Wednesday, November 29, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Nicky Kelly stated that the Gardai then 'spreadeagled' him against a wall and kicked his legs apart , causing him to fall to the ground . They jabbed him in the ribs when they were doing this , and Detective Garda Thomas Ibar Dunne is alleged to have cursed at Kelly throughout the ordeal .

The last alleged assault on that Monday (April 5th 1976) was when Detective Garda Michael Finn brought Nicky Kelly up to a cell and shoved his head into a toilet bowl five or six times ; Kelly was taken to the Bridewell Garda Station at approximately 1.00am on the Tuesday morning , where he rested the night in his cell .

On that Tuesday morning (April 6th , 1976) , Nicky Kelly said that Detective Garda Thomas Ibar Dunne shook him and that Detective Garda William Maher pushed him about and , later on , a Detective Garda Lawlor and a Detective Garda Boland pushed him from one to the other , and shouted at him . At one stage , Kelly fell to the floor and , he alleged , Detective Garda Boland hit him with a chair - further , he alleged that Detective Garda Lawlor and Detrective Garda Boland punched him on the arms and slapped him on the upper body . There was to be no let-up for Nicky Kelly after the lunch break.......
(MORE LATER).



THE SEEDS OF ANOTHER BITTER HARVEST .......
By STEPHEN GREER .
From 'FORTNIGHT' magazine , October 1983 .

In Britain , criminal trials are heard before juries and it is the legal duty of the presiding judge to warn jurors of the dangers of relying on uncorrobrated accomplice evidence : in the North of Ireland , however , 'terrorist' cases are tried by non-jury 'Diplock Courts' where the only comparable safeguard is the bizarre practice of the judge warning himself - in 1982 , Mr. Justice Murray refused to convict Charles McCormick , an RUC Special Branch Officer charged with the murder of an RUC colleague , on the grounds that the only evidence against McCormick was that of an accomplice ! Judges in the supergrass trials have tended not to follow suit . Indeed there is little evidence to show that they have taken any heed of their own warnings .

The prominence of supergrasses in the North of Ireland's criminal justice system can only be properly understood as the latest instalment in a long line of 'security policies' which have failed to eliminate political violence from this society . In the UK , with the exception of the drive against organised crime in London in the late 1960's and early 1970's , informers have appeared in a much more random manner and have not been fashioned into the cutting edge of a deliberate law enforcement strategy .

The claim that the supergrass phenomenon will contribute to the pacification of the violence in the North of Ireland must be treated with considerable scepticism.......
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

The name 'Londonderry' is as offensive to North of Ireland nationalists as 'Rhodesia' was to blacks in Zimbabwe - or 'Kingstown' to the people in Dun Laoghaire , Dublin . Even the 'Derry Journal' newspaper , which normally supports the SDLP , attacked them for "...sadly misreading public opinion.." over the Derry City Council 'Derry-name' change issue .

Sinn Fein made hay out of the SDLP's gaffe , sticking up mocking posters about the 'Londonderry branch of the SDLP' all over the Bogside. It was a small issue but to a lot of nationalists it symbolises what they see as the SDLP's tendency to play down nationalist grievances to appease British , Unionist and even Southern media opinion . ('1169...' Comment- ...the Provos , on the other hand , blow loud ,long and hard about nationalist grievances : at this stage in their political 'career' they have to , in order that they may keep their own people on board . But that will change in time.)

There has only been one test of electoral strength between the SDLP and Sinn Fein since last October - in a local council by-election in Carrickmore in Mid-Ulster : it was not an SDLP stronghold , and the vacant seat had been held by the more nationalist IIP , but in the by-election in March Seamus Kerr of Sinn Fein won , with 2,289 votes to 654 for the SDLP candidate who came third , after 'The Alliance Party': but Carrickmore is not typical - it has a long republican tradition and the size of the Sinn Fein majority over the SDLP is not likely to be reproduced elsewhere but , significantly , Seamus Kerr claims that Sinn Fein increased its vote substantially over its total in the (Six-County) Assembly elections : if that trend is repeated , even on a smaller scale , in other areas , the SDLP must be very worried . And there is reason to think it may be.......
(MORE LATER).







