ON THIS DATE (14TH JULY) 223 YEARS AGO : SHEARES BROTHERS MURDERED BY THE CROWN.
"Adieu, Julia, my light is out. The approach of darkness is like that of death, since both alike require I should say farewell forever. Oh! my dear family, farewell forever..."- from a letter written by John Sheares to his sister shortly before his execution.
'On July 14th, 1798, brothers John and Henry Sheares (pictured), who were both lawyers and United Irishmen, were hung, drawn and quartered in Dublin.
Sons of a wealthy banker and member of the Irish Parliament from County Cork, Henry was briefly an officer in the '51st Regiment of Foot' following his schooling, but did not find army life to his liking and resigned his commission. Both brothers became successful lawyers and could have lived out their lives in comfort, but they visited France together in 1792 and there acquired their revolutionary republican principles. On the boat home from France they met Daniel O'Connell, who may have also been inspired by the revolution in France, but was repulsed by the violence that had gone on there and did not join the United Irishmen.
They joined the United Irishmen on their return to Dublin and John began to write articles for 'The Press', a nationalist paper, and help organize the group in Cork. When most of the leaders of the United Irishmen were arrested in the spring of 1798, John became the defacto leader for a short time. The brothers were betrayed by an informer, Captain Warnesford Armstrong, and were arrested on May 21st. Found guilty of treason, they were publicly hung (drawn, and quartered) outside Newgate Prison in Dublin. Both are buried at Dublin's St. Michan's Church...' (From here.)
The informer Armstrong was a particularly odious character - a 'rat' of a man - who struck up a 'friendship' with the Sheares children, who looked forward to visits from him, at their house in Baggot Street, in Dublin.
He was a Captain in the 'King's County Militia' and was tasked with ingratiating himself with the Sheares Brothers as the 'authorities' were aware of their republican activities. Indeed, at least two other informers - Conway and Collins - were also 'on the case', but it was Armstrong who 'succeeded', to the point that John Sheares himself instructed Armstrong to be on his guard, as other 'United Irishmen' were convinced that Armstrong was a spy and were planning to execute him!
In a 'trial' which lasted all of seventeen minutes - in which Armstrong happily took to the dock and testified against the brothers - they were found 'guilty of high treason'. The informer Armstrong was granted the 'Freedom of the City' by the British and was placed in command of a British militia group in County Wicklow, where he delighted in shooting suspected rebels on sight, even those who had been 'pardoned for assisting the Crown'. As we said - a particularly odious character.
In a speech from the dock, John Sheares, who had been presented as some sort of a bloodthirsty individual, stated -
"The accusation of which I speak, while I linger here yet a minute, is that of holding out to the people of Ireland a direction to give no quarter to the troops fighting for its defence.
My lords, let me say thus, that if there be any acquaintances in this crowded court - I do not say my intimate friends, but acquaintances - who do not know what I say is truth, I shall be reputed the wretch which I am not ; I say, if any acquaintance of mine can believe that I could utter a recommendation of giving no quarter to a yielding and unoffending foe, it is not the death which I am about to suffer that I deserve.
No punishment could be adequate to such a crime. My lords, I can not only acquit my soul of such an intention, but I declare, in the presence of that God before whom I must shortly appear, that the favorite doctrine of my heart was that no human being should suffer death, but when absolute necessity required it.."
John and Henry Sheares were hanged, drawn and quartered, 223 years ago on this date.
She said, "Ten times they fought for me,
ten times they with might and main
Ten times I saw them beaten down,
Ten times they rose, and fought again.
She said, "I stayed alone at home,
A dreary woman, grey and cold
I never asked them how they fared,
Yet still they loved me as of old..." (From the poem 'After Aughrim', by Emily Lawless.)
'O'DONOVAN ROSSA'.
By Margaret Buckley.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
The passage of time is, I suppose, responsible for the curious omission in accounts of his life, of the fact that O'Donovan Rossa actually lived and worked in Cork City, between the years 1904 to 1906.
The 'Cork Celtic Literary Society' of that period whose membership included Terence McSwiney, Thomás McCurtain, Liam de Roiste (Secretary), Diarmuid Fawsitt, Fred Cronin and others, and all had kept up a close correspondence with the exiled patriot, and he had repeatedly expressed his ardent desire to return and live again in Ireland.
Those young men bent themselves to the task of furthering his ambition, and with the influence of the then Lord Major of Cork - Alderman Richard Cronin, a brother Fenian of Rossa's - succeeded in securing for him a post with Cork County Council. Rossa, his wife and their two daughters were welcomed at Queenstown (Cobh) by his comrades...
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (14TH JULY) IN...
..1921 : two thorns in the side of Irish freedom, Éamon de Valera and Lloyd George, met each other for the first time on this date in 1921. Within a week of sizing each other up, the British offered de Valera dominion statue within the 'Empire', but not for the whole of Ireland - the 'deal' was for only twenty-six of our thirty-two counties and was rejected.
The British then offered fresh discussions, based on the issues surrounding "how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations..", and talks in connection with that 'offer' began but de Valera sensed that it was not going to work out to Irish advantage and sent five plenipotentiaries to London to discuss the issue, instead of travelling there himself.
And so it was that Arthur Griffith, Michael Collins, Robert Barton, Eamonn Duggan and George Gavan Duffy accepted partition, dominion status within the "community of nations known as the British Empire" (a status "the same as that of the Dominion of Canada") and lost several ports, as well as - whether they knew it then or not - becoming the leadership of an anti-republican military and political grouping in the new 26-County State.
This was actually just another rung on the ladder of what polite/mis-guided political commentators in this State and elsewhere call 'the Troubles' ; our (political and military) 'troubles' didn't start then, or in the 1960's - they can be traced back to the 12th Century and in each of those centuries a dev, Griffith, Collins etc grouping can be found which 'struck a deal' with Westminster, the price of which we are still paying.
