PROSE AND CONS.
By prisoners from E1 Landing, Portlaoise Prison, 1999.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS :
Grateful thanks to the following for their help, support, assistance and encouragement, and all those who helped with the typing and word processing over the past few months. Many thanks to Cian Sharkhin, the editor of the book, Mr Bill Donoghue, Governor, Portlaoise, Mr Seán Wynne, supervising teacher, the education unit in Portlaoise Prison and the education staff, especially Zack, Helena and Jane. Education officers Bill Carroll and Dave McDonald, Rita Kelly, writer, print unit, Arbour Hill.
First Print : November 1999, reprinted March 2000, illustrations by D O'Hare, Zack and Natasha. Photograph selection : Eamonn Kelly and Harry Melia.
DEAFNESS.
Most of them pretend they are deaf
until they hear the till
the Judge shouts from the bench
Yes! they will
"That's right, My Lord
there's a ringing in my ears,
it wasn't there before I joined the army
but now it's my greatest fear
I can't concentrate on what I do
I argue with the wife,
this message that lies between my ear drums
plays havoc with my life
I'm cross with the kids
people think I'm lying,
they don't realise at times
all I'm doing is crying"
On the field of fire
the bullets whizzed in and out,
the Captain said he called for hours
I wondered why he didn't shout,
"You've been disobeying orders lately
do you know that, McGuire?"
I pondered to myself
was he calling me a liar...?
Paul Dillon.
(Next : 'Physical Confinement', by Paul Dillon.)
CHILEAN FIGHTERS NEED YOUR HELP NOW....
The following piece was published in the 'Socialist Republic!' newspaper in September 1986.
The Chilean people have recently created an armed wing of their struggle against the Pinochet dictatorship - the 'Manuel Rodrigues Patriotic Front'. Although very little has been published in the press, their often spectacular actions of sabotage and attack on the regime forces have proven very successful. The following is a testimony of one of the fighters in the aftermath of one such operation.
THE RETREAT.
"I get up and when I turn the corner I see a CNI car with two people inside. I take a deep breath and try to walk as normally as possible. One of those in the car says 'That one, with the jacket' and they get out of the car with their guns ready to shoot and they corner a young lad against the wall. He appears to be a student. I carry on walking for another block and I meet the main cordon. I am unable to go back so I carry on walking straight toward them. I go past the cars and the agents standing there - they take no notice and I keep going. I cross the street.
Seven blocks further on I feel faint. I see the sky falling in on me, then the trees, the houses and the ground. Sometime later I wake up in a church. The people's hands have delivered me from the enemy."
(MORE LATER).
STUNNING SILENCE....
The British publishing group 'Macmillan' must have been sorely disappointed by the media's reaction, or lack of it, to the launch last month of Paul Foot's book 'Who Framed Colin Wallace?' By Eamonn McCann, from 'Magill' magazine, June 1989.
While engaged in his job as 'press officer', Colin Wallace became aware that action to end the homosexual abuse of adolescent boys at Kincora was being blocked by the intelligence services, presumably in the hope of using the situation for blackmail or information-gathering purposes. When Wallace finally baulked at these malpractices he was first transferred out of the North of Ireland and then forced out of the British Army, and then a most elaborate effort went into framing him for the killing of a friend in Sussex in 1980.
Wallace's tale has been covered piecemeal in the past in both British and Irish media and this is the main explanation offered by a number of likely journalists for their attitude that notwithstanding the mildly dramatic manner of its publication, there wasn't much news in Paul Foot's book but, actually, there is significant new matter in it - hitherto unpublished details of what was happening in Kincora and 'raw' data about the operations against 'unsound' politicians, as well as much the most detailed and meticulous examination so far of the evidence on which Wallace was convicted of manslaughter.
Paul Foot draws the strands of this untidy tale together for the first time and puts the story in the context of other recent revelations about the British secret services, such as the Pointing, Wright and Massiter events. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (23RD SEPTEMBER) 39 YEARS AGO : "A THUNDERING DISGRACE".
Ireland, 1970's : turmoil in the country, due to the then-as-now unwanted political and military interference here by Westminster. The Leinster House administration was headed-up at the time by Fine Gael's Liam Cosgrave , and among the many harsh laws introduced, enforced and 'improved on' by the Blueshirts was a censorship act, 'Section 31'.
The then Free State President was a Fianna Fail man, Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh , said to be a compromise candidate by the powers-that-be at the time, as he fitted the requirements dictated by the 'establishment' (ie 'a safe pair of hands') - he was previously the Free State Attorney General and Chief Justice of the FS Supreme Court, and was given the Office, unopposed, in 1974, following the death of Erskine Hamilton Childers. But it was that legal training which raised a red flag with him in relation to a piece of legislation which the Blueshirt Leinster House administration wanted him to 'rubber stamp' - the 'Emergency Powers Act', and the fact that Ó Dálaigh and Cosgrave didn't agree with each other, socially or politically, came into play : Ó Dálaigh refused to simply 'sign off' on the 'EPA' without first testing its constitutionally.
On the 23rd of September, 1976 - 39 years ago on this date - Ó Dálaigh spent four hours consulting with a bunch of posh suits known as the Free State 'Council of State' on whether or not it would be best practice to refer the legislation to the Free State Supreme Court to test its constitutionality before he could declare it to be 'the law' and it was decided that that would be the best thing to do, a decision which annoyed the Blueshirt administration. Just over three weeks later (ie on the 15th October 1976) the FS Supreme Court declared that the 'EPA' was a legitimate piece of legislation and it was only then that Ó Dálaigh deemed it necessary to sign-off on it, which he did, reluctantly (or so it was alluded at the time) but that 'victory' wasn't enough for Cosgrave and his people - they considered themselves to have been disrespected by the actions of Ó Dálaigh and, three days later (ie on the 18th October 1976) , they could contain themselves no longer : it was on that date that the Free State Minister of Defence, Paddy Donegan, was opening a new Free State army barracks in Mullingar, County Westmeath (having, seemingly, forgot that Ó Dálaigh was the Commander-In-Chief of said army!) that he made a remark (he was concussed at the time, he later claimed!) which was to haunt him for the rest of his life. He 'kicked himself up the transom' , if you like, which wouldn't have caused as much damage as firing a shotgun over dwellings in which people lived - more about that 'eccentric' (!) Free State politician can be read here...
RAFFLES...
...AND RALLIES!
The raffle was held on Sunday, 13th September last, after the usual five day preparation period and, as expected, it was a busy few days for those of us involved and a very successful one for the Dublin Executive of Republican Sinn Féin : all 650 tickets were sold, €440 was handed out in prize money and most of the tickets for the October raffle were distributed. The hotel was packed, as usual, and the fifty tickets that we managed to hold on to for sale on the day were bought up within twenty minutes of us having arrived on site. And that's gonna cause problems for us at the next raffle, which will be held on Sunday 11th October - the hotel will be standing-room only, as the football team from this State are playing a match against Poland on that same date and a team representing the Six Counties are playing against Finland. Plus, Scotland are up against Gibraltar, Denmark are taking on France and, amongst other such fixtures, Serbia are playing against Portugal. A 'full house' in the raffle hotel is always good for business for them, once they have a good supply of food and drink to sell and the same goes for us - it would be good for our 'business' if only we had a good supply of tickets to sell, which we don't, unfortunately. But we're working on solving that problem...!
The 'Eve of All-Ireland Rally', which has been held in Dublin since the 1950's (if not before), took place on Saturday 19th September last, on the traffic isle facing the GPO in O'Connell Street and was, as usual, extremely well organised by the RSF committee behind it as, indeed, it was in the 1950's :
'One of the largest public rallies seen in Dublin for years was held by Sinn Féin at the GPO on the eve of the All-Ireland Football Final . Headed by a Colour Party and a pipe band , a parade of more than 2,000 people marched from Parnell Square through the main city thoroughfare as a protest against the continued unjust imprisonment of Irishmen without charge or trial . Contingents from all over the country took part and many carried banners and placards including groups from England and Scotland . In the Ulster section was a strong representation of the Derry supporters who thronged the capital city for the Final . One placard they carried asked - ' Why are Six-County Nationalists interned in the Curragh?' .....' (From 'An tÉireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1958.)
The event was Chaired by Josephine Hayden and two RSF members - Des Dalton, President, and Geraldine McNamara, PRO - spoke from the lectern as did one uniformed member from Na Fianna Éireann.
Three-hundred-and-fifty 'leaflet packs', comprising 1,200 printed items of a republican nature, were distributed on O'Connell Street before and during the proceedings and were eagerly accepted by the public, as were the words of Des Dalton in relation to the recent Free State hijacking of a republican icon : "The hijacking of the remains of the executed 1916 leader Thomas Kent by the 26-County Administration is a blatant attempt by that discredited administration to claim ownership of the legacy of the 1916 Rising for its own political advantage. The Irish people will see through this for the empty charade that it is. However, it shows scant respect for the memory of our patriot dead.
The 26-County State came about through the suppression of the All-Ireland Republic proclaimed in 1916; its foundation moment lies in the passage of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 through the British Parliament at Westminster and not the reading of the Proclamation at the GPO on Easter Monday 1916. They have no legitimacy in commemorating 1916; the 26-County State is a negation of everything that the All-Ireland Republic stood for as articulated in the 1916 Proclamation. In their haste to lay claim to the memory of Thomas Kent and the other patriots of 1916 the Leinster House establishment have accused Irish Republicans of 'hijacking 1916'. How can republicans hijack something they have never abandoned? Irish republicans have faithfully commemorated the events of 1916 since 1917, at times they have faced imprisonment and harassment at the hands of the 26-County State for doing so. Infamously the Leinster House regime banned the 1976 commemoration, prosecuting the daughter of James Connolly, Nora Connolly O’Brien ,for her participation in the commemoration at the GPO as well as Fiona Plunkett, sister of Joseph Plunkett, another of the signatories of the 196 Proclamation.
Consequently these latest attempts ring hollow while the hijacking of the remains of our patriot deed is a distasteful act of political opportunism. 1916 belongs to the Irish people and those who are faithful to its ideals and vision of a New Ireland."
A full report and more pics will be published in the October 2015 issue of 'Saoirse', which goes to print on Wednesday, 7th of that month.
TA GAEILGE BEAG AGAM - NI TIR GAN TEANGA!