Monday, November 27, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

THE CASE OF NICKY KELLY .
Edward Noel (Nicky) Kelly was arrested under Section 30 of the Offences Against the State Act , 1939 , at Arklow , County Wicklow , at 10.00am on the Monday morning of the 5th of April , 1976 , and brought soon afterwards to Fitzgibbon Street Garda Station in Dublin .

He said in evidence that repeated requests for legal counsel were ignored and alleged the first assault took place around midday when Detective Garda Thomas Ibar Dunne turned him round by the shoulders against his will in the presence of Detective Sergeant Francis Campbell and that he was shouted at by Detective Dunne : later on , Nicky Kelly said , Detective Garda Thomas Ibar Dunne slapped him about the face and ears , shouting at him all the time , and that Dunne then sprinkled holy water on him .

Nicky Kelly said that Detective Garda Michael Finn (*'CASE 2' , here) entered the room , slapped him , and asked him if he was ready to make a statement . Further , Detective Finn made him stand up and sit down on a chair repeatedly , and then pulled the chair from under him , causing him to fall to the ground . Kelly alleged that the next assault occured when Detective Garda Thomas Ibar Dunne punched him on the arms , and that Detective Garda Michael Finn was the next to assault him by ramming his head of a locker , whilst Detective Garda William Maher was present also . Together , Kelly claimed , the Gardai shouted at him to "own up....... "
(MORE LATER).



THE SEEDS OF ANOTHER BITTER HARVEST .......
By STEPHEN GREER .
From 'FORTNIGHT' magazine , October 1983 .

There are at least three factors which make the testimony of the North of Ireland's 'converted terrorists' especially unreliable -
1) The need to construct a story sufficiently appealing to the RUC to attract immunity from prosecution , and the financial and other rewards which 'successful' supergrasses obtain could operate as an incentive for the fabrication or embroidering of 'evidence' .
2) It seems that several supergrasses were rejected in the past by the paramilitary organisations to which they once belonged because they were regarded as being unscrupulous or of a criminal disposition . If the paramilitaries take this view how can the 'authorities' trust them as reliable and credible witnesses ?
3) Because of the hostility which undeniably exists between informers and their former paramilitary colleagues and others , there is a serious risk that such witnesses may attempt to use the criminal justice system to pay off old scores against personal enemies . This could result in people being convicted for offences which they did not commit .

It is also extremely misleading to present the supergrass strategy as merely a particular application of the 'UK'-wide practice of defendants 'turning Queen's evidence' : for one thing , unlike most supergrasses here , criminals 'grassing' on their associates in Britain are usually not granted total immunity from prosecution - as a rule they are tried and sentenced before appearing as 'Crown' witnesses in cases against their criminal colleagues.......
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .


Sinn Fein supporters are mostly young , employed and unemployed and/or ex-prisoners - as are their candidates in elections . They live in the working-class ghettos , they speak the people's language ('1169...' Comment - ..... or at least they did , then : but that was before the professional spin-doctors taught them [post 1986] how to pad-out a reply with terms such as "...going forward.." and other similar shite talk !) , they experience their problems .

The SDLP candidates are all middle-class : three of the four candidates in Belfast are doctors , and most of their workers are middle-class too . On election day they have to pay people to staff the polling booths . Sinn Fein have no trouble getting volunteers .

The SDLP give the impression of being tired , jaded and out of touch with the people : the 'Londonderry' issue is a good example - at the end of April the small 'Irish Independence Party' (IIP) group on Derry City Council proposed that the official name of the city be changed back from 'Londonderry' to 'Derry' : the SDLP , who control the council , said they didn't want to offend the Protestant minority in the city and abstained . The motion was voted down by the Unionists.......
(MORE LATER).