...1572 : on the 14th of July that year, a 'Sir' Nick White was appointed as the 'Master of the Rolls' in Ireland. He mixed with and was known to the political elite of the time who, apparently, always politely held him at arms length ; he wasn't really considered by them to be 'one of us' as he was born in Waterford, in Ireland, and was inclined to give a fair(ish) hearing in relation to legal matters arising from the 'connection' between Ireland and England ; meaning that he didn't always come down hard enough on the 'uppity Irish' if, in his opinion, there was a case to be made for 'fair play' in any dispute which he worked on.
The political circles in which he moved were suspicious of him because of that and, when one of his cases involved working with 'Sir' John Perrot, his detractors decided to move against him. Perrot was an earlier version of Oliver Cromwell when it came to an 'Irish solution' ie a 'kill-them-all-and-let-God-sort-them-out'-type of marauder but, despite his best efforts, he failed, and the Irish survived and continued to be uppity.
However, in between his failures with subjugating the Irish he became a rich(er) man, making enemies out of those who were jealous of his financial successes.
His enemies, who were well got in political and military circles, hinted at a connection between his wealth and his failures to further conqueor the Irish (ie Irish land given/handed over to him, bribes and/or back-handers) and a charge of treason was brought against him, and Nick White was brought down, too, because of his association with Perrot ; two 'witnesses', a Dennis O'Roghan and a Henry Bird, gave 'evidence' that the two men, White and Perrot, had acted in a treasonous manner and both of them were locked-up in the Tower of London, where both of them died in 1592.
And the moral of the story : Britain has no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests. Those that she builds up today can be tore down tomorrow. There are, unfortunately, no shortage of White's and Perrot's in every country who believe otherwise...
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES...'
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
There were two main reasons for (P) Sinn Féin's poor showing in the recent election, one short-term and therefore no great cause for concern, the other longer term and more serious.
Last February, working-class voters were mainly concerned to get rid of the Coalition parties with their record of savage cuts in public services. They swung to Fianna Fail, though with no great enthusiasm, as the only party that could oust Garret Fitzgerald. And, of course, Fianna Fail, opportunist as ever, had plastered the place with posters saying -'Health Cuts Hurt The Old, The Sick And The Handicapped'.
By that sort of reckoning, (P) Sinn Féin did not count ; they certainly were not going to form a new government, they were not even likely to influence the formation of one and, indeed, if they took voters from Fianna Fail they might even make things easier for Fine Gael and the PD's. They just were not regarded as being in the senior league at all, and that helps to explain why, in a number of Dublin constituencies, the (P) Sinn Féin vote was actually down a bit on the 1985 local elections and the overall percentage poll was under half the figure for the last EEC elections.
Those polls were not going to decide the next government so the people felt they could afford to indulge in a bit of protesting voting... (MORE LATER.)
'MÓR MÓ NÁIR...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
We simply must do our part. It may not be a spectacular part, it is not the role of the true Irish girl to be spectacular, but it is nevertheless a vital part.
None is more important than the mother. Many of the greatest men in every country and of every age, have attributed to their mothers their source of inspiration and help. It is the mother's right and privilege to teach her children their first prayers, give them their first love, tell them their first stories and sing for them their first songs. The children depend on the mother for the first conception of a sense of values which will help them to live fully till the very end.
Irish children depend on her to give them a sense of pride in themselves, the custodian of the faith given to them through St Patrick, and of the tradition and beauty and culture of a race, once renowned for its sanctity and scholarship. And Irish mothers have a difficult task, because the foreign influence is so overwhelming and so penetrating... (MORE LATER.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (7TH JULY) 99 YEARS AGO : CATHAL BRUGHA DIES FROM FREE STATE-INFLICTED GUNSHOT WOUND.
On the 18th July, 1874, Thomas Burgess and his wife, Marianne (nee Flynn), who lived at that time in 13 Richmond Avenue in Dublin, celebrated the birth of their tenth child (in a family of sixteen, including the parents - it was a mixed Roman Catholic and Protestant marriage) - a boy who they named 'Charles William Saint John'.
Charles received his schooling at Colmcille and, later, at Belvedere College and, at 35 years young, he took up a position as a business partner in Lalor Brothers (Dublin), which provided ceremonial candles for all occasions. He was by then a history buff, and had changed his name to 'Cathal Brugha'.
His knowledge of Irish history meant that he quickly realised that there would never be peace with justice in Ireland as long as there was a British political and military presence in the country, and he became involved in the freedom struggle. He was active in the 1916 Easter Rising, in the war for independence and in the Civil War, after Britain had, again, divided and sought to fully conquer in Ireland, by buying those who allowed themselves to be bought.
Cathal rigidly adhered to the Irish republican side in his political life and, at the first meeting of the [32-County] Dáil Éireann, in Dublin's Mansion House (on 21st January 1919), he was elected as 'Acting President' in place of Eamonn de Valera, who was at that time still in a British jail (imprisoned for his part in an alleged 'German Plot' against Westminster).
He was put in prison himself by the British for, on one occasion, refusing to give his name in English -
'Thurles (County Tipperary), 4th January 1919 - Cathal Brugha, who was elected as the MP for Waterford County last month, was arrested at Thurles railway station for giving his name in Irish when questioned by a police officer.
Mr Brugha was about to board a train bound for Dublin when Constable S. Barrett asked for his name. On hearing the name Cathal, the policeman asked if it was Irish. When Mr Brugha responded that it was indeed in Irish, the constable is reported to have said to him: ‘Unless you give me your name in plain English I must detain you.’ Brugha, who laughed in response, was subsequently arrested and taken to the local police barracks where he was searched. On his person was a receipt for a £150 election deposit. Mr Brugha is the first Sinn Féin MP to be arrested since the election...' (from here.)
He read the 'Declaration of Independence' in Irish to that Mansion House Dáil and, in his military role, he rallied and spoke against the 'Treaty of Surrender' -
"Why, if instead of being so strong, our last cartridge had been fired, our last shilling had been spent, and our last man were lying on the ground and his enemies howling round him and their bayonets raised, ready to plunge them into his body, that man should say — true to the traditions handed down —if they said to him : "Now, will you come into our Empire?", he should say, and he would say : "No! I will not..."
That is the spirit that has lasted all through the centuries, and you people in favour of the Treaty know that the British Government and the British Empire will have gone down before that spirit dies out in Ireland..."