Tá Facebook ag glanadh ainmneachaí Ghaeil, agus pobail mionlaigh eile, ón suíomh acu faoin bpolasaí "fíor ainm" agus ag iarraidh ar dhaoine cáipéisí a thaispeáint ag cruthú nach "bréag ainm" atá á n-úsáid acu. Is ionsaí é seo ar chearta bunúsacha teanga agus féiniúlacht dhaoine!
Beidh agóid ann ag ceanncheathrú Facebook i mBÁC 2 ar an 7ú Deireadh Fómhair @ 2 i.n. ('Facebook are deleting the accounts of Irish speakers, and other minority communities, from their site under their misguided 'real name' policy and demanding people show documentation proving they are not using 'fake names'. This represents an attack on basic language rights and people's identities! There will be a protest at Facebook HQ in Dublin 2 on Wednesday 7th October at 2pm.')
As Pádraig Pearse stated - "Tír gan teanga, tír gan anam" ('A country without a language is a country without a soul').
"Facebook is where people come to make real connections with the people they care about. An important part of this is being able to express your true self. We recognise that some people want to be able to define their true gender identity beyond the definitions of just 'male' or 'female' in order express themselves authentically.
Following feedback from our community in Ireland and successful launches elsewhere, we are proud to announce the launch of a custom gender option to help people from Ireland better express themselves on Facebook..."(..from here.) "Better express themselves" on 'Facebook' provided they don't attempt to do so in their own name, in their own language, it seems. Fair play to all who assemble at FB HQ on Wednesday 7th October next to tell the Zuckerberg's of this world to póg mo thóin...!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
PROSE AND CONS.
By prisoners from E1 Landing, Portlaoise Prison, 1999.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS :
Grateful thanks to the following for their help, support, assistance and encouragement, and all those who helped with the typing and word processing over the past few months. Many thanks to Cian Sharkhin, the editor of the book, Mr Bill Donoghue, Governor, Portlaoise, Mr Seán Wynne, supervising teacher, the education unit in Portlaoise Prison and the education staff, especially Zack, Helena and Jane. Education officers Bill Carroll and Dave McDonald, Rita Kelly, writer, print unit, Arbour Hill.
First Print : November 1999, reprinted March 2000, illustrations by D O'Hare, Zack and Natasha. Photograph selection : Eamonn Kelly and Harry Melia.
THE VALUE OF A SMILE (adaptation).
It costs nothing, but creates much
it enriches those who receive
without impoverishing those who give
it happens in a flash, and the memory sometimes last forever.
None are so rich that they can get along without it,
and none are so poor that they are not richer for its benefits,
it creates happiness in the home
fosters goodwill in business
And is the countersign of friends,
it is rest to the weary, daylight to the discouraged
sunlight to the sad and natures best antidote for trouble.
Yet it cannot be bought, begged, borrowed or stolen
for it is no good to anyone until it's given away.
If in the event that someone you meet is tired,
sad or troubled, why not give them one of your smiles.
The reason people pass one door to patronise another store
is not because the busier place
has better silks or gloves or lace, or better prices
but it lies in pleasant words and smiling eyes.
A smile is such a puzzling thing, it wrinkles up your face
and when it's gone it's hard to find its secret hiding place,
but far more wonderful to see is what a smile can do
you smile at one, she smiles at you
and so, one smile makes two.
Richard Birmingham.
(Next : 'Deafness' , by Paul Dillon).
A BRIEF NOTE / REMINDER FOR OUR READERS IN AMERICA....
..in October 2015, Irish Freedom Press and Cumann na Saoirse will launch the American Edition of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Selected Writings, a single volume compiled of Volume I (launched in January 2015) and II of the Irish edition (which will be launched on Sunday, 22nd November 2015, in Wynn's Hotel, Dublin) . The book will officially be launched at the Annual Michael Flannery Dinner in New York on October 17th next and will be followed by a series of book launches. The main speaker at all these events is the editor of the work mentioned, and Irish republican, Dieter Reinisch.
The 20th Annual Michael Flannery Testimonial Awards Dinner :
The 20th Annual Michael Flannery Testimonial Awards Dinner will be held this year at 7:00pm on Saturday, October 17th, 2015, at Rory Dolans, 890 Mclean Avenue, Yonkers, NY. This year’s honorees are:
The Michael & Pearl Flannery Spirit of Freedom Award - Jack O'Brien, D.C.
The Sr. Sarah Clarke Human Rights Award - Sue Miskill Kramer CT.
The Countdown to 2016 Joseph Plunkett Award - Ken Tierney N.Y.
Cumann na Saoırse Náisiúnta is proud to announce that the 2015 dinner will also serve as the American launch for Ruairí Ó Brádaigh’s new book : Selected Writings & Speeches Vol.1, 1970 - 1986. Dieter Reinisch, who edited this historic new book, will be present at the dinner. He is a researcher at the European University Institute and also serves as a lecturer in Irish History and Celtic Studies at the University of Vienna. He will speak on the historic importance of the life and work of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and will be available to sign copies afterwards. This year also brings us one year closer to the centenary of the 1916 Rising and to mark the historic occasion and pay a lasting tribute to participants of the Rising, Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta has produced a detailed full colour historic banner to mark the occasion. The banner will be unveiled at this year's Testimonial Dinner. Information will also be available for those who wish to participate in promoting this historic project.
We, of Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta, thank all of you who have supported this event over the last two decades. In addition to its historic and charitable functions, this event, continues to serve as a meeting place for those of us who have worked together over the decades for the cause of Irish Freedom. Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta will produce an 'Ad Journal' to mark this event and a form is attached for those who wish to purchase an advertisement :
Both dinner tickets at $ 50.00 each and Journal ads at $100.00. For additional information please contact Maggie 845-492-7198 (nymayo AT earthlink.net) and/or Jane 718-683-6903 (enright1 AT gmail.com) and for information on the Centennial Banner please call Mary at 732-441-9923.
(Thank you, readers, have a nice day. And I really do wish that I could spend the days mentioned above (and loads of others!) with all of ye in New York!)
RSF MEMBERS ABOUT TO BE INVOLVED IN A DIRTY AND MUDDY EPISODE FROM WHICH THEY WILL FEEL THE PAIN....
Eight members of Republican Sinn Féin will be washing their dirty laundry after the events highlighted in this post have taken place...We only got this information yesterday (Tuesday 8th September) and, once we had verified the source, we put the following promo piece out about it :
'The words 'to hell and back' were actually used by these Republican Sinn Féin members in connection with the 'ordeal' they volunteered for - as RSF members - and the quotes "unbelievable...poorly planned...rip good people off.." were uttered, loudly, by those who know what the RSF members in question went through and will go through, having experienced same themselves. Those 'whistleblowers' also used the words "toughest thing I've ever done...I'd never do it again....tough..." in connection with this dirty, exhausting and muddy episode. On Wednesday 9th September 2015, this blog will blow the whistle and expose, in all its ups and downs and ins and outs, the full story behind this tale of muddy bootprints and we will supply contact details where you can verify our piece and offer support, if you wish, to the RSF people mentioned. All we will say for now is that the members in question are not based in Dublin and that they welcome this publicity...'
The people involved are based in Wexford and are long-standing and active members of Republican Sinn Féin and the reason they're stuck between a rock and a hard place (or soon will be!) is because they have decided to go 'to hell and back' for a good Cause - to raise finance for the Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Memorial Fund! (...and - shame on you! - you thought this post was about something else altogether!)
Eight members of the Wexford RSF cumann will be taking part in the 'To Hell or Back' competition which is being held in Bray, County Wicklow, on Saturday 12th September 2015, an event which has tested the mettle of competitors in the past but which seemingly holds no fear for those courageous Irish republicans : "Our members will participate in 'Hell and Back', an obstacle course that will certainly test the body! We are doing this to raise money for the Ruairí Ó Brádaigh memorial fund and if anyone would like to sponsor one of the participants please contact this page. And a big thanks to those who have already sponsored us..."
However - we have good contacts in the Wexford RSF organisation and, during and after their trip to 'hell' there's bound to be a falling-out of some sort or other, so if it's back-biting gossip your looking for....!
CHILEAN FIGHTERS NEED YOUR HELP NOW!
The following piece was published in the 'Socialist Republic!' newspaper in September 1986.
The Chilean people have recently created an armed wing of their struggle against the Pinochet dictatorship - the 'Manuel Rodrigues Patriotic Front'. Although very little has been published in the press, their often spectacular actions of sabotage and attack on the regime forces have proven very successful. The following is a testimony of one of the fighters in the aftermath of one such operation.
THE CLASH.
"There are three of us in the car, two of my comrades and myself. Suddenly at a crossing we realise that the CNI (secret police) is waiting for us. There is no time to reverse, we have only two choices - to stop and die in a hail of bullets or to try and break out of the encirclement and save our lives. We don't hesitate.
The roadblock consists of about 30 vehicles. We have to try and break through. Each of us knows exactly what to do. Our driver accelerates and we drive through and manage to leave them behind. Then the dramatic chase began. About a mile down the road the comrade sitting next to me is mortally wounded, and almost immediately afterwards bullets enter my stomach. I don't feel them now, although I realise I am wounded, but I feel no pain. We stop the car, and I check my wounded comrade first. It is then that I realise that he is dead. I am hit again and fall to the ground. I know I'm not going to die and I think of my wife, my children. This give me strength to get up and move. My other comrade is also wounded and starts moving back. I follow him and after a few yards he falls to the ground.
'Comrade, get up! Come on, we have to escape' , I shout at him. Already dying, he answers 'No, Companero. I can't go on, I know I'm finished. I know I'm going to die. Try to save yourself'. I feel an intense pain. I try to rest a little before carrying on.... (MORE LATER).
STUNNING SILENCE....
The British publishing group 'Macmillan' must have been sorely disappointed by the media's reaction, or lack of it, to the launch last month of Paul Foot's book 'Who Framed Colin Wallace?' By Eamonn McCann, from 'Magill' magazine, June 1989.
Remarkably, however, neither the 'Irish Press' newspaper nor 'The Irish Times' thought it worthwhile even to send a reporter to discover what this - in all the circumstances not uninteresting - duo had to say. It was left to 'The Irish Independent' to cover the launch, and security correspondent Tom Brady wrote a news story and a background feature piece in the next day's edition. That newspaper was no doubt encouraged by the fact that it was able, quite reasonably, to blow its own trumpet in the process, the paper having in 1980 been the first to break the story of the Kincora scandal which figures prominently in Colin Wallace's narrative.