Friday, November 24, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

In addition , Dr. Sean O Cleirigh stated that he had found , on his examination of Brian McNally , all movements of McNally's neck , left wrist , and little fingers of the left hand were painful for him , and that there was a marked tenderness all over his body , especially at the lower ribs , and that the injuries were of a type consistent with the beatings that McNally had described to him .

Dr. Sean Magee , who also examined McNally , gave evidence at the trial , corroborating that already given by Dr. Sean O Cleirigh : thus in McNally's case there was consistent medical evidence of the fact that he was suffering from injuries by the time he got to Mountjoy Prison on the evening of April 8th , 1976 . The Garda and the state's response to this evidence was to suggest that McNally had been beaten up either by himself (!) or by a cell-mate in the Bridewell Garda Barracks on the night of April 7th , 1976 .

We will be examining over the following days the extraordinary circumstances whereby Brian McNally and the others came to be in Garda custody in the Bridewell that night - starting with the case of Nicky Kelly.......
(MORE LATER).



THE SEEDS OF ANOTHER BITTER HARVEST .......
By STEPHEN GREER .
From 'FORTNIGHT' magazine , October 1983 .

The ' horrors of paramilitary violence' cannot furnish a satisfactory justification for such derogations since it is primarily because rights such as these have not been upheld by the state in the past , and are not being fairly applied in the present , that the grievances which have sustained the conflict here originally arose and have persisted . ('1169...' Comment - ....and that is the difference between those seeking 'increased civil rights' from the British [SDLP , Provo SF , and Leinster House in general , amongst others] and Irish Republicans , who seek a British military and political withdrawal .)

Responding to violent unrest of this kind by adding to the sense of injustice which nourishes it can only postpone the establishment of peace and stability . ('1169...' Comment - "the sense of injustice which nourishes" political violence on this isle is the actual physical and jurisdictional British presence , not the [lack of] 'civil rights' which are 'granted' by those in command of the occupation.) Any regime which seeks such a 'solution' is seriously selling short on the fundamentals of democracy and deceiving the people it governs into believing that all will be well once the 'men of violence' are safely locked up !

In the context of the present debate a fair trial means primarily that strict rules of evidence and procedure , founded upon the principle that an accused person is innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt should be rigidly adhered to . Doubt must remain about the guilt of defendants convicted , as many of the supergrass cases have been , upon the uncorroborated evidence of accomplices whose account of the facts cannot be considered to be in any sense objective....... ('1169...' Comment - "uncorroborated" and/or "objective" or not , if the 'evidence' assisted Westminster in removing from the scene those who offered resistance then it was acceptable.)
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

Ask somebody in the street in the Bogside area of Derry for directions to Cable Street and the chances are they'll ask if it's the Sinn Fein Offices you're looking for . They are that well-known and they're in the heart of the depressed Bogside area . ('1169...' Comment - too 'depressed' for the now 're-dressed' Provos : see 'Sinn Fein move out of Bogside - prominent republican speaks out' , here.) There are others in the sprawling working-class areas of Creggan and Shantallow and in the Waterside .

The SDLP Office is in an empty shop in Clarendon Street in Derry's city centre and has only been open for a couple of weeks - there was no sign outside the place last week to indicate what it was and one irate supporter came in complaining that he had had difficulty in finding it !

At the Sinn Fein Office a woman came in to say that Peggy O' Hara , the mother of Patsy O' Hara , one of the 1981 hunger-strikers , had had her house raided again that morning by the British forces , just a few days before her son's anniversary . Local people came in complaining about housing problems , young men and women in denims , the working-class youth of the area , rushed in and out with posters and election registers .

The SDLP Office was busy enough too but the workers were middle-aged and mainly middle-class : they were mostly addressing envelopes - they would have young people too , they said , when they'd finished school , but they didn't have the working-class or those out of work , who make up the bulk of Derry's youth . Those Offices illustrate the contrast between Sinn Fein and the SDLP.......
(MORE LATER).