He also defended himself, his republican comrades and the Republic itself from detractors who sough to further enhance their 'stature', as they saw it, by attempting to sell 'the benefits' of the Treaty of Surrender : "While the war was in progress I could not praise too highly the work done by the Head Quarters' Staff. The Chief of Staff and each of the leaders of the subsections — the members of the Head Quarters' Staff — were the best men (sic) we could get for the positions ; each of them carried out efficiently, so far as I know, the work that was entrusted to him (sic).
They worked conscientiously and patriotically for Ireland without seeking any notoriety, with one exception; whether he is responsible or not for the notoriety I am not going to say. There is little more for me to say. One member was specially selected by the Press and the people to put him into a position which he never held ; he was made a romantic figure, a mystical character such as this person certainly is not. The gentleman I refer to is Mr. Michael Collins..."
His defence of the Republic, in 1916, left him with twenty-five British-inflicted wounds on his body - 'five dangerous, nine serious and eleven slight...one of the dangerous wounds had an artery cut. His left foot, hip and leg were practically one mass of wounds...' (from here) - but it was Michael Collins and his group of Free State mercenaries who finally done what the British had failed to do ; on Wednesday, 5th of July in 1922, as Cathal Brugha and other IRA men were sheltering in the burning Granville Hotel in Dublin, the Staters moved in ; Brugha attempted to hold them off until his comrades could escape or, failing that, surrender. He was armed with a Thompson sub-machine gun and opened-up on the Free State Army ; he made it as far as the nearby Thomas Lane, where he was brought to the ground by enemy fire.
He was taken to the Mater Hospital where a Dr Patrick Smyth examined him ; he noted that Brugha was "..suffering from a bullet wound in the left thigh...there was an entry and exit wound, about four inches wide..." . Another doctor, Alex Blayney, recorded that Brugha's great sciatic nerve was almost completely divided and part of his femoral artery had been ruptured. It was recorded that "...as he collapsed (in Thomas Lane) he was attended to by Doctors Joseph Brennan and Sean Geraghty, who did everything possible to help him. Two members of the Red Cross helped and he was moved to the side of the lane near a telegraph post. An ambulance took him to the Mater Hospital where, at 10.45am on Friday July 7th, he died..."
Charles William Saint John Burgess, aka Cathal Brugha/ Catal Bruga, born in Drumcondra in Dublin on the 18th of July, 1874, died, in his 47th year, on the 7th July, 1922 - 99 years ago on this date - from a Free State Army-inflicted 'arterial bleed from gunshot wound in the leg'. He was the Chief of Staff for the IRA from 1917 to 1919, and the Republican Minister of Defence until 1922. He is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin.
'Remember how in Kerry they butchered our lads like swine!
God! Think of Ballyseedy, where they tied them to a mine.
How Rory and Liam and Dick and Joe, to glut the Imperial beast,
Were murdered, while in prison, on our Blessed Lady's feast.
How, with overworked revolver as he dashed from that hotel,
Rode a rebel's last defiance as Cathal Brugha fell...' (from here.)
'MORE ENGLISH THAN...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
Even though 'Indiu' is heavily subsidised by the Twenty-Six County government, we still had hoped that there was some little spark of nationality in it.
Unfortunately, however, it seems that it is taking on the same type of job which Elizabeth 1 had in view when she ordered the translation of the Bible and other books in English for the 'enlightenment of the Irish'.
(END of 'More English Than...' : NEXT - 'O Donovan-Rossa', by Margaret Buckley, from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (7TH JULY) IN...
...1700 : the Member of Parliament for County Sligo, a Captain Hugh Morgan, who was attached to 'Lord Dungannon's Regiment' of the British Army, was summoned to the Curragh Camp to appear before a board of inquiry consisting of other members of the Office class.
Captain Morgan had apparently made a name for himself as a bit of a boyo or, as they probably called it back then, "a rogue and a rascal", which was actually the wording used at the time when his peers called him to account.
We can't find out what it was that the bould Cap'n done for his own buddies to turn on him like they did but, so it seems, the Captain himself wasn't interested enough to find out either, as he never turned up for the appointment.
We got the following from here -
Hugh MORGAN of Cottlestown and Palmerstown, Dublin, Ireland.
MP for Sligo 1692-1712; Captain of Lord Dungannon's Regiment, summoned to appear before a board of general officers at the Curragh of Kildare 7th July 1700, accused of being 'a rogue and rascal'.
Pardoned on 17 July (for failure to turn up!!).
Ten days after his 'no-show', he was pardoned. If ya ask us, the whole bleedin' lot of them are 'rogues and rascals', but it's an awful pity that they couldn't be 'no-shows' in this country, too...!
...1816 : Dublin-born Richard Brinsley Sheridan, a playwright, impresario and politician, died on this date (7th July), in 1816. He was more-or-less 'in' with the in-crowd of his day, but...not quite, maybe.
He was a member of the ruling elite in the British Parliament from 1780 to 1812 (as a member of the 'Whigs'), but his conscience kicked-in frequently, especially when Ireland and India were being discussed in Westminster - he spoke often and loudly about the way those two peoples were being mistreated by 'the Empire'.
And he wasn't afraid of a physical duel, either ; he was involved in at least two such 'matches' over - what else? - a woman!
He won the first, comfortably, and was later challenged to a rematch by the loser, which he accepted. He 'won' that, too, but not as easily -
'...the second duel, fought in July 1772 at Kingsdown near Bath, was a much more ferocious affair. This time both men broke their swords but carried on fighting in a 'desperate struggle for life and honour'. Both were wounded, Sheridan dangerously, and he had to be 'borne from the field with a portion of his antagonist's weapon sticking through an ear, his breast-bone touched, his whole body covered with wounds and blood, and his face nearly beaten to jelly with the hilt of Mathews' sword...' (from here.)
The poor man died, in poverty, in 1815, at 64 years of age. Probably from a broken heart. Maybe more so literally than figuratively.
...1905 : A Bill entitled 'The Drunkenness (Ireland) Bill' was (shamelessly) debated in the British 'House of Commons' on the 7th July 1905.
