haughey was simply 'playing the green card' - the man is a Free Stater at heart . ) .......

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Wednesday, January 11, 2006

WHERE SINN FEIN STANDS.
The following is the statement which was issued subsequent to a meeting of the Caretaker Executive of Sinn Fein on January 17th 1970 :

We , the Caretaker Executive of the Sinn Fein organisation , wish to explain to the Irish people why almost half of the delegates to the recent Ard Fheis 'walked out' from the Intercontinental Hotel ('1169.... ' Comment - ...now 'Jury's Hotel' , Ballsbridge , Dublin 4) on Sunday January 11th 1970 , and resumed the Ard Fheis in the Kevin Barry Hall , 44 Parnell Square , Dublin . There they elected us as a Caretaker Executive pending the re-convening of a full Ard Fheis .

There are five major reasons for the walk-out : each is explained in detail in the following paragraphs :

RECOGNITION OF PARLIAMENTS .
The Sinn Fein organisation , since its foundation in 1905 , has consistently denied the 'right' of the British Parliament to 'rule' in Ireland . Similarly , Sinn Fein has refused to recognise the two partition parliaments at Stormont and Leinster House , forced on the Irish people under the British Government of Ireland Act 1920 , and the Treaty of Surrender of 1921 .

Sinn Fein's alternative to those British institutions of government was the All-Ireland Republican Dail which it assembled in January 1919 ; it remains the task of Sinn Fein today to lead the Irish people away from British , 6-County and 26-County parliaments and towards the re-assembly of the 32-County Dail which will then legislate for and rule all Ireland .......

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FR. DENIS FAUL : A CONNIVING AND TREACHEROUS MAN .......
First published in 'IRIS' magazine , Volume 1 , Number 2 , November 1981 .

On Friday , August 14th 1981 , Fr. Denis Faul launched a public attack on the IRA and the hunger-strike , daubing the latter as "... hopeless.. " and "...a situation of dispair .. " . More interestingly he did not confine his attack to further instilling defeatism , but at one point in an attack on the aims of the hunger-strike , which is indicative of his own political attitudes and which cannot be isolated from his political attitude to the hunger-strike and his activities therein , Faul suggested that maybe the real issue was "...the control of the voice of Irish Catholic Nationalists .. "

This was a ridiculous suggestion to be posing to Republicans , who were opposed to the hunger-strike from the start because of the personal tragic consequences for their comrades and their families but which must surely counterpose the question - were Fr. Faul's hunger-strike breaking activities aimed at ensuring that its political consequences , by default on the part of the Nationalist 'establishment' as much as anything else , did not lead to the total erosion of that 'establishment's' influence over the Nationalist people .......?

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THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT - THE SHADOW OF THE GUNMEN .......
As the Anglo-Irish talks reach their conclusion , FINTAN O'TOOLE talks to activists of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party and hears that they would prefer civil war to an accommodation with Dublin .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .

The evidence of 1912 , of 1920 and of 1972 , argues against the belief that 'the Protestants' are bluffing ; in each of those years tens of thousands of ordinary Protestants joined 'official' or 'unofficial' paramilitaries - the UVF in 1912 , the 'A' and 'B' and 'C' Specials in 1920 and the UDA in 1972 , when Stormont was prorogued .

Both in the early 1920's and the early 1970's substantial numbers of Catholics were brutally murdered ; in 1972 , as now , there was no immediate threat to the position of 'Northern Ireland' in the 'United Kingdom' , but the response was none the less vicious . There is no reason to believe that it would be different in 1985 if the Loyalists perceive a threat , and it is clear that they do perceive such a threat even in a relatively innocuous consultative machinery involving the Dublin government .

The strategy of Ian Paisley's DUP for defeating an Anglo-Irish agreement involves a carefully-staged series of moves , from parliamentary opposition to the engineering of electoral contests to civil disobedience and finally to armed conflict and the declaration of a Provisional Government . Whether or not all of these stages actually come into force , it is clear that the opportunity for the DUP to build up tension , with a consequent open invitation to the sectarian killers to go to 'work' , is there to be exploited .

However loathsome the DUP's 'ballot-box-in-one-hand-and-armalite-behind-the-back' strategy , it has obvious political advantages for them in their attempt to establish themselves as the political spokesmen for Ulster Loyalism and it has to be taken seriously .......

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