Wednesday, November 22, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Brian McNally was convicted by the State Special Criminal Court but the State Court of Criminal Appeal held that the court of trial had been wrong in admitting in evidence alleged verbal admissions , as no note had been made by the Gardai concerned of these alleged admissions , and therefore Brian McNally had not had an opportunity to read over such a note , or an opportunity to amend same , or to sign it .

Solicitor Pat McCartan who was acting for Brian McNally and Nicky Kelly asked Dr. Sean O Cleirigh and Dr. Sean Magee to examine Brian McNally when he was transferred to Mountjoy Prison - he asked both doctors to attend to ensure that at least one of them would be available . Dr. O Cleirigh made the examination on the evening of Thursday , April 8 , 1976 , at around 7.30pm , some 36 hours after Brian McNally had signed the self-incriminating statement .

Dr. O Cleirigh said in evidence that he found marks over McNally's left shoulder consisting of a mixture of bruising , scratching and excoriation , approximately four inches by two inches , and similar type marks below the left buttock . He found more bruising at the back of the right leg and right thigh , six inches by two inches , a similar mark below the right knee (four inches) and two red scratch lines . There was a reddening of the skin over an area of four inches , below the left knee and calf , and there was swelling and discolouration of the left eye . The left ear was swollen and inflamed and there was an abrasion of about a quarter of an inch on the right ear . Dr. O Cleirigh had more to add.......
(MORE LATER).



THE SEEDS OF ANOTHER BITTER HARVEST .
By STEPHEN GREER .
From 'FORTNIGHT' magazine , October 1983 .

Arguments in favour of the current use of 'supergrasses' in the North of Ireland usually consist of three 'essentials' -
1) In an emergency situation a balance has to be struck between the right of accused persons to a fair trial and the right of the community to be free from political violence :
2) The 'supergrass' phenomenon is merely a particular application of the time-honoured practice of defendants 'turning Queen's evidence' , which is commonplace in criminal trials throughout the 'UK' :
3) Supergrass 'evidence' provides the authorities with an indispensable method of putting 'terrorists' behind bars and its use may even herald the end of paramilitary activity in the North of Ireland altogether .

Strong points can be raised to each of these points -
First , it can be argued that the right to a fair trial is a legal and moral absolute , non-negotiable even in public order crises , since the exposure of innocent people to punishment can never be permitted merely in order to make it easier for the authorities to deal with the 'guilty' .

In a democracy it is the duty of the state to guarantee civil peace without attempting to purchase it in the currency of fundamental legal rights . Significantly , in the North of Ireland , it is the bastions of Unionism who most vehemently advocate the abandonment of this 'cardinal principle' of British jurisprudence.......
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

Sinn Fein only contested 7 of the 12 constituencies last October while the SDLP fought all 12 . In the seven constituencies where they faced each other directly , Sinn Fein actually got 40 per cent of the combined nationalist [Sinn Fein and SDLP] vote and , in the five key constituencies listed above the gap was even narrower with Sinn Fein getting 45 per cent of the nationalist vote and actually beating the SDLP in two areas - Fermanagh-South Tyrone and West Belfast .

Sinn Fein are very precise about their objectives in this election - ('1169 ...' Comment : ....and those objectives did not then centre around working in a British-established 'parliament' on Irish soil..) they don't claim that they will beat the SDLP overall this time : Gerry Adams aims at 90,000 votes or just under half the nationalist total . They see this election as only one step in their strategy and are looking ahead already to the North's local elections in 1985 - and possibly the EEC elections next year , though they haven't decided on contesting them yet .

They aim to substantially improve their vote this time and get the SDLP on the run with a view to beating them in 1985 and ousting them from what Sinn Fein sees as the SDLP power base , the local councils . For Sinn Fein to win even 90,000 votes would require a 41 per cent increase over their total in the Assembly elections : it is a big undertaking . Can they do it ? The signs are that they might.......
(MORE LATER).