The Bill, as formulated and discussed, '...would compel a husband to give evidence against his wife, and the wife to give evidence against her husband. To (my) mind such a proposal was an outrage upon family life and the social relations which existed in Ireland. So far as families in Ireland were concerned, the proposals in this Bill were an outrage on common sense...this Act, if passed, would be an addition to the long list of coercive Acts which had been applied to Ireland...this Bill was uncalled for, ill-considered, mischievous in its provisions, and offensive to every Irishman who had any regard for the fair fame of his country. The very title "Drunkenness (Ireland) Bill" was offensive...'. (from here.)
The British 'establishment' had then (and still have) a cheek, to attempt to point a shaky finger at Ireland in that (or any other) regard :
'...the Victorians liked to drink and they lived in a society geared towards alcohol consumption. In the great industrial cities of Britain, there was almost no escaping the beer houses, gin palaces, refreshment rooms, restaurants, theatres, music halls, vaults, dram shops, oyster bars, private clubs and public houses that served a dizzying array of alcoholic drinks to suit people from all walks of life. Drinking went on from dawn till dusk and on into the wee small hours...' (from here.)
In his well-received book 'The Making of Victorian England', the author, George Kitson Clark, had this to say about his experiences with the British so-called 'upper class' : "It would be hard to say why historians have not rated the effect of strong drink as the significant factor in nineteenth-century (British) history that it undoubtedly was. Its importance stands out from every page of the contemporary record. The most prominent factor in every disputed election was bestial drunkenness.
Drunkenness caused endless trouble to the employers of labour, as for instance the builders of the railways found to their cost. The results of strong drink were patent in disgusting forms at the appropriate times in most of the streets and market places of Britain. In the background there was always present the degradation, the cruelty, particularly to the weak and defenceless, which resulted from drunkenness. The cause of its prevalence was no doubt an unfortunate historical tendency made much worse by intolerable living conditions. In many cases indeed the terms on which life was offered is a complete explanation of any drunkenness..."
We're off now, down to the local GAA club, for a few pints of cider, over which we'll discuss how the British 'encouraged' everyone else to build their 'empire' for them.
'Cause they were too pissed to do it for themselves.
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES...'
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
Another reason for the gloom and despair at that election result was an equally exaggerated view of the role of elections, as if getting someone elected to Leinster House was the real object of their political work instead of just another tactic in the struggle. For the bourgeois politicians, getting their bums on the padded parliamentary seats is what it's all about*. But for revolutionaries**, Leinster House should be just another platform from which to preach their message, and elections an opportunity to bring that message home to the people on their doorsteps.
For the bourgeois politicians, 'real' politics are over until the next time once the votes are counted. But for the revolutionary, when the votes are counted, politics goes on as before - in the trade unions, tenants' associations, women's groups, action groups of every kind, on the streets, as well as in or out of Leinster House.
Viewed from that perspective, electoral failure is not a catastrophe - life and struggle go on, however disappointing the results of the poll. There is no need to go away and die. But it would be equally foolish to ignore election results, however. For all the failings of the electoral system and the obstacles the ruling class put in the way of their opponents, elections do provide a rough guide to the people's political preferences. And clearly (P) Sinn Féin does not come very high on the list at the moment...
(*Actually, 'bum on seat' is what it's about for all Leinster House members, regardless of whether they are bourgeois or not going in to that institution because, when they get a taste of the taxpayers money that is available to them in there, they become bourgeois, mentally, morally, and politically.)
(*'Revolutionaries in Leinster House'?!! The political system built and maintained by the political administration in this State can only be tweaked temporarily, if at all, by Leinster House politicians - it cannot be 'revolutionised' by them.)
(MORE LATER.)
'MÓR MÓ NÁIR'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
It is well said that the attitude of its men to its women reflects the tone of an age, and because all that is noble in man responds to the lovely character of a good woman, the women of a country do a great deal to set the standard of beauty and truth.
Many great tributes have been paid to the women of Ireland in generations past ; what tribute will be paid to the present generation by those yet unborn depends entirely on the way we women of today live.
The best of the manhood of Ireland - the men often called idealistic and impractical, despite their very practical methods of dealing with the scourge of the conquester - are far more dependent on the women of Ireland for help in their great work, than either realise. And it is of the greatest importance at this time of rapid growth in the great separatist spirit in Irishmen today that the women of Ireland do not let them down by any meanness in them...(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
WOUNDED BY THE BRITISH, FINISHED OFF BY THE STATERS...
This Irish rebel was on active duty in 1916, and before then. He had some lucky escapes over the years but, in Easter week in 1916, he must have thought his time was up.
He was wounded more than two dozen times by the British, but he wouldn't surrender. He fought on, was captured by the British and, eventually, recovered, somewhat - his physical abilities were never the same afterwards, but his mental capabilities were as sharp as ever, and he remained active within Irish republican circles.
He completely rejected the 'Treaty of Surrender' and campaigned against it, as did tens of thousands of other principled people and then, like those other good people, he fought against it. Those that stood shoulder-to-shoulder with him in the struggle before the 1916 Easter Rising and during that same week shot him dead in 1922...
Plus, on a lighter note, we'll also be writing about a kind-hearted (!) English 'queen' who was apparently concerned about the literacy skills of the Irish, being politically 'bourgeois' or having aspirations to be so, and being politically idealistic and impractical, according to the 'establishment', that is.
Finally, we'll have a few words to say about a man who shares his name with a bottle of whiskey and was known to be a bit of a boyo, another man who, if he did die from a broken heart, it was probably more literally than figuratively and how it is that work is the curse of the drinkin' class...!
We'll be posting about all of the above on Wednesday, 7th July 2021. See ya then!
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (30TH JUNE) 99 YEARS AGO : PRO-BRITISH MERCENARIES IN DUBLIN RETAKE THE FOUR COURTS.
The Four Courts building in Dublin, located on Inns Quay, was abandoned by Anti-Treaty forces on the 30th June, 1922 after a two-day bombardment by the Free Staters, who used borrowed British guns against those who, only months earlier, they had been fighting with, against the British occupiers.