RTE Radio News and the 'Today at Five' programme covered the launch but it was ignored by all television news and current affairs programmes. The sparseness of the coverage no doubt had something to do with what one senior journalist who did attend the Dublin press conference described as "the pervasive air of scepticism surrounding everything to do with Colin Wallace." And indeed his tale does invite scepticism, and even outright derision.
Briefly, the story is as follows : that while ostensibly engaged as a press officer in Lisburn , he was in fact working under the intelligence services carrying out "psychological warfare" , this job description covering such matters as the dissemination of "disinformation" and the arranging of "dirty tricks" designed not always to disorientate the enemy but quite often to discredit (mainly British Labour) politicians regarded by ultra-right elements in the intelligence services as "unsound". (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (9TH SEPTEMBER) 95 YEARS AGO - SHOT ELEVEN TIMES IN THE STOMACH BY AN RIC MAN.
Ireland, Galway, 1920 :
IRA Volunteer Seamus Quirke, a Cork man, was staying at a house in the docks area in Galway and was active in the on-going fight against the Black and Tans. The day before he was tortured to death by an RIC Sergeant named Fox, who operated from the RIC barracks in Eglinton Street in Galway (that is, on September 8th 1920) a driver for the Tans, a man named Krumm, had visited the houses of the few friends he had in the area and drank as much alcohol as was offered to him in each house, before going for a nightcap in a near-by pub. He was boasting about how handy he was with a weapon and, as proof, he started shooting at bottles he had placed on a wall. This activity caused alarm to local IRA men as they had made plans for that night which didn't include an armed and drunk Tan drawing attention to them and action was taken against him : '...Tom Hynes, the local IRA Intelligence Officer, heard of this and sent his brother Michael to warn any IRA Volunteers that an armed man seemed to be preparing to create trouble. The Volunteers were in the habit of going to the local train station every night to meet the train, watch the British troop movement, collect dispatches and meet Volunteers from other districts, and this night they were also going to collect arms from the Longford area. Krumm and a companion went on to the platform by the gate on the arrivals side. The Volunteers warned the men arriving with the Longford guns, and the train stopped for a moment outside the station while they went out by the signal box with the guns. The train came into the station and as the passengers started to go out the gate Krumm drew his gun and made as if to shoot into the crowd....' (more here.)
It should be noted that Father Michael Griffin (mentioned in the above link) was himself, within weeks, to fall victim to the same thugs that had butchered Seamus Quirke -
- '..about midnight on Sunday 14th November 1920, Fr Griffin was lured from the presbytery by British forces directly, or someone aiding them. He was taken to Lenaboy Castle where he was questioned. After being interrogated, he was shot through the head and his body was taken away by lorry and buried in an unmarked grave at Cloghscoltia, near Barna...on 20th November 1920 his remains were discovered by a local man, William Duffy, while he was attending cattle...' (from here.)
'The Irish Times' newspaper, issue dated 17th November 1920, published the following piece - 'Responding apparently to a 'sick call', the Rev. Michael Griffin, junior Roman Catholic curate for the parishes of Bushy Park and Barna, Galway, went out on Sunday night in the company of three men, who are said to have worn trench coats. He disappeared as completely as if the earth had swallowed him. All efforts to trace his whereabouts have so far proved futile. A civilian search party is putting forward every effort to find some trace of the missing clergyman...' and, on the 27th November 1920, the same newspaper reported - '..later in the night, by the light of a lantern, the water-logged soil was dug up. Beneath two feet of the peaty soil the dead body of Father Griffin was found. He had a bullet wound on the right temple...'
Whether they murder, kill or execute an IRA Volunteer or a priest, the British government and its armed or unarmed representatives are not welcome in Ireland and never will be.
ON THIS DATE (9TH SEPTEMBER) 96 YEARS AGO : ABSENCE OF INFORMERS ANGERS BRITISH FORCES.
"...the people of Fermoy lived on the (British) military. Otherwise they would live by taking in each other's washing.." - part of the excuse uttered by anti-republican elements in an attempt to gloss over the thug-behaviour of British forces regarding the incident in question, as reported in 'The Auckland Star' newspaper (pictured, left) on the 11th of September, 1919.
This particular incident began two days previous to the date mentioned in our headline - on Sunday, 7th September , 1919, the date usually recognised for the first planned, organised and co-ordinated IRA attack against British forces in Ireland since the 1916 Rising. During the Black and Tan war (which started on the 21st January, 1919) IRA units attacked Royal Irish Constabulary ( the RIC - a British 'police'-force in Ireland) barracks on a regular basis to 'relieve' them of their weapons, which were then used against them. The commander of an IRA Brigade, Liam Lynch (Cork No. 2 Brigade) , realised that he could use the frequency of IRA attacks on the RIC to his advantage ; by mounting a surprise attack on those that were endeavouring to protect the RIC - the British Army.
He contacted IRA General Head Quarters to seek approval for this as yet untried 'twist' to an old plan, but the leadership thought it unwise to proceed with the action and turned him down ; at the time, the IRA attacks on RIC barracks' were obtaining the desired results - extra weapons for the IRA with a minimum of casualties : 'if its not broke , don't fix it', was the thinking behind the refusal. But Lynch persisted ; the other IRA Volunteer in charge of the Cork No.2 Brigade, Michael Fitzgerald, was convinced that Lynch's idea was sound, so both men put together a plan of attack which they intended to take back to GHQ. On the strength of that plan and with both Lynch and Fitzgerald insisting that it would work, they got the go-ahead for the operation.
It had been observed that a party of up to twenty armed British soldiers, stationed in Fermoy Barracks in Cork , marched to Mass each Sunday morning to the local Wesleyan Church, about half a mile from their barracks. At that time, Fermoy was a stronghold for the British Army and one of the last places where the British would expect an attack. The IRA plan was to carry-out just such an operation. A number of sites in which to dump the liberated weapons would be needed and these were sourced and secured ; two cars would be required to transport the goods out of the area quickly and that, too, was arranged. Finally, a method to stop those in pursuit of the escaping cars was required and obtained and, on Sunday, 7th September, 1919, the plan was put into action ; twenty-five IRA Volunteers, including Liam Lynch and Michael Fitzgerald, took up position around the Wesleyan Church gates in Fermoy.
The IRA men mingled with the people at the church gates and in the grounds. At the same time, other IRA men were preparing to topple two trees across the road at Carrickbrick, outside Fermoy, the agreed route of escape for the IRA cars. The IRA unit at the Church received word at about 10.45am on that Sunday morning that fifteen armed British soldiers, led by a Corporal, had minutes beforehand left their barracks and were marching towards the Church for 11AM Mass, as per usual ; as the British marched from the road onto the footpath to enter the Church grounds they were surrounded by the IRA Unit, most of whom were armed - some of the Volunteers were only there to load the captured weapons into the cars. Liam Lynch shouted at the British patrol to surrender, telling them that it was just the weapons that they were after this time, and not the soldiers. The British were stunned and surprised to find themselves in that position, and a number of them went to fire their rifles but the IRA men fired first and, in a brief but bloody gun-battle, four British soldiers fell to the ground - one was dead, the other three were badly wounded.
The shooting ended there - the British surrendered and were relieved of their rifles - fifteen in all - which were loaded into two waiting cars. The Volunteers loading the rifles into the cars got in themselves and both vehicles sped off towards the Lismore Road. Their comrades who were covering the now-disarmed British patrol inched away and withdrew from the area. Within fifteen minutes the British had filled two trucks with armed troops and were driving at top speed on the Lismore Road, minutes behind the two cars they were chasing. When the two IRA vehicles passed the town of Carrickbrick, the IRA men at the side of the road toppled the two trees which they had weakened earlier that morning. The trees fell across the road, blocking it, and the IRA lumberjacks made off across the fields. The two British Army trucks skidded to a halt at the road-block and spent a number of minutes trying to move the trees, but couldn't, so they drove back to try and find a side-road which would take them around the blockage and back out onto the Lismore Road ; they failed there, too! By this time, the rifles had been stashed in the pre-arranged dumps. The operation was successful.
For the rest of that day (Sunday, 7th September, 1919) , and up until evening fell on the following day, hundreds of British troops, in trucks and on foot, raided the nearest towns and practically imposed martial law on the population in their search for the rifles and the IRA men responsible for the operation. Shops, houses and other buildings were searched, and people were stopped, searched and questioned as to their knowledge of events.
No-one knew anything, and the British went back to barracks on early Monday evening (8th September, 1919) , empty-handed. However, that was not the end of the matter ; at about 8pm that Monday, hundreds of British troops stationed in the area were sent into Fermoy town-centre to make the locals pay for their silence. People on the street were pistol-whipped, shops were broken in to and looted and pubs were thrashed. The British troops spent at least two hours on the wrecking spree and then went back to base, having threatened all and sundry that unless they received the information they were looking for by end of business on the following day - Tuesday, 9th September - they would 'call' again, on Wednesday 10th, to make more 'inquiries'. But not one person contacted them with information on the IRA attack so, not convinced that they had made their point, the British officers sent the same number of their troops out on that Wednesday (10th September, 1919) to terrorise the population again.
But this time the IRA were monitoring the situation, and hundreds of civilians, armed with shovels, hammers, sticks and stones etc, were waiting in Emmet Street for the British troops. Following many skirmishes and standoffs, the British troops returned early to base, having been pushed back by people-power, and had to accept the fact that not only were they not getting the information they demanded but that they were not wanted in the area nor, indeed, in the rest of the country. And, although mostly 'confined to barracks' in the Six Counties today, they remain unwanted.
ON THIS DATE (9TH SEPTEMBER) 101 YEARS AGO : "TO PREPARE THE PUBLIC MIND FOR THE GREAT EVENT THAT WAS TO COME".
No. 25 Parnell Square (pictured, left ; known then as Rutland Square) - the headquarters of the 'Gaelic League' (or Conradh na Gaeilge, founded in 1893 by Douglas Hyde) and the 'seat' of the 1916 Rising. On the 9th September 1914, a top-level meeting was held there, in the library, by republican representatives at which a decision was made to challenge the British writ in Ireland.