Monday, November 20, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Brian McNally further alleged that during the period when he was being interviewed between 11.45pm and 1.00am on the Wednesday morning , that the door of the interview room was burst wide open and that four or five plain clothes detectives came in , one of whom he identified as Detective Garda Joseph Egan : McNally said that he was made to stand , that he was called a " Northern bastard.." , was slapped across the face with the back of the hand ; was pushed from one Garda to another ; was struck by Detective Sergeant Patrick Culhane : had his shirt torn , the wing of his glasses broken , and that he lost consciousness .

He also said he was lying on the floor and that he heard screams and that Detective Garda Michael Finn came into the room , in the company of another member of the Garda Siochana whom he couldn't identify - McNally said he was caught by the shoulders and kneed in the stomach , pushed around , hit on the head and the left eye , pushed against the table and beaten on the shoulders , lips , ribs , back and shoulder blades and hit between the legs with a black jack , punched on the head and eye and that he was crying and screaming like a child . He said that he had to be helped off the floor to go to the toilet .

He denied in court making any statement , and he alleged that the statement was already written out and that when he refused to sign it , he was threatened with the black jack again and therefore did so sign it in order to avoid a further beating , at 7.00am on the Wednesday morning .......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

Martin McGuinness stated - " If we're on to this debate about what's best - the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement or the collapse of the Good Friday Agreement , in terms of is republicanism or nationalism or the people of Ireland better off , I have to say to them , from my experience , that the best scenario is the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

Because there are no guarantees at all about what will happen on the other side of failure . Conceivably , we could be handing to our children effectively a scenario that has armed struggle , of whatever variety , continuing for thirty more years . ('1169...' Comment - sic : was McGuinness involved in a 'struggle' for 'civil rights from Westminster' which began in 1969 ?) And I'm not prepared to be part of that * . I'm not prepared to accept defeat on this issue ." ( '1169...' Comment * - McGuinness is more than "a part of that " : he is one of the main players in a process which , similar to that which Michael Collins led , guarantees that future generations will be born on this isle whilst part of it will still be under jurisdictional control from Westminster . He himself will forge a career in the greasy till , as will most of those who , like him , gave up the job for the easy way out , having learned nothing from our history . For shame. )
[END of ' DISARMING MARTIN']
(Next - 'THE SEEDS OF ANOTHER BITTER HARVEST' ; from 1983.)


THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

The SDLP's credibility has been battered over the last few years by the election of Bobby Sands and then Owen Carron in Fermanagh-South Tyrone and by Sinn Fein's success in the Assembly elections but each time an excuse could be found . The Fermanagh by-elections in 1981 took place in a highly emotional atmosphere during the Long Kesh hunger-strike and , anyway , the SDLP didn't stand in that election so there was no direct clash .

The Assembly elections , when Sinn Fein got 64,191 votes and five seats - narrowly missing a couple more - to the SDLP's 118,891 votes and 14 seats , were harder to explain away , but eventually the pundits came up with some excuses ; there was still an emotional overspill from the hunger-strike / the election was under PR so people could register a protest vote for Sinn Fein without wasting their votes / Sinn Fein only got one third of the total nationalist vote and there had always been a maverick hard core in the nationalist community who never backed the SDLP .

This time those excuses won't wash so easily : the effect of the 1981 hunger-strike can't be 'blamed' for ever - this election is under the straight vote so nationalist voters will have to make a clear choice between the SDLP and Sinn Fein . And the 'maverick vote' argument will collapse if Sinn Fein get more than one third of the nationalist vote - as they confidently claim they will . In fact a close look at the Assembly election tends to demolish the 'maverick' argument anyway.......
(MORE LATER).







Sunday, November 19, 2006

Donald and Saddam !