At 3.40am, on Wednesday, 28th June 1922, the republican forces inside the Four Courts were given an ultimatum from (poacher-turned-gamekeeper) Free Stater Tom Ennis (pictured), which had been sanctioned by Michael Collins - 'surrender before 4am and leave the building'.
Tom Ennis had been active within republicanism in 1916 but jumped ship in 1922 into the then newly-formed Free State Army, which he resigned from in 1924. His brother, Peter, also fought on the republican side in 1916 but he, too, joined the Staters as the Chief Supertendent of their new 'Intelligence Department', then based in the notorious Oriel House, in Dublin. He earned his keep for his employers in Leinster House and eventually retired in 1941.
The republicans ignored the threat and held their ground and, less than half-an-hour later - at about 4.30am - the Staters opened fire on the republicans with British-supplied 18-pounder guns and practically destroyed the building, an act which was recently described as "..a major national calamity..an assault on the collective memory of the nation..such actions are considered as war crimes..a cultural atrocity.." (from here.)
The IRA held out for two days before leaving the building (on the 30th of June, 1922), but fought-on elsewhere in Dublin until early July, 1922, with Oscar Traynor (who later joined the Fianna Fáil party, in 1929) in command.
Incidentally, on the 26th June (1922) Leo Henderson and a group of 'Irregulars/Dissidents' left the then republican-occupied Four Courts (which had been taken over on the 14th of April by anti-treaty forces) '..and arrived at Ferguson's garage on Dublin's Baggot Street, accusing them of doing business with Belfast ; this was, they said, in violation of the boycott the IRA had placed on the city due to violence against nationalists there.
Leo Henderson, their leader, seized a number of cars at gunpoint, and was on the point of driving back to the anti-Treaty stronghold of the Four Courts when he was arrested by pro-Treaty/Free State troops. Henderson's comrades in the Four Courts in response arrested a pro-Treaty General, JJ O’Connell and, within 24 hours, Free State artillery was battering at the walls of the Four Courts in central Dublin. The first shots of the Irish Civil War were caused by a row over selling cars to Belfast...'(from here, and more details can be read here.)
On this date - 30th June - in 1922, a then recently-employed service provider for the British, Michael Collins, used British weaponry against men and women that only months earlier he had fought alongside in opposition to the British military and political presence in Ireland.
And those who fumble in the greasy till in this rotten State consider him a hero for doing so.
'MORE ENGLISH THAN...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
The Gaedhilg-printed 'Indiu' was among the few papers opposed to the IRA action in Armagh. It carried a long-winded hostile article, which followed the 'main line of reasoning' which is being put forward recently by a certain ex-politician and formerly a member of the Free State Government.
The argument was something like this : Catholic families tend to have more children than Protestant, hence in the normal course the Catholic population of the Six Counties will gradually overtake and eventually exceed the Protestant population, meanwhile we should concentrate on trying to win over a section of the Protestants to support Irish unity.
A couple of hundred thousand would be sufficient but, while doing this, we must establish the best possible relations with the Stormont Government, being always careful not to do or say anything that would offend their pro-British susceptibilities. Thus, in fifty or a hundred years time, the problem would be solved and everyone would live happily ever after*.
That a man who was party to the surrender in 1921 and has been a supporter of the Free State since then should put forward such a case is understandable enough, but that it should be supported and publicised by a Gaelic newspaper is lamentable...
(* '1169' comment - the 'outbreed them' policy re the Occupied Six Counties has been the 'official' position of the Leinster House administration since it was spawned here in 1921 by the British, and the 'win-over-without-causing-offence' notion has been practised by the self-serving career politicians in that institution ever since then. Indeed, one set of politicians in that Kildare Street venue have gone one step further - they offered themselves as service providers for the British, for financial rewards, of course, and have been gainfully employed as such for decades now!)
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (30TH JUNE) 80 YEARS AGO : THE STEPHEN HAYES AFFAIR.
On the 30th June, 1941, Stephen Hayes, a former IRA chief of staff, was kidnapped by the IRA after suspicions were raised that he was an informer ; '...Hayes, Stephen (1902–74), revolutionary, was born 26 December 1902 in Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford, one of eleven children of Thomas Hayes, publican, and Ellen Hayes (née Brown).
In 1920 he left the local CBS and became a clerical officer with Wexford county council. Having been an active member of Fianna Éireann while still at school, he was appointed commandant of the Wexford brigade (1920–21) and was subsequently obliged to go on the run in early 1921...Hayes was kidnapped (on the 30th June 1941, by the IRA) and taken to a house in the Cooley Mountains...(and) was then moved to a house in the Wicklow Mountains before being taken to a safe house at 20 Castlewood Park, Rathmines (Dublin)...Hayes swiftly grabbed a gun from a table and threw himself from the window on to the street. He gave himself up at Rathmines garda station and eventually gave evidence against the IRA...' (from here.)
That he eventually turned informer is not in doubt, but whether he was an informer at the time that he was arrested by the IRA is still open for discussion, and part of that discussion will have to take the following into consideration -
'Hayes later admitted in a detailed statement that he had been an agent for the Gardaí and the Government...' - from here.
Another murky episode in our history. One of many such episodes, which can all be directly linked to the British military and political presence in this country.
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES'.
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
The German communist playwright Berthold Brecht remarked wryly that if the people did not vote the way the party wished them to, then perhaps they should dissolve the people and elect a new one.
A lot of Sinn Féin members probably felt like that after the general election in the South last February. After they had taken the trauma-laden decision to end abstentionism, the electorate rewarded them with a miserable 1.9% of the vote. And for all the complaints about Section 31, garda harassment etc, most of them knew that was a fairly accurate reflection of how ordinary people viewed (P) Sinn Féin.
"It's enough to make you go back to militarism" was the feeling of more than one disgruntled election workers. And, naturally, the so-called** 'Republican Sinn Féin' were cock-a-hoop, while those who had pushed for the end to abstentionism were shaken and disillusioned.
Part of the problem was exaggerated expectations***. While Gerry Adams had said it was not the next election but the one after the next that (P) Sinn Féin should be judged on, nonetheless many members fooled themselves into believing that the steadily rising graph of (P) Sinn Féin's electoral successes in the North would be repeated in the South. They thought they really would win a couple of seats and hold the balance of power in Leinster House...