"Tom Clarke, Pádraig Pearse and Seán Tobin represented both the Volunteers and the IRB, which Pearse had recently joined. Griffith represented Sinn Féin, Jim Connolly represented the Labour movement and the Citizen Army, and I was there as a volunteer and also as Gaelic League Secretary. This was the first decisive arrangement between the Citizen Army and the Volunteers, for instance, and one of the decisions we took at the meeting was that each of us would undertake to do our utmost to strengthen both of these organisations" - the words of one of those in attendance at that historic meeting, Seán T Ó Ceallaigh. Amongst others present was Tom Clarke, Seán Mac Diarmada, Joseph Plunkett, Pádraig Mac Piarais, Thomas MacDonagh, Éamonn Ceannt, James Connolly, Arthur Griffith and William O'Brien.
Speaking in New York in 1926, Ó Ceallaigh declared that the Rising was "a coldly and deliberately planned affair" and he points to this meeting as the moment when the intention to rise during the War was first agreed upon by a group representing "all shades of advanced nationalist political thought in Ireland who pledged themselves and their organisations to do all in their power to carry on the agreement arrived at and to prepare the public mind for the great event that was to come...at that meeting it was decided that a Rising should take place in Ireland if the German army invaded Ireland ; secondly, if England attempted to enforce conscription on Ireland and thirdly if the war were coming to an end and the Rising had not already taken place, we should rise in revolt, declare war on England and when the conference was held to settle the terms of peace, we should claim to be represented as a belligerent nation..."
In 1964, Ó Ceallaigh stated re that meeting - "It was Tom Clarke who proposed the meeting to me and who asked me to fix a safe house to hold it in. The Castle detectives were very active at this time. Virtually every speech I ever made, for instance, since I became a member of Dublin Corporation in 1906, was carefully noted, as I learned later following the Rising. Every member of Sinn Féin, the Volunteers , the Gaelic League, the Fianna, was followed by G-men. We were all quite used to it and, of course, took much pleasure in 'ditching' our shadows when we most wanted to."
Had such a meeting took place today in that venue, the 'G-Men' and 'shadows' would have found it even easier to spy and tout on republicans as representatives of British rule in Ireland now have two offices in that Square....
ON THIS DAY NEXT WEEK (WEDNESDAY 16TH SEPTEMBER).....
...we won't be posting our usual contribution, and probably won't be in a position to post anything at all ; this coming weekend (Saturday/Sunday 12th/13th) is spoke for already with a 650-ticket raffle to be run for the Dublin Executive of Sinn Féin Poblachtach in a venue on the Dublin/Kildare border (work on which begins on the Tuesday before the actual raffle) and the 'autopsy' into same which will take place on Monday evening 14th in RSF Head Office on Parnell Street and then it's straight back to the preparations for the following Saturday's 'Eve of All-Ireland Rally' (details here), work which has already started, including the assembly of 1,000 republican leaflets into various size 'packs' for distribution -
- these 'packs' are distributed before and during the Rally and that particular job on its own should be considered a pensionable one in itself!
Anyway , that's the position - between the three of us we're booked up solid with our 'pay-the-bills/day-job' work and the raffle and the 'Eve Rally' and can't see ourselves being able to get back to posting here until Wednesday 23rd September next. And then it'll be time to finalise work on the Ard Fheis and the Cabhair Christmas Swim and loads of other stuff which one committee or another will no doubt be looking to have done! But it's all for a good Cause and we don't mind helping out.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
"UNBELIEVABLE...POORLY PLANNED...RIP GOOD PEOPLE OFF.."
The words 'to hell and back' were actually used by these Republican Sinn Féin members in connection with the 'ordeal' they volunteered for - as RSF members - and the above quotes ("unbelievable...poorly planned...rip good people off..") were uttered, loudly, by those who know what the RSF members in question went through and will go through, having experienced same themselves. Those 'whistleblowers' also used the words "toughest thing I've ever done...I'd never do it again....tough..." in connection with this dirty, exhausting and muddy episode. Tomorrow, Wednesday 9th September 2015, this blog will blow the whistle and expose, in all its ups and downs and ins and outs, the full story behind this tale of muddy bootprints and we will supply contact details where you can verify our piece and offer support, if you wish, to the RSF people mentioned. All we will say for now is that the members in question are not based in Dublin and that they welcome this publicity.
Check back with us tomorrow for the full story....
Sharon.
SPIES AND TOUTS NOW OPENLY SHARE THAT ONCE-REPUBLICAN AREA....
If such a republican meeting was held today in that venue, the 'G-Men' and 'shadows' would have found it even easier to spy and tout on republicans as representatives of British rule in Ireland now have two offices in that location.... "There are three of us in the car, two of my comrades and myself. Suddenly at a crossing we realise that the secret police are waiting for us. There is no time to reverse, we have only two choices - to stop and die in a hail of bullets or to try and break out of the encirclement and save our lives. We don't hesitate.The roadblock consists of about 30 vehicles. We have to try and break through. Each of us knows exactly what to do. Our driver accelerates and we drive through and manage to leave them behind....about a mile down the road the comrade sitting next to me is mortally wounded, and almost immediately afterwards bullets enter my stomach...."
Ireland, 1919 : pro-British paramilitaries wreck an Irish town because of a lack of informers...../ Ireland, 1920 : the IRA Volunteer was staying at a house in the docks area and was active in the on-going fight against the Black and Tans - an RIC Sergeant tortured him to death and then organised the murder of the priest that attended to the dying IRA man....
See 1169 blog, Wednesday, 9th September 2015.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
PROSE AND CONS.
By prisoners from E1 Landing, Portlaoise Prison, 1999.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS :
Grateful thanks to the following for their help, support, assistance and encouragement, and all those who helped with the typing and word processing over the past few months. Many thanks to Cian Sharkhin, the editor of the book, Mr Bill Donoghue, Governor, Portlaoise, Mr Seán Wynne, supervising teacher, the education unit in Portlaoise Prison and the education staff, especially Zack, Helena and Jane. Education officers Bill Carroll and Dave McDonald, Rita Kelly, writer, print unit, Arbour Hill.
First Print : November 1999, reprinted March 2000, illustrations by D O'Hare, Zack and Natasha. Photograph selection : Eamonn Kelly and Harry Melia.
GIFT.
I was standing around
and in a crowd,
when I took a sniff
and then went stiff,
my mind went high
right up to the sky,
I won't tell a lie.
The pain inside
I can't describe,
the veins are fading
the mind is craving,
I need the stuff
a sniff's not enough,
higher and higher
I'm a liar.
I ran out of luck
or was it the stuff,
that's all in the past
it didn't last,
so I will say good-bye
and lie down and die.
Hi! don't sniff
that is my gift
get the drift?
Anon.
NOTHING.
They grease your hand
and talk about the promised land.
But slide you out without a doubt
before you know what it's all about.
You realise they told lies
the promised land was only sand,
that ran through your fingers
like hot cinders.
Jack, I won't be back to break my back,
be wise get yourself a financial advisor
before you're left with only a fiver,
and end up in the lonely Ivyer.
Anon.
(Next - 'The Value of a Smile' by Richard Birmingham.)
"WE SUPPORT THE USE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN THE SIX COUNTIES..." - MARTIN McGUINNESS.
The following piece was published in the 'Socialist Republic!' newspaper in September 1986 and records some of the words of Martin McGuinness from a speech he delivered in Bodenstown on Sunday 22nd June of that year. That publication was 'the newspaper of the Scottish Communist Republican Party (SCRP)' , both of which are now apparently defunct as separate entities as, indeed, is McGuinness himself, in relation to Irish republicanism. Less than six months after he delivered the following speech, Martin McGuinness assisted other nationalists in splitting the Republican Movement.
Quote from Martin McGuinness, Sunday 22nd June, 1986, Bodenstown: "Despite the multi-million dollar hype of the (Hillsborough) Agreement, despite disinformation, despite the rewriting of Irish history by West Britons and British propaganda, more and more people are beginning to realise that internal tinkering with the six-county statelet solves nothing.."(...which is exactly what McGuinness and his nationalist colleagues are doing now - "internal tinkering with the six-county statelet.")
IRELAND : "ONLY A SOCIALIST REPUBLIC CAN END DECADES OF WAR, INJUSTICE AND POVERTY" - Sinn Féin.
"All the resources, weaponry and technology available to the British government have not been sufficient to defeat our struggle", said Martin McGuinness, "the men and women Volunteer soldiers of the Irish Republican Army have, with courage and determination, continued the fight against numerically superior forces. And I apologise to no-one * for saying that we support and admire the freedom fighters of the IRA. (*...he quickly changed his tune when a British-funded political career was on offer : "... it’s appropriate that where people lost their lives apologies should be made, apologies have been made and I think they’re heartfelt.." [from here.] )
In the North, attacks on the British Army, the RUC and the UDR continue. The IRA has shown continued resourcefulness and capability to strike where and when it wants. Its strategy has caused considerable damage not only to British Crown personnel and fortifications but to Britain's carefully planned Ulsterisation policy. The British and their native collaborators in the twenty-six counties know that the IRA is out to win.
My message to them is crystal clear - if there is no freedom there will be no peace. We do not fear you. The struggle continues and we are going to win."
(END OF 'We Support The Use Of Armed Struggle In The Six Counties' : NEXT - 'Chilean Fighters Need Your Help Now!' ; from the same source.)
STUNNING SILENCE....
The British publishing group 'Macmillan' must have been sorely disappointed by the media's reaction, or lack of it, to the launch last month of Paul Foot's book 'Who Framed Colin Wallace?' By Eamonn McCann, from 'Magill' magazine, June 1989.
In the event, the British media didn't treat the publication as any sort of news at all, apart from two brief pieces by Richard Norton-Taylor in 'The Guardian' - no other national paper mentioned it. The only radio interest shown was by the London commercial station LBC and by Radio Sussex, both of which carried interviews recorded at the book launch.
A firm arrangement for the author, Paul Foot, to appear on Mervyn Bragg's 'Start The Week' programme on May 15th was cancelled - as the production team frankly concedes - after intervention from "higher up". There was no mention of the book being published anywhere on British television.