The world of the political wordsmith will be all the poorer for the recent political passing of Donald Rumsfeld :
In 2002 , Mr. Rumsfeld told a US Defence meeting - " As we know , there are known knowns . There are things we know we know . We also know there are known unknowns . That is to say , we know there are some things we do not know . But there are also unknown unknowns - the ones we don't know we don't know . " !
When Donald was asked at a press conference where Osama bin Laden was during the hunt for him in Afghanistan , he stated - " We do know of certain knowledge that he is either in Afghanistan , or in some other country . Or dead . "
Asked would the US go to war without the backing of Westminster , Donald replied - " Their situation is distinctive to their country and they have a government that deals with a parliament in their way , distinctive way , and what will ultimately be decided is unclear as to their role.....um......that is to say their role in the event a decision is made to use force...."

He told the New York Times newspaper - " Once in a while , I'm standing here , doing something . And I think 'what in the world am I doing here?' It's a big surprise ! "
He once replied to a reporter - " If I know the answer I'll tell you the answer and if I don't , I'll just respond , cleverly! "
He is also on record for having said the following gem - " I think what you'll find , I think what you'll find is , whatever it is we do substantively , there will be near-perfect clarity as to what it is ."
And more 'Rumsfeldisms' :
" And it will be known , and it will be known to the Congress , and it will be known to you , probably before we decide it , but it will be known . "
" I would not say that the future is necessarily less predictable than the past . I think the past was not predictable when it started . "
" I also know that stating what might be preferable...er....is simply stating what might be preferable ."
" Near my office is an American flag done in .... origami ... that's one of those words that I haven't mastered yet! "
" Well , um , somethings neither good nor bad but thinking makes it so , I suppose . As Shakespeare said . "
" I believe what I said yesterday .... I don't know what I said , er , but I know what I think and ...well , I assume it's what I said . "

As Oscar Wilde put it : " We have really everything in common with America nowadays , except , of course , language . "






Friday, November 17, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

THE CASE OF BRIAN McNALLY :

Brian McNally was arrested under the Offences Against The State Act , 1939 , at 7.10am on the Monday morning of April the 5th , 1976 : he was taken to Fitzgibbon Street Garda Station and shortly afterwards , he alleged in evidence , he was struck on the cheek by Detective Garda Thomas Dunne , and also shouted at by him. He said he was assaulted by Detective Garda Kieran P. Lawlor , who is alleged to have beaten him on the right cheek bone , the lip , the ribs and the chest .

McNally claimed also that he had been deprived of tablets which had been prescribed for him . He was questioned at intervals throughout the day , and alleged that by midnight he was fatigued and unsure of himself as a result of being deprived of his tablets . He was then brought to the Bridewell Garda Station .

His questioning resumed at 10.00am the following morning and lasted until 6.00pm , when he was put to his cell for tea . At 8.30pm he was taken out to an interview room where he was interviewed until 9.15pm : he alleged that during this interview he was sitting on a double seat with Detective Garda Felix McKenna , and that when he lit a cigarette it was knocked out of his mouth by Detective Garda Thomas Fitzgerald : that Detective Garda Felix McKenna stood up suddenly and that he (McNally) fell to the floor , that he was picked up by Detective Garda Felix McKenna and pushed towards Detective Garda Thomas Fitzgerald who slapped and pushed him and he fell back on the seat . Then four or five plain clothes detectives came into the room.......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

Martin McGuinness stated - " I don't think there are republicans out there in the hills around Tyrone or Derry and Belfast who get up in the morning and say - ' We have to get back to armed struggle by midnight or the whole thing is lost' . ('1169...' Comment : Of course there are no republicans who propose a "midnight deadline" : who said there was ? There are , however , a growing number of republicans who are saying - ' It is wrong to completely rule out anything other than constitutional means of achieving our objective , as Westminster has not done so' .) These are very politically sophisticated people . When you think that, over the years , such a determined campaign was conducted to demonise us , and people were able to see through that , I think you have here probably one of the most politically sophisticated communities in the whole of western Europe .