(**'1169' comment - the author, a nationalist, has no notion of the difference between being a 'nationalist' and being a 'republican'. And, actually, his type were to fill the void left by the departure, in 1986 and afterwards, of Irish republicans from the Provisional Sinn Féin grouping.)
(***Lol! The 'King and Queen' of political "exaggerated expectations" is to believe that Leinster House [and Stormont] can be factored-in, in a positive manner, to the goal of removing the British military and political presence from Ireland. Both of those institutions were established here, in Ireland, by the British, to secure its presence in this country, not to weaken it!) (MORE LATER.)
'TALK, FORCE AND POLITICIANS....'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Politicians Condemn Force...
"We are convinced..." Mr Costello stated, "..of the futility and danger to the national interests of the use of force as a method of ending partition."
He does not advance one fact or one argument in support of this very dogmatic statement. Could it be that, like his redoubtable predecessor, he cannotadvance one fact or one argument to support his dogma? No, Mr Costello, you are not convinced, no more than Mr De Valera, of the futility of force. But both of you are convinced of the danger which it may ultimately hold for men (sic) like you.
History Supports Force.
Eight hundred years of cold logical history, plus the national resurgence so apparent from the actions of June and October last, fail to even influence Mr Costello's thought on the subject of armed force. He keeps urging the people to state and restate the injustice of partition hoping that an armed garrison will one day pack up and move out in the face of politicians talk.
It seems right, in conclusion, to formulate some views on the limits of mere argument as a force and a general proposition may be stated - the limit that argument can effect is to render conscious what is already sub-conscious.
(END of 'Talk, Force and Politicians' ; NEXT - 'Mór Mó Náir', from the same source.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
IRISH HISTORY SHORTS : FROM REGISTERING YOUR INTERESTS (!) TO PRESSURIED 'COMPASSION' TO A 16-YEAR-OLD...
On this date (23rd June) in the year...
...1704 : The British introduced (and enforced) a 'Registration Act' in Ireland which 'obliged' (!) all Catholic priests to register themselves as such, in a 'court of law', to deposit two £50 'of good behaviour' sureties/bonds in what would now be described as an escrow account and to confine their activities to the area in which they were registered. Obviously, Westminster - itself full of dodgy characters - recognised kindred spirits when it came across them.
...1802 : Daniel O'Connell caused a scandal when he married his third cousin 'on the quiet' (or so he thought)!. He got married to Mary (O'Connell), thus upsetting family and friends, most of whom considered poor Mary 'to be beneath him / out of tune with his heritage', as she was not financially endowed, and rumour spread that she was only marrying him for the money, the likes of which would never happen today.
But the critics were compounded ; the couple enjoyed each others company to the extent that eleven children (or 12, or 13, depending on where you research the subject) were born to them, although only seven survived (four sons and three daughters) - some of the poor children died due to miscarriage while their siblings, who were born healthy, were taken by measles and whooping cough at an early age.
Mary died in Cork, in 1836, at 58 years young. Daniel was not the same man afterwards and never really recovered from her loss. Incidentally - again, depending on where you look - various dates are listed for their marriage (24th July 1802, 23rd January 1802) but it's a lovely and poignant story and, while we wouldn't agree, politically, with Daniel O'Connell, this aspect of the man is an honourable one.
...1919 : in Thurles, in County Tipperary, an RIC detective, Mick Hunt, who took great delight in 'interrogating' Irish republicans and made a name for himself by repeatedly destroying Irish Tricolours wherever he seen one, was shot dead by an IRA Volunteer, Jim Stapleton, from Upperchurch, in County Tipperary (pictured), with Volunteer James Murphy in support.
The RIC man was well aware that he was 'of interest' to the IRA and, despite the fact that, as an RIC detective, he could have worn civilian clothes to and from 'work', he mostly insisted on wearing his 'old' RIC uniform, such was his love for his 'job'. He was wearing it when justice caught up with him.
...in 1921 : the IRA employed a mine to derail a British troop train between Adavoyle and Jonesborough, in County Armagh. The train was carrying 'the King's Armed Escort, the 10th Royal Hussars' (pictured), back to the Curragh, in County Kildare, from the opening of the British-imposed 'parliament' in Stormont, in the Six Occupied Counties. Four soldiers and two civilian train employees were killed or fatally wounded, as were about fifty horses.
Some soldiers, not knowing where the enemy were, fired at civilians in surrounding fields, killing one farm worker, a man named McAteer. Local people were frog-marched by the enemy military to the scene and forced to bury the horses ; some time afterwards - still seeking revenge - the British rounded-up more local people and forced them, at gun and bayonet point, to dig up the remains of the poor animals and re-bury them.
...1922 : three (Catholic) civilians were shot dead by British troops and 'Special Constables' in Cushendall, in County Antrim, in revenge for the IRA killing (efficiently carried-out by Reg Dunne and Joe O'Sullivan) of British Field Marshal 'Sir' Henry Hughes Wilson (pictured), outside his Eaton Place house in London the previous day, as he returned there from a military service at the 'Great Eastern Railway War Memorial'. He was shot six times by the IRA men.
The details of these so-called 'revenge murders' were not released by the British government until 1997.
...1939 : in a move to shore-up its political position as a 'service provider' for its parent parliament, Westminster, the Free State administration in Leinster House acted on its internment policy, in the territory it presumed to administer for Britain, which it brought into force on the 14th of that month - 'In order to meet the situation created by the activities of the IRA, the Parliament of the Republic of Ireland (sic) passed the Offences against the State Act, 1939, which came into force on 14th June 1939...on 23rd June 1939, i.e. nine days after the entry into force of the Offences Against the State Act, the Government made an order under section 19 of the Act that the IRA, declared an "unlawful organisation", be dissolved.
About 70 persons were subsequently arrested and detained under Part VI of the Act...' (from here.)
The 'Act' allowed for the internment without trial of those that the Free State 'Minister for Justice' deemed "dangerous to State security." Considering that this State is morally and politically corrupt and beyond repair or tweaking, those that are a danger to it should be encouraged, not punished.