'Channel 4 News' , much the most assiduous of British news programmes in following the Colin Wallace story in recent years, turned down an offer from Macmillan of exclusive access to the last stages of the race to meet the May 10th deadline. Macmillan hoped for better things when Foot and Wallace travelled to Dublin for the Irish launch on May 10th.... (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (2ND SEPTEMBER) 73 YEARS AGO : "IF FROM THE PATH YOU CHANCE TO STRAY...
..KEEP IN MEMORY OF THAT MORN, WHEN IRELAND'S CROSS WAS PROUDLY BORNE.." 
"I met the bravest of the brave this morning..." Tom Williams, 12th May 1924 – 2nd September 1942."Williams was one of six IRA volunteers sentenced to death by hanging in 1942. A group of eight, including two women, had mounted a diversionary operation to take away attention from three republican parades held in Belfast to celebrate the 1916 Easter Rising. All such parades had been banned under the Stormont regime since the partition of Ireland and the introduction of the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act of 1922. A police (RUC) patrol managed to capture the group but not before an exchange of shots which resulted in the death of RUC constable Patrick Murphy. Although only 18 years old, Tom Williams was in charge of the unit and in a controversial statement to the police he assumed full responsibility for the shooting. Following a remarkable international reprieve campaign, the colonial Governor of Northern Ireland commuted five of the six death sentences to terms of penal servitude. But the British had decided that Tom Williams should hang..."(from here)'Time goes by as years roll onwards
But in my memory fresh I'll keep
Of a night in Belfast Prison
Unshamefully I saw men weep
For the time was fast approaching
A lad lay sentenced for to die
And on the second of September
He goes to meet his god on high
Now he's walking to the scaffold
Head erect he shows no fear
For on his proud and gallant shoulders
Ireland's cross he holds so dear
Now the cruel blow has fallen
For Ireland he has fought and died
And we the countrymen who bore him
Will love and honour him with pride
Brave Tom Williams we salute you
And we never will forget
Those who planned your cruel murder
We vow to make them all regret
So come all you Irish rebels
If from the path you chance to stray
Bear in memory of the morn, when Irelands cross was proudly borne
By a lad who lay within these prison walls.'(From here) For Tom, and all the other brave men and women.
ON THIS DATE (2ND SEPTEMBER) 92 YEARS AGO : FIFTH HUNGER-STRIKER IN SEVEN YEAR PERIOD DIES.
Pictured, left ; the grave of 19-years-young Irish republican Joe Whitty, who died on hunger-strike on the 2nd September 1923, and was buried in Ballymore cemetery, Killinick, Co. Wexford.
Joseph Whitty came from Connolly Street in Wexford town. He was a volunteer in the IRA's South Wexford Brigade and was arrested and imprisoned in late 1922, after the counter-revolution had begun. Prior to his imprisonment, he was among the many Republicans in County Wexford to suffer at the hands of Britain's occupation forces and later at the hands of the Free State traitors.
In February 1923, members of Cumann na mBan had gone on hunger strike in protest against ongoing internment and successfully secured their release. By May the Civil War had officially ended, but thousands of republicans remained imprisoned, often in very poor conditions. This resulted in further hunger strikes during 1923. The Free State government had since passed a motion outlawing the release of prisoners on hunger strike, and this was to have dire consequences for Joseph Whitty and others. He died in Newbridge Internment Camp, on September 2nd, at the age of 19. He was the fifth Republican to die on hunger strike since 1917, and was laid to rest in Ballymore Cemetery, Killinick with full military honours.
'At a public meeting held in New Ross on Sunday July 22nd 1923, Miss Dorothy MacArdle read a letter from Newbridge prison camp. She did not think it had passed through the hands of the censor. The letter referred to the condition of 19 year old Óglach Joseph Whitty, William Street, Wexford. She asserted that he was not in the organisation at all and that he was being punished as revenge for the activities of his brothers. He signed the undertaking reluctantly on the advice of a friend but despite the boasting of the government that signing meant release, he was still in gaol and dying.
The first time his mother went to visit him the authorities refused to allow to do so. The second time when they allowed her to see her son he was unable to recognise her.
The meeting should demand that he be released before he died, said Miss MacArdle. Professor Caffery proposed a resolution demanding the immediate release of Joseph Whitty and the other prisoners in Ireland and Britain and suggested that a telegram should be sent to the pope. Miss Nellie O'Ryan seconded the resolution which was put to the meeting. All present signified assent by raising their right hands. Unfortunately, the free state government failed to release Joseph Whitty. On Thursday September 2nd, 1923, he died in the Newbridge military hospital. He had been arrested about a year earlier. Interment took place in Ballymore the following Sunday before a large crowd. When the remains were laid to rest his comrades fired three volleys over them and recited a decade of the rosary in Irish....' (from 'Boards.ie')
Joe Whitty is one of twenty-two Irish republicans to die on hunger-strike between 1917 and 1981, all of whom are remembered each year by the Republican Movement.
ON THIS DATE (2ND SEPTEMBER) 95 YEARS AGO : 'SPECIAL (LOYALIST) CONSTABULARY' FIRST MOOTED.
A member of the pro-British 'Special Constabulary' (pictured, left), on his way to the 'office' for yet another normal day of 'policing'....
At a meeting in London on the 2nd September 1920 - 95 years ago on this date - the then 'Prime Minster' of Stormont, 'Sir' James Craig ("All I boast is that we are a Protestant Parliament and Protestant State...") demanded that a force of 'Special Constabulary' be established for Ulster and, six days later - on the 8th September - Westminster agreed that a force of "loyal citizens" were needed, and insisted that the then pro-British paramilitary gang known as the 'Ulster Volunteer Force' should be made 'official' and employed as such. And, with a simple name change and the provision of a British uniform, a new State-sponsored paramilitary gang , the A,B and C Specials, was born : the 'A' gang (about 3,500 of them in total) were full-time operatives who lived in the local RIC barracks and were used as re-inforcements for the RIC, and were armed and on a wage. Essentially, their presence allowed more 'police officers' free to leave their desks and assist their British colleagues in cracking nationalist skulls. The 'B' outfit (numbering 16,000 approximately) were armed but part-time and on 'expenses' only, and were usually to be found on street patrol and operating checkpoints and the 'C' grouping (about 1,000) were a reserve force with no specific duty as such but were 'on call' as an armed militia
Nationalists knew the danger of such a move for them - the UVF/Specials were not by any means 'neutral' in the conflict. The then 'Daily News' newspaper stated, re the establishment of the 'Specials' -'The official proposal to arm "well-disposed" citizens to "assist the authorities" in Belfast raised serious questions of the sanity of the government. It seems the most outrageous thing which they have ever done in Ireland. A citizen of Belfast who is "well-disposed" to the British government is, almost from the nature of the case, an Orangeman, or at any rate, a vehement anti-Sinn Feiner. These are the very same people who have been looting Catholic shops and driving thousands of Catholic women and children from their homes...' But all words of opposition, or even caution, were ignored.
The officer class in the 'Specials' were hired if they passed a civil service examination and were mostly upper and middle-class protestants with a moral connection to their 'mainland' (England) whereas the rank-and-file consisted of the thugs that once populated any anti-Irish paramilitary gang that would have them. The latter were not allowed 'serve' in their own county or that of a family member and were relocated on a fairly regular basis, living in the local barracks and single men were not allowed to leave same at night to socialise. 'Specials' who wanted to get married could only do so after they had been with the gang for seven years or more and even then only if their girlfriend was deemed 'suitable' by the officer class, a 'test' which included the nature of her job before and after the marriage. Any such 'Special' family were under orders not to take in lodgers, not to sell produce locally (ie eggs, vegetables etc) and the husband was not entitled to days off (no 'rest days' or annual holidays) and was not permitted to vote in elections!
After Westminster forcibly partitioned Ireland in 1921 the British wanted control over the new 'State' to be exercised by their own kind (as opposed to 'Paddies in British uniforms') and, in late 1925, they felt confident enough to declare that the 'Specials' should be wound-up and a kitty containing £1,200,000 was put on the table to secure their disbandment : their main man in that part of Ireland, 'Sir' James Craig - up to then a great friend and supporter of the Specials - was jobbed to pass on the bad news : on 10th December 1925, Craig told the 'A' and 'C' Specials that they were out of work (the 'B' gang were to be kept on) and offered each man two months pay. End of announcement - at least as far as Craig and Westminster were concerned, but the 'A' and 'C' Specials were not happy with the "disband" order and discontent in the ranks grew. The 'A' and 'C' Specials held meetings between themselves and, on 14th December 1925, they mutinied!
'A' and 'C' members in Derry 'arrested' their own Officers, as they did in Ballycastle - two days later (ie on 16th December 1925) a demand from the 'A' and 'C' 'rebels' was handed over to 'Sir' Richard Dawson Bates, the Stormont 'Minister for Home Affairs', a solicitor by trade, who was also Secretary of the 'Ulster Unionist Council', a position he had held since 1905. He was not impressed with their conduct. The 'A' and 'C' Specials were looking for more money ; they demanded a £200 tax-free 'bonus' for each member that was to be made redundant. Two days later (ie on 18th December 1925) 'Sir' Bates replied to the Special 'rebels' that not only would they not be getting the £200 'bonus' but if they didn't back down immediately they would loose whatever few bob they were entitled to for being made redundant and, on 19th December 1925, the 'rebels' all but apologised to Bates, released their hostages and signed on for the dole - the 'hard men' of the 'Specials' had been put in their place by a bigger thug than they were! By Christmas Day, 1925, the 'A' and 'C' Sections of the 'Ulster (sic) Special Constabulary Association (the 'Specials') were disbanded. It was only in 1970 that the 'B' Special gang of thugs 'disbanded' (ie changed uniform into that of the 'Ulster Defence Regiment' (UDR) and carried-on with their mis-deeds) . It was actually in September 1969 that the (British) 'Cameron Commission' described the 'B' Specials as "a partisan and paramilitary force..." while the October 1969 'Hunt Report' recommended that the 'B' Specials be disbanded. Since then, the RUC (formed in 1922) have been amalgamated into the 'PSNI' but, even though the uniforms changed, the objective didn't - the preservation of British rule in Ireland.
ON THIS DATE (OR WAS IT ?) 263 YEARS AGO...
... the Gregorian calendar was adopted in Ireland and Britain, 170 years after some other countries had done so (France in 1582, Austria in 1584, and Norway in 1700). This resulted in the 2nd of September 1752 being followed, 24 hours later, by the 14th September 1752!