...1959 : Seán Lemass (pictured), an IRA poacher-turned-gamekeeper (in 1926), was elected as Free State 'Taoiseach' on this date, 23rd June, in 1959 ; 'He was born on July 15, 1899, the second son of John Timothy Lemass, a hatter with premises in Capel Street. The family had strong Parnellite connections - his grandfather having been a member of that party on the Dublin Corporation. He attended the Christian Brothers' school in Richmond Street and at the age of 15 he joined the Irish Volunteers - surprising in view of his father's strong parliamentary party leanings.
At that age he was actually too young to join the Volunteers, but he was admitted by the connivance of an active member, Pat Murphy, who was employed in his father's shop. He joined 'A Company' of the 3rd Battalion of which De Valera was shortly afterwards to become battalion commandant. Lemass was appointed his personal aide. It was with some feelings of awe that he viewed Dev even then for "notwithstanding his queer appearance" he had enormous powers of personal magnetism...' (from here.)
In 1916 he was spared execution, by the British, because he was only 16 years of age. Perhaps they saw in him something that was to manifest itself ten years later...?
'AITHBHEOCHAINT NA GAEDHILGE...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.
Sowing the seeds...
Despite the pessimistic reviews of the question by politicians, scholars and 'cashmen', who among us will not say that the past year has not vindicated a revival of the true spirit of nationhood from the seeds of which will spring an Ireland "not free merely but Gaelic as well"?
In Wolfe Tone's Republic shall Gaelic Ireland fulfill her destinies. There is a revolution at hand and it is being powered by forces which are ever at work. And the outcome is inevitable.
'An Treoraidhe'.
(END of 'Aithbheochaint Na Gaedhilge' : NEXT - 'More English Than...', from 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.)
NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...
Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
Ireland and, indeed, 'Magill' magazine, expects all good journalists to play their part with weighty articles about the need for 'hard choices'. In these hard times the 'responsible journalist' will be expected to warn the ignorant public that it would be "folly indeed" to increase taxation on corporate profits. That would act as a disincentive to industry and, er, depress the market.
What will be needed instead is 'targeted spending cuts' ; after all, only a fool would try to reform a rickety health service by investing more money in it. IBEC will also be seeking a 'patriotic gesture' from SIPTU, ICTU and the rest of the State-dinner-eating wing of the trade union movement. Something on the lines of a wages freeze, one would expect.
('1169' comment - the trade union leadership in this corrupt State is honest in that, when bought, they stay bought. And, most of the time, that leadership can be 'hired', on a case-by-case basis.)
It's the old 'iron rules' of economic recession you will notice. Higher profits for capitalists 'energise' the market and make us 'competitive' but, in contrast, higher wages for workers has a 'depressing' effect. Do you know what, Mr Haughey? Tw'ill be as if you never went away.
(END of 'No Right Of Appeal' ; NEXT - 'What Is To Be Done? The Struggle In The 26 Counties', from 'Iris' magazine, October 1987 [please note that that publication had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party].)
'TALK, FORCE AND POLITICIANS....'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Silence Barrier Broken ;
Mr Costello, continuing his Ard Fheis address on partition, said that there was ignorance of and apathy towards the facts of the position even among the friendly disposed, and such a conspiracy of silence among those who controlled the forces of the Press in Great Britain and elsewhere abroad, there was a constant need for unremitting effort to state and restate our point of view so that the silence barrier might be broken.
Is there anyone who will deny that the 20 minutes of shots fired in Omagh did more to break 'the silence barrier' than the preceding 20 years of talk by successive Leinster House regimes?
Politicians Condemn Force ;
In spite of the overwhelming amount of evidence to prove that the actions at Armagh and Omagh did so much to spotlight the injustice of partition and cause so much concern to the Imperial parliament in London, and remains such a constant source of anxiety for the British occupation forces, Mr. Costello condemned both actions... (MORE LATER.)
'STAYCATION' OVER. NEED A HOLIDAY...!
And we're back in Dublin, from our 'Staycation' in Wicklow. Or was it Meath? Doesn't really matter, 'suppose, as we had much the same weather where we were as we have now, where we are!
Dampish, cool breeze, dryish for the most part - same old, same old. But that's Ireland for ya ; lovely scenery if only you had the weather to get out and enjoy it. And if only the cost of a 'staycation' wasn't costing much the same as it would for a week in New York, our usual destination. But we'll get going there again, and the sooner the better.
Anyway - it's over, for now...and I know that's no way to talk about a holiday (!) with, as well as the Girl Gang, your children and their children, but us girls need to let it rip once in a while (preferably in New York!) with none of our own kids or grandkids around to tell us to act our age, not our shoe size.
We 'staycated' between holiday homes in Wicklow and Meath and (mostly!) enjoyed the company and the area we were in and the locals that we met along the way, the weather wasn't the worst, most of the shops were open, the pubs were 'outdoor service' only (better than nothing!) and the forest walks, the sightseeing and the accommodation was nice. The whole shebang was a bit on the expensive side, but that could just have been myself and the Gang constantly making comparisons between here and over yonder but...no, it wasn't just us - it genuinely is expensive to take a break here, all things considered.
Still - we're in Dublin now, trying to prise ourselves back into our familiar routines. And it's nice to be back in your company ; thanks for dropping by ; appreciated!
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (9TH JUNE) 68 YEARS AGO : CINEMATIC 'BLOCKBUSTER' BANNED!
The year 1953 started, politically, in Ireland, with Sinn Féin declaring, to great applause from republicans and other socially-conscious people, that it intended to contest all 12 constituencies in the Occupied Six Counties in the next Westminster-organised election, an announcement which encouraged republican supporters, and other workers, to just not meekly accept 'their lot', as dictated to them by the then Stormont and Leinster House 'elite'.
Within weeks of that announcement up to 10,000 State civil servants marched down O'Connell Street in Dublin demanding a just wage and proper working conditions and, weeks later - following that earlier street protest - 500 unemployed men and women marched to, and protested outside, the Leinster House institution in Kildare Street. Again, weeks after that protest march, approximately 1,000 unemployed people staged a sit-down protest on O'Connell Bridge for about 20 minutes, causing traffic mayhem in the city centre and further afield. The people had, once again, found their voice and were not afraid to use it.
Meanwhile, in England, the 'toffs' and some of the working class were delighted with themselves because their 'queen', Elizabeth, was 'Crowned' (ie 'coronated') on the 2nd June, 1953 (following her accession in February the previous year) and this 'royal' act was making news around the world, in newspaper coverage, television and on the so-called 'newsreels' showed in cinemas.
But not in Dublin ; cinema owners in that city unanimously decided not to show the film of the English 'queen's' coronation in London, having read the political and social situation correctly - most people were either in low-paying jobs or on the dole, and were angry about it. A blatant display of such 'royal' wealth, it was felt, would annoy an already angry population in the State to the extent that cinema owners and management had voiced concerns for the safety of themselves and their venues should such a screening take place. So the exuberant 'show' was not screened.
That 'no show' incident reminded us of a very much 'show' incident which had taken place almost ten years before that, also cinema-related ; in April 1943, IRA man Jimmy Steele participated in what became known as 'the Broadway Cinema operation' on the Falls Road in Belfast when armed IRA Volunteers took over the cinema and stopped the film while Jimmy Steele went on stage and read a statement from the IRA Army Council. The nights entertainment for the packed cinema was finished off by the reading the 1916 Proclamation from the stage.
And 'Credits' to all involved for both of the above-mentioned actions!
'AITHBHEOCHAINT NA GAEDHILGE...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.
Sowing the Seeds :
These are the unsung, unpraised and unpublished optimists, confident of victory, as opposed to the much-publicised, loud-mouthed, money-grabbing pessimistic politicians and public men who have been recipients of the germs propagated by the occupation forces, and who have consequently contaminated the Irish Nation.
This disease may be contained but not remedied until righteous men (sic) have driven out the British forces and have made our land 'a nation once again'.
Tráth Cainnte Thart :
An t-Eireannach go bhfuil 'misneach ina chroidhe agus neart ina chuisleanna', an duine go bhfuil cúspóir an Phiarsaigh aige - sin an fior 'fíor-Ghaedheal'. Tá tráth na cainnte thart. Tá an obair práinneach agus caithfear é dhéanamh gan tuilleadh moille - Eire do shaorú agus Eire do Ghaolu... (MORE LATER.)
NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...
Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing. By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
It was around this time of year that many of us who did not tie the comfortable liberal line wondered what kind of intellectual and moral milieu we now, as a people, inhabit but, happily, it's not all bad news. Some would see the totality of this year's mind-boggling journalistic hypocrisy, with its wilful ignorance of fact and history, its bullying demagoguery, its quasi-fascistic branding of opponents, its narrow-minded agendas cloaked so lightly in a cape of pluralism, as a depressing thing.
When it comes to the dominant role of the wonderful oligarchy of Joe/Marian, Questions and Answers, Dot Com Dunphy and the sister/Fintanhood of 'The Irish Times' - otherwise known as Twee, Tweedledumb, Tweedledumber and Tweedledumbest, and not nesessarily in that order - we are more optimistic.
You see, now that we're entering a world recession, and an abortion referendum, the need for our old pal 'responsible journalism' will be greater than ever... ('1169' comment - responsible journalism, for the most part, doesn't exist in this State, in or on any of the mainstream platforms. Those in charge of, and working in, those platforms, are paid wordsmiths/hired pens who will propagandise any issue, to any extent, if the price is right, but they'll do that, as well, the following day, for the opposing side, again if the price is right. We live (exist) in an Orwellian society, in that regard.) (MORE LATER.)
'TALK, FORCE AND POLITICIANS.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
"There is something to be said for the point of view that talk about partition achieved little.." said Mr J. A. Costello, Leinster House leader, at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis in Dublin last month.
Even to gain an admission of this fact from Mr. Costello is sufficient proof that he is not convinced that partition will fall in front of oratory.
800 Years of Evidence ;
Of course there is something to be said for the point of view that talk about partition achieved little - there's a great deal to be said, not the least important of which is 800 years of history. In that 800 years of British occupation, talk did nothing. Just plain nothing. It did nothing to remove a single British soldier from this country.
Magennis Confirms ;
Not only is there "..something to be said for the point of view that talk about partition achieved little.." , but having regard to the statement of Mr. W.B. Magennis, acting leader in Stormont, "that the Government of Northern Ireland (sic)is not prepared to discuss partition, a matter which has been finally determined.." it would appear that there is a good deal more to be said for the point of view that talk about partition "will achieve little".
Talk Necessary To Educate ;
It will be conceded that there is need for some talk on the subject of partition not, mind you, in order to persuade the British garrison to clear out, but to remind ourselves of the continuing injustice of the division conquest, so that it may not become an everlasting reality because of our apathy or ignorance.
Still, talk can do little more than educate us as to the evil of partition and it is only when such education finds expression in a positive action against the occupation forces, as it did at Armagh and Omagh, that talk will have borne fruit. Education will teach us how to be free but it will never of itself free us... (MORE LATER.)
TWO 'AWAY JOBS' ON!
We're a bit late posting today as we're located in either Wicklow or Meath.
Can't be Dublin, 'cause we left there last Saturday for a very-quickly-organised staycation (all 15 of us!) and we're using a laptop (with dodgy wi-fi!) to 'broadcast' from.
Some of us will be back in Dublin this coming weekend (12th and 13th June) for the annual Wolfe Tone/Bodenstown Commemoration, which is being held on Sunday, 13th and, immediately afterwards, will be heading back to Wicklow (or Meath?) to continue the 'fun'.
We won't be posting here next Wednesday (16th) and, providing we won't need bail money, we should be back to what passes for normal around here by the following Wednesday, 23rd.
Meanwhile, some advice - keep saving your few bob and your time for a proper holiday : these stay-at-home 'holidays' can be expensive and use up valuable time-off that could be better spent abroad (like New York, for instance!) but we owed the grandkids a break and, enjoyable as it is most times to be in their company, sometimes girls just wanna have fun!
Thanks for reading ; see you on the 23rd,
Sharon.