In 1752, the British 'Empire' ordered the abolishment of the dates between the 2nd and the 14th of September for all colonies controlled by them. This meant that the so-called 'British Isles', English colonies and America lost 11 days in September 1752. The days in that September month began with the 1st and the 2nd but 11 days were skipped and the days continued with the 14th, 15th etc untill the 30th day. This meant that from the 3rd to 13th of September 1752, nothing actually happened because there were no dates for anything to happen on (?!)
At the time, many people mistakenly believed that their lives would be shortened by 11 days and some were also unhappy and suspicious at the moving of saint's days and holy days, including the date of Easter etc. But not everyone was unhappy about the new calendar ; according to W.M. Jamieson in his book, 'Murders Myths and Monuments of North Staffordshire', there is a tale about one William Willett of Endon. Always keen on a joke, he apparently wagered that he could dance non-stop for 12 days and 12 nights. On the evening of September 2nd 1752, he started to jig around the village and continued all through the night. The next morning, September 14th by the new calendar, he stopped dancing and claimed his bets!
We won't be doing a jig here in '1169 Towers' , but we do hope to be back next Wednesday, 9th September. That's if there is a Wednesday, 9th of September...!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
ELEVEN DAYS DISAPPEAR IN IRELAND..
A 'gift' from Portlaoise Prison, 1999..../ Martin McGuinness - "The IRA has shown continued resourcefulness and capability to strike where and when it wants..."/ If from the path you chance to stray - the bravest of the brave...../ Irish POW, 1923 : "The first time his mother went to visit him the authorities refused to allow to do so. The second time when they allowed her to see her son he was unable to recognise her...."/ 1925 - British 'police' in Ireland mutiny and take their own officers as hostages.../ 'Time flies' , but how can eleven days disappear overnight in Ireland?
(MORE ON WEDNESDAY 2ND SEPTEMBER 2015).
Thanks for checking in - do the same again tomorrow....Sharon.
PROSE AND CONS.
By prisoners from E1 Landing, Portlaoise Prison, 1999. Acknowledgments : grateful thanks to the following for their help, support, assistance and encouragement - all those who helped with the typing and word processing over the past few months, many thanks to Cian Sharkhin, the editor of the book, Mr Bill Donoghue, Governor, Portlaoise, Mr Séan Wynne, supervising teacher, education unit, Portlaoise Prison and education staff, especially Zack, Helena and Jane. Education officers Bill Carroll and Dave McDonald, Rita Kelly, writer. And the print unit, Arbour Hill.
INTRODUCTION :
Deep within the life of every person there is expression. This collection, 'Prose and Cons', is the voice of that expression. Sad, humourous, lonely, bitter, joyful, angry, questioning, dedicated, rejected, content, reflective, philosophical - just some of the tones expressed throughout this unique volume. Of themes there are many, but love illuminates the pages of this fabulous collection of work.
The lads on E1 landing, Portlaoise Prison, have worked long hours to bring this book to fruition. I commend their enthusiasm and willingness to work, individually and together, in an interested and challenging manner. Writing is a craft. It involves the writer and his/her audience. I hope you enjoy reading these poems and stories , as I have enjoyed their journey to here, and I leave you with the words of the writer, Rita Kelly, from her recent poem, 'Big House' :
You cannot hear the activity of the living
you cannot hear life driving its articulated truck
you cannot see the bright smile of the lads
heading into the snooker hall close to the coliseum
or the woman with her cranky little pomeranian.
You cannot smell that oil and salt and sharpness
of the vinegar in its immediacy, as the young fellow leaves the chipper."
With every good wish, Jane Meally, Creative Writing Tutor. (MORE LATER).
NOT "NATIONAL", BUT WORTH SUPPORTING ANYWAY.
On Saturday, 29th August 2015, a demonstration will be held in Dublin to voice opposition to the on-going fiasco that is the double-tax on water. The organisers, although no doubt well-meaning (re their opposition, for now , anyway, to this double-tax), have described the up-coming protest as a "national demonstration" even though they are aware that the so-called 'remit' of the 'Irish Water' company does not extend to our six north-eastern counties. They have made this mistake before, but continue to refuse to amend their posters and leaflets etc to reflect the true (geographical) position of their own remit. I can usually work alongside that 'Trot' mentality but it grates on me, sometimes, as does the attitude of the trade union leadership in relation to this issue - for instance, on Friday 21st August last, SIPTU sent an email to subscribers re the water tax issue, in which they called for support for "...a national (sic) demonstration on the public water supply...concerning the future of the public water supply.." which is an attempt by that section of the trade union leadership to shift the focus of the protest away from the issue of unfair double-taxation to one of 'distribution of water'. And considering that SIPTU is the trade union that represents the scab workers that are helping to impose this double tax, it's no surprise that it should seek to shift that focus in any manner that it can.
Anyway : this new water company, with whom I am not registered as a 'customer', are now demanding that I pay them just under €130 for a 'service' that I have always paid for through general taxation and car tax etc but I won't be paying. I'm one of the lucky few thousand in this corrupt little State that can actually afford to pay this double- tax but, as I point blank refuse to pay twice for any one service, I won't be paying it. Misnomer as it most certainly is regarding the description of this up-coming protest, I'll be there regardless - Saturday, 29th August 2015, 2pm at Houston Station. See ye then!
"WE SUPPORT THE USE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN THE SIX COUNTIES..." - MARTIN McGUINNESS.
The following piece was published in the 'Socialist Republic!' newspaper in September 1986 and records some of the words of Martin McGuinness from a speech he delivered in Bodenstown on Sunday 22nd June of that year. That publication was 'the newspaper of the Scottish Communist Republican Party (SCRP)' , both of which are now apparently defunct as separate entities as, indeed, is McGuinness himself, in relation to Irish republicanism. Less than six months after he delivered the following speech, Martin McGuinness assisted other nationalists in splitting the Republican Movement.
Quote from Martin McGuinness, Sunday 22nd June, 1986, Bodenstown: "Despite the multi-million dollar hype of the (Hillsborough) Agreement, despite disinformation, despite the rewriting of Irish history by West Britons and British propaganda, more and more people are beginning to realise that internal tinkering with the six-county statelet solves nothing.."(...which is exactly what McGuinness and his nationalist colleagues are doing now - "internal tinkering with the six-county statelet.")
IRELAND : "ONLY A SOCIALIST REPUBLIC CAN END DECADES OF WAR, INJUSTICE AND POVERTY" - Sinn Féin.
"We want a society free from multinational profiteering and foreign influence. We want a society that is truly non-aligned. Our aim is not to provide poets and song-writers with more ballads of defeat but to build a really revolutionary organisation that will change Irish society for the betterment of the oppressed, the deprived and the unemployed men and women of this country."
Pointing to the unquenchable spirit of freedom of the Irish people, Martin McGuinness said : "This present resistance struggle has lasted longer than any other in the history of our country. We have experienced and withstood internment, torture, murder and martial law. Our people have shown a dedication, a heroism and a willingness to sacrifice everything in their fight for freedom that has inspired freedom-loving peoples throughout the world - black South Africans, Palestinians, Nicaraguans and Filipinos know all about Bobby Sands and Brighton.
The Irish people have proved that, no matter how militarily and technologically superior an oppressor can be, the will for freedom cannot be defeated. This movement will stand its ground. The IRA has said that the war will go on, and this movement will advance the struggle for what is rightfully ours - the freedom of Ireland and the establishment of the Republic." (MORE LATER).
STUNNING SILENCE.
The British publishing group 'Macmillan' must have been sorely disappointed by the media's reaction, or lack of it, to the launch last month of Paul Foot's book 'Who Framed Colin Wallace?' By Eamonn McCann, from 'Magill' magazine, June 1989.
The British publishing group 'Macmillan' must have been sorely disappointed by the media's reaction, or lack of it, to the launch last month of Paul Foot's book, 'Who Framed Colin Wallace?' The book deals with the bizarre and, at least at first sight, incredible story of the former British Army 'press officer' in the North of Ireland who was convicted of manslaughter in Sussex in the early 1980's and who has since protested his innocence and claimed that he was likely set-up in order to discredit his revelations of security force disinformation and dirty tricks in the early 1970's. ('1169...' comment - those British 'dirty tricks' were not confined to the 1970's and, indeed, are still on-going to this day).
The book was rushed into publication on May 9th this year (1989) so as to avoid being banned under Britain's new 'Official Secrets Act' which came into force at midnight the following day. The new law would have covered information and documents included in the book relating to Wallace's activities as a 'black propagandist' working out of Britiah Army headquarters in Lisburn.
The book was prepared and printed in secrecy and no review copies distributed until the launch in London hosted by Macmillan chairman, Lord Stockton. Macmillan had calculated that the absence of normal pre-publicity would be more than offset by the news value of the books hectic and secret preparation and its last-minute 'escape' before the latest shutters on official information slammed down.... (MORE LATER).
ANNUAL EVE OF ALL-IRELAND RALLY 2015.
"One of the largest public rallies seen in Dublin for years was held by Sinn Féin at the GPO on the eve of the All-Ireland Football Final. Headed by a Colour Party and a pipe band, a parade of more than 2,000 people marched from Parnell Square through the main city thoroughfare as a protest against the continued unjust imprisonment of Irishmen without charge or trial. Contingents from all over the country took part and many carried banners and placards including groups from England and Scotland. In the Ulster section was a strong representation of the Derry supporters who thronged the capital city for the Final. One placard they carried asked - 'Why are Six-County Nationalists interned in the Curragh?' ....." (From 'An tÉireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1958.) The Annual Eve Of All-Ireland Rally will be held in Dublin on Saturday 19th September 2015. Those attending are asked to assemble at the Garden Of Remembrance at 1.45pm for the parade to the GPO in O'Connell Street at 2pm. All genuine republicans welcome!
INTERNATIONAL DAY OF SUPPORT FOR IRISH POW'S.
The 5th Annual International Day in Support of the Irish Prisoners of War held in Maghaberry, Portlaoise, and Hydebank jails will be held on the 24th, 25th and 26th of October 2015 ; this event, since 2011, has been held annually on the last weekend of October and, as in previous years, it is organised by the "International Committee to Support the Irish Prisoners of War". The committee is supportive of all Irish Republican prisoners held in Irish and British jails.
The last weekend of October is a historical date for Irish Republicans ; on October 25th, 1917, the Ard-Fheis of Sinn Féin adopted a Republican Constitution and, three years later, Sinn Féin’s Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence MacSwiney, died after 74 days on hunger strike. Furthermore, Joseph Murphy died on hunger strike in Cork prison on that day. On October 27th 1980, the first H-Block hunger strike began and on October 26th 1976, Máire Drumm, Vice-President of Sinn Féin, was murdered in the Mater Hospital, Belfast, by a loyalist death squad. Finally, on the last day of October 1973, the helicopter escape from Mountjoy jail took place.
In 2015, as in previous years, to mark these historical events as well as highlighting the plight of today's Irish Republican POW's, protests and pickets will be organised by various organisations and concerned individuals in Ireland, England, Scotland, Continental Europe, USA, Australia, and elsewhere. If you want to add a city or country to that list, contact the Organising Committee. All international organisations, Irish republican activists and their supporters are invited to join preparations to make the 5th annual POW-Day a success.
We would appreciate if those who want to support the Irish Republican POW’s on October 24th, 25th and 26th 2015 would contact us as soon as possible.
E-mail: supportthepows AT irish-solidarity.net Web: http://supportthepows.irish-solidarity.net
ON THIS DATE (26TH AUGUST) 95 YEARS AGO : RIC BARRACKS RAIDED BY IRA.
The RIC barracks in Drumquin, County Tyrone - raided by the IRA on the 26th August 1920.
95 years ago on this date, the IRA attacked the then RIC barracks in Drumquin, County Tyrone, an operation which resulted in the death of one IRA man and one RIC man, and another uniformed member of that British force was injured and later received £500 compensation for his injuries. A large haul of arms was captured by the IRA Unit, which consisted of Sam O’Flaherty, John McGroarty, Michael Doherty, James Curran, Henry McGowan, Patrick McGlinchey, Dr. J.P. McGinley, Jim Dawson, Anthony Dawson, Eamon Gallagher, Hugh McGraughan, Hugh Sweeney, William McLaughlin, Patrick McMonagle, James McMonagle, Hugh McGrath, John McLaughlin, Edward McBrearty, J.J. Kelly, James McCarron, John Flaherty, Jim Hannigan, John Byrne, Edward Thomas Coyle and Michael Bogan. A statement given by IRA Company Captain Henry McGowan (from Navany, Ballybofey, Donegal) 4th Donegal Brigade, to the Bureau of Military History, on the 16th March 1957, read as follows :
"I was born at Navany, Ballybofey, County Donegal, in the year 1892 and received my primary education at Knock National School, a short distance from my home. In my young days I was very keen on soldiering and having no other outlet, I joined the British Army in 1911. By the spring of 1914 I found that I had enough of Barrack Square and peace-time soldiering. Availing of the opportunity then pertaining, I bought myself out for the sum of £18. At that time there was no indication that World War1 was imminent. Had I remained for another four months I would not get the opportunity of leaving. I returned home and settled down for two years or more. I developed a great admiration for the men who took part in the Rebellion of 1916.
Sometime later I became acquainted with a man named Dan Kelly, who had been arrested after Easter 1916 and served a term of imprisonment in Frongoch. Prior to his arrest, Kelly was a station master on the Derry-Lough Swilly Railway, but lost his job on account of his Sinn Féin activities. After his release he set up in business In Ballybofey. He then organised a Sinn Féin Club in Ballybofey ; I believe it was the first organised in Donegal. Kelly then organised a Company of the Irish Volunteers, most of the members being young men already attached to the Sinn Féin Club. I was appointed 0/C of the Company, probably due to my experience in the British Army. At this time the Companies operated on an independent parish basis. It was two years later that they were organised into Battalions and Brigades.
In 1918 the Company was busily engaged preparing for the General Election. Shortly before the election, Sinn Féin decided to support E.J. Kelly, the Nationalist candidate in this constituency, so as not to split the vote and thereby prevent the Unionist candidate from gaining the seat. It was agreed that the Nationalists would not contest the seat in Derry, where Fain McNeill was going forward as candidate. County and District Council elections were held some time afterwards. I was elected a member and appointed Chairman of theDistrict Council. By virtue of that I automatically became a member of the County Council. Shortly after my election I attended a meeting of the County Council, presided over by P. J. Ward, later Brigade O/C in South Donegal and a member of Dáil Éireann. At that meeting it was decided to withhold all monies from the Local Government Board, the County Council to be responsible for the financial administration within the County. After the elections were over the men in the Company were principally engaged in training, parades, route marches etc. We collected all shotguns in the area; in most cases they were handed up willingly. We got a few rifles in the collection, one a good service Lee Enfield, the property of a member of the British Army who had deserted. We also got a Mauser rifle but only a few rounds of suitable ammunition for it. In 1919 Companies were organised into Battalions and Brigades. Ernie O'Malley visited the area and carried out the organisation. Sam O'Flaherty, who up until then had been a student in the National University, was appointed Brigade O/C and I was appointed vice-O/C. A number of arrests of Staff Officers from time to time led to numerous changes on the Battalion and Brigade Staffs.
Acting on instructions received in Easter 1920, the following vacated R.I.C. barracks were burned : Convoy, Brockagh and Killeter. One vacant barracks in theBallybofey district was by this time occupied by civilians and was left untouched. The barracks at Castlefin, evacuated at a later date, was not burned for the same reason. In August, Seán O'Flaherty summoned a meeting of the Battalion Staff and Battalion Commanders. He informed us that he had information from a man named Tom Johnston who had recently resigned from the R.I.C. that the R.I.C. barrack in Drumquinn, County Tyrone, would be an easy target, as the R.I.C. garrison there were a careless lot. After discussion it was decided that a day1ight attack was more likely to be successful. August the 26th, which was called 'fairday' in Drumquin, was the date selected, as a party of strangers collecting in the town on fair day was unlikely to arouse suspicion. Men from Letterkenny, Castlefinn, Clady and Ballybofey Companies were instructed to travel by car to a point near Drumquin where final instructions would be issued. Each man was to be armed with a revolver, carry a stick and dress in such a way as would make him resemble a cattle buyer. Each party arrived at the appointed place. Johnston, the ex-R.I.C.man, met Sam O'Flaherty there and gave him any information he could collect about the location of the R.I.C. at that particular time. Unfortunately, O'Flaherty did not transmit this information in detail to each member of his party, which led to confusion later.
The general outline of the plan of attack was for the party to move into the town and, under the pretext of buying cattle, the main attacking force to get as near as possible to the R.I.C. barracks. More men were detailed to move through the town and hold up and disarm any R.I.C. who might be on patrol or, more likely, to be found in licenced premises. Another party was detailed to cut phone and telegraph wires. We were a bit early moving into the town; the fair was only beginning to gather. As a result, there was some delay before we could put our plan into effect. While waiting for the signal to move, I met an unarmed policeman who remarked "There is a lot of you buyers in town today". I replied "Cattle have got a big raise in price and we have a big order to supply." He seemed satisfied with my statement and moved off. When sufficient cattle had arrived in the fair we pretended to buy and moved with the cattle until we got into position outside the barrack. James Curran and myself were detailed to hold up an R.I.C.Constable standing at the barrack door. Our intention was to quietly order him to put up his hands, disarm and take him away. Just then, James McMonagle, from Letterkenny, rushed over to him and shouted "Hands Up". The R.I.C. man turned suddenly and made a move as if he was about to grapple with McMonagle who immediately shot him through the head, and he fell dead in the doorway. The sound of the shot had the effect of alerting the R.I.C. inside. By the time we got into the day-room there were no R.I.C. there. I dashed into the kitchen, which was empty. I then searched the cells thinking that I would find a quantity of grenades stored there, but found none. Coming back to the day-room I got three rifles and a large quantity of ammunition which I
collected.
On reaching the front hall I found that the R.I.C. had taken up positions upstairs and were firing down into the hall. Next a grenade was tossed down, exploding in the hall and filling the place with fumes and dust. I got no instructions to rush the stairs at any time, neither did I fire any shots as I saw no target to fire at. Sam O'Flaherty then ordered us to withdraw, return to the cars and get away. In the rush to get away, Michael Doherty, Liscooley, Castlefin, 0/C of the 1st Battalion, who was on outpost duty in the town, was left behind. His absence was not discovered for some time afterwards. He eventually travelled home by train by a circuitous route. 0'Flaherty had issued instructions that our cars would leave Drumquin via the Newtownstewart road, turn left on to a bye-road and get out at Victoria Bridge, near Sion Mills. This route would take us to Clady and so avoid passing any R.I.C. barrack on the way. The cars conveying the Letterkenny party travelled by the direct route, passing through Castlederg, where there was an R.I.C. station. The cars were easily traced afterwards and the British forces had good information as to the identity of sane of the Volunteers in the attack. I travelled back with Sam O'Flaherty in a car owned and driven by John McGroarty from Killygordon. On arriving at a point near Killygordon, O'Flaherty and I left the car and, taking the captured rifles and ammunition with us, we moved,undercover of some hedges, in the direction of McGroarty's home. McGroarty went ahead with the car and put it in his garage. We had only reached a garden, attached to McGroarty's, when his sister came out and told us that the local R.I.C.Sergeant was about to call at the house.
I thought and felt at the time that it was foolish and cowardly for two armed men to be hiding from one R.I.C. man and said so to Sam Flaherty. He replied that we could not very well shoot an unarmed man in coldblood and that we could not take him prisoner as we could not hold him and, in addition, any such action would attract attention to McGroarty and be responsible for having his home burned. It transpired that the Sergeant had called to pay an account for car hire, due to John McGroarty. When he enquired where John was, Miss McGroarty told him he was workng at the flax crop. The Sergeant then left saying that he would see him later. McGroarty called at the barrack later in the evening and collected his money. There the Sergeant told him about the raid on Drumquin barrack. He also told him that he had instructions to check on all cars in his district and added that it was an easy task as McGroarty's was the only car in the district and he had seen it in the garage that day when he called at his home...." (from here.)
On the 1st June 1922, the RIC changed its name and uniform and became known as the RUC which, in turn, was amalgamated into the 'new' PSNI on the 4th November 2001 - another tweaking of its name and uniform only, as the 'police' in that part of Ireland are still, overall, administered in the main by Westminster and are as anti-republican as ever. And such a partitionist 'police force' will never be acceptable to Irish republicans.
ON THIS DATE (26TH AUGUST) 102 YEARS AGO : THE DUBLIN 'LOCK OUT'.
On the 26th of August 1913, a workers dispute in Dublin that was to last until May 1914 escalated : Dublin, at that time, lacked an industrial base and work in 1913 was generally of a casual nature with poor trade union organisation and slave wages ; a third of the city's teeming population inhabited the city centre tenement slums - the overcrowding, squalor and inadequate sanitation combined with poor diet to give Dublin one of the highest infant death rates in Europe.
Violence and prostitution were further evidence of the degraded but desperate condition of the population. It was , in many ways, an unlikely seed-bed for trade-unionism : the social system was typified by insecurity of employment, personal daily struggles for survival and the frequent indifference of the longer established, but conservative, craft trade unions. The 'New Unionism', marked by its organisation of the unskilled and socialist zeal, had enjoyed a brief flourish in Dublin of the 1890's but the odds were heavily stacked against permanent success and many union organisations had become moribund. With James Larkin's arrival in Ireland as Organiser for the National Union of Dock Labourers, the waterfront workers rose again, firstly in Belfast in 1907 and subsequently in other Irish ports. Disagreement with the Liverpool Executive of the National Union of Dock Labourers led to Larkin's suspension and the launch of a specialist Dublin-based unskilled workers union, the Irish Transport and General Workers Union : from the beginning the new union proclaimed in its rule book a wide programme of industrial and political agitation to change society in the interests of the Irish working class. The employers, however, would not be silent observers.
Under the calculating leadership of William Martin Murphy, owner of the 'Irish Independent' newspaper and controller of the Dublin Tramways Company, over 400 employers combined in the 'Dublin Employers Federation' to deny the same right of combination to the city's underprivileged. The 'target' was the threat, in class terms, of the message of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union so marvellously articulated by Jim Larkin's street oratory. The crunch came on August 15th, 1913, when William Martin Murphy offered the 'Independent' newspaper's 'Despatch Department' the choice of union - or job : they chose the Union, and were fired! Solidarity action saw the dispute escalate with further dismissals in Eason's and on the trams and, at at 9.40am on Tuesday 26th August 1913, Dublin tram drivers and conductors abandoned their vehicles in protest at the anti-union activities of their employer, and daily street protests ensued. On the 31st August 1913 the police attacked an innocent crowd gathered to hear Jim Larkin address them in O'Connell Street, Dublin - the meeting had been banned by the authorities, and the ITGWU had transferred their activities to their social premises in Croydon Park, Clontarf, Dublin. Scores were injured in the baton charge and public opinion was shocked at the scenes, so much so that questions were raised in the British House of Commons about it and the matter was debated at the British Trade Union Conference. Violence was not new for the beleaguered workers, however, as scabs were protected and pickets frequently attacked : James Nolan, James (John) Byrne, Alice Brady and Michael Byrne paid for their loyalty to the workers' cause with their lives.
Support soon came on foot of the distress but Jim Larkin's 'Fiery Cross' crusade in Britain, where he preached the 'Divine Mission of Discontent', generated rank and file rather than official reaction and assistance was limited to food and material support rather than sympathetic industrial action. James Connolly, now co-ordinating industrial matters, drew the port of Dublin shut as 'tight as a drum' and both sides settled for a long attritional war through the winter with the bosses relying on starvation and the workers on the simple message of 'Each for all and all for each'. The Trade Union Council 'Dublin Food Fund' and other support marshalled by the Dublin Trades Council sustained the workers and there can have been few occasions as emotive as the landing of the food ships on the quays. The violence - physical, mental and emotional - that was used by the bosses against the working class prompted the then unemployed and starving population towards the need to be capable of defending themselves, and a 'citizen army' was founded. Intellectuals and many middle-class sympathisers rallied to the side of the workers, shocked at the awful conditions and horrified at the pig-headedness of the employers : however, the Catholic Church was less sympathetic and positively hostile to the notion of Dublin's starved youngsters going to the 'Godless' homes of English sympathisers for the duration of the battle. James Connolly wondered why souls were of greater concern than bellies!
In the face of uneven odds the Lock-Out began to crumble in January 1914 as the Building Labourers' Union returned, as many others were to do, without signing the offending document re trade union membership. Some stuck it out until May 1914 but, in the end, the employers could and did claim victory as resistance collapsed - but they lacked the strength to enforce their victory, as the Irish Transport and General Workers Union survived ; in defeat, the ITGWU had gained many adherents and, more significantly, had laid the foundations that led James Connolly to conclude : "From the effects of this drawn battle both sides are still bearing heavy scars. How deep those scars are, none will ever reveal. But the working class has lost none of its aggressivness, none of its confidence, none of the hope in the ultimate triumph. No traitor amongst the ranks of that class has permanently gained, even materially, by his or her treachery. The flag of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union still flies proudly in the van of the Irish working class, and that working class still marches proudly and defiantly at the head of the gathering hosts who stand for a regenerated nation, resting upon a people industrially free..."
The 1913 Lock-Out tried to outlaw a culture which was counter to capitalism ; it failed partly because it was so crude and ham-fisted. Today's attack is more subtle and all the more dangerous because of it ; we still have acute housing problems, unemployment, emigration, attacks on hard-won health, education and social services and new problems of urban decay, drug abuse, vandalism, crime and the alienation of our youth. To honour the memory of 1913 we must begin, on an individual basis, to commit ourselves to trade union activity, not just trade union membership*.
[Reposted, in the main, from a piece we first posted here in 2006.]
(*...but first, in my opinion and experience, we need a proper trade union infrastructure ie one not managed by a mirror-image of the bosses/factory owners and politicians that constantly try to attack our pay and conditions.)
NOT LIVING UP TO HER NAME!
O.M.G. But wouldn't you be only mortified?!
The lovely couple featured in this short piece are known to us, as we ourselves and our friends have been 'introduced' to the pair of them and their friends and work colleagues many times over the years and, while we can't say we fully enjoyed the experience, we do at least realise that those 'meetings' were unavoidable. This couple are of a similar mindset to each other, which explains their jobs and attitude, but they failed to understand - when in Rome etc (even if only for six weeks!) - that what was commonplace for them at home (ie their way of doing things in the territory they occupied [!] ) would be looked at with raised eyebrows elsewhere.
To describe your hosts as being stuck in the 1960's and sneeringly dismiss your new abode as a village trying to be a country and then to opine, in public, that that 'village' is in agreement with you that the territory needs outsiders to run it is not the best way to make new friends in a new area. But it's an easy mistake to make if you were a member of the 'ruling class' in the last place you lived in and, with that in mind, we were going to ask our readers to sign this petition in support of her but poor Amanda has been through enough already so we decided instead to just make an award to the woman - - and, judging by her resignation letter (dated 17th August 2015) , Amanda seems to believe she hasn't really committed any offence : "Further to our conversations in recent days, I am writing formally to hand in my resignation with immediate effect. Since I arrived in Anguilla, I have given the role my all and was working hard to improve policing on this island. I oversaw the policing of a safe and successful Summer Carnival, and arranged for specialised training for all CID officers and monthly professional development training for all officers. I had commenced work on increasing the visibility of the RAPF on the streets and focused on planning to tackle serious crimes. All of this was what I had come to Anguilla to do.
Following the newspaper article published in Belfast, I have been the subject of intense media and social media criticism with calls for my resignation, not because of the job I was trying to do, but because of quotes taken out of context. As soon as I saw the article I issued an honest and sincere apology for any offence caused, but the personal criticism has continued. This has now affected my health and I have been left with no alternative than to resign and leave Anguilla.
I am sorry that I have let people down who supported me and put faith in me to do this job. I should like to take this opportunity to thank the officers of the Royal Anguilla Police Force for their welcome and support. They do a difficult job in challenging circumstances. I wish them the very best for the future as they work to keep Anguilla safe and secure.
With best wishes,
Mrs Amanda Stewart."
And, speaking of 'best wishes', you can offer yours to Amanda here. And tell her every village needs someone like her.
TAKING FURTHER ADVANTAGE OF AN ECONOMIC DOWNTURN.
"Cant believe it , sick to my stomach , you always hear of dunnes treating there workers badly but i didnt think it was this bad, i got a 6 month contract and was kept on,was told i would be permanent when im there a year and a day, im there a year next week and today was called up to be told my contract was terminated immediately to hand over my key of my till and to leave the shop....." (from here, posted on 'Facebook' on the 18th August last.)
Yet Dunnes management still attempt to promote their company as 'decent' - 'Our success has only been possible thanks to the talented people who work for us. Each individual plays an essential role in continuing the growth and development of Dunnes Stores.....we offer a broad range of challenging, rewarding careers (and are) committed to exceeding expectations (with) opportunities for advancement and competitive salaries..'(from here.) The above 'Facebook' post (from Lauren Smyth) highlights just how much Dunnes 'value' their employees, a sentiment echoed in a recent survey of those workers : 'A survey of Dunnes Stores employees has found widespread dissatisfaction with their treatment by the company....over 1,300 employees (were asked) about their views on conditions within the store (and) 76% said they were on part-time flexible contracts, with 98% saying they wished for more stable working hours....' (from here.)
Dunnes Stores and its owners/management have a track record in regards to bad industrial relations and seriously need to be encouraged to treat their staff with some decency - trade-union organised pickets and boycotts would be a good start, and the sooner the better.
GORGEOUS GALWAY...
..VERSUS.....NARKY NEW YORK! And there was only ever gonna be one winner - New York! If you want to relax, get away from it all, stun yourself with your surroundings and (literally, for the most part!) cut yourself off from the outside world - then you'll love the part of Galway that we were in! Myself and two of the daughters stayed in the same bungalow in Ballyconneely that we holidayed in last year and it was lovely - the landscape, the air, the quietness , the vast outdoors and nature itself.
But I missed the buzz. And the noise, the smells, the steel, the sweat, the concrete, the cheeky and ignorant and arrogant facade of New York City and its inhabitants and/or those that are just barely existing in that wannabe hell hole. Galway is great for a rest, but NYC is an experience, a 'lifestyle', where all human life slaps you in your senses and challenges you to hit back.
Anyway - good to be here again, and thank you for dropping by!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