If people were consumed by a militarist approach , as some people contend , then we should not have succeeded over the past number of years ; in fact , we not only succeeded , but we kept increasing our support . There's this debate about at the minute about what's the best to do . People will say to you - ' Sure , even if the whole thing collapses , the unionists will be in a worse position than they are at the moment , and the British will be forced to blah-blah-blah ....' " ('1169... ' Comment - .....by which we presume McGuinness meant that the British will be forced to talk their way out of it . It must be remembered that this McGuinness interview took place in 1999 , when the man was obviously not as 'polished' as he is now by the spin-doctors in the art of what we on this blog refer to as 'shite-talk' ie regardless of the question asked , give the [party-supplied] mantra , wrapped in a paragraph which ontains the term "going forward " : stretch your reply to last at least between 30 seconds and one minute, by which time the interviewer will have to move on to the next question or subject . Then repeat the process !)
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .......
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

If (the then) Sinn Fein manages to topple the SDLP it will throw British and Dublin government policy on the North of Ireland into total disarray * , burying all question of power-sharing or 'cross-community support' for devolved government there . ('1169....' Comment * - ...and it very well might have done , too , had not the section of the then Sinn Fein organisation which left the Movement with Adams and McGuinness three years after this article was penned , not actually turned into an SDLP-type party themselves!) It will also force government officials to swallow miles of official handouts devoted to explaining that 'the men of violence' had the support of only a fraction of one per cent of the Northern population .

For that reason the clash between the SDLP and Sinn Fein is the real kernel of this election , overshadowing for the moment the conflicts between nationalist and unionist and that within the unionist camp itself . There will be 17 seats in the North in this election instead of 12 in the past : the SDLP will be contesting all 17 , Sinn Fein will be standing in 14 . The real battle between the two will focus on the five constituencies with Nationalist majorities - Armagh-Newry , Fermanagh-South Tyrone , Foyle , Mid-Ulster and West Belfast . Sinn Fein won one seat in each of these areas in the elections to the 'Northern Assembly' last October and all their Assembly members are standing this time . The SDLP won two seats in Armagh-Newry , Foyle and Mid-Ulster and one each in Fermanagh-South Tyrone and West Belfast .

The SDLP also dominate the three main councils in the constituencies - Derry City , Fermanagh and Newry and Mourne , but Sinn Fein already hold the Fermanagh-South Tyrone seat at Westminster . The SDLP have held no Westminster seats since Gerry Fitt defected in 1979.......
(MORE LATER).







Thursday, November 16, 2006

Blaming the oppressed for the 'violence' .....


In an interview with what used to be an Irish Republican newspaper in August 1991 , Fr. Joseph McVeigh , from Garrison in County Fermanagh , took Fr Cathal Daly to task for declaring , in January 1991 - " If there were no (P)IRA there would be no British Army checkpoints and Fergal Caraher would not have been murdered " !
The same British apologist , Daly , also stated - " If there were no (P)IRA activities in Lurgan , Gervais Lynch ('Nelson link to four murders' , here) would not have been killed by a loyalist death squad ."
The 'Cock Daly' , true to form , crowed three times - " If there were no (P)IRA activities in Fermanagh there would be no roads closed." ! A trusted member of the 'Establishment' , ever eager to prove his worth to them . We now have 'wannabe' trusted members of the 'Establishment' who describe those who continue to fight against British interference in Irish affairs as "...micro groups.....with no mandate from the people......" , much the same as they themselves were once described ! They are in fitting company - treacherous snakeoil salespeople , prepared to turn their backs on their own oft-stated beliefs for the opportunity of an 'Establishment'-nursed career . Irish Republicans have lived through over 800 years of morally-weak and opportunistic people like those , and have always managed to survive them . These days are no different.......






Wednesday, November 15, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Thus while the medical evidence on Osgur Breathnach's condition was inconsistent - although the doctors concerned insisted their evidence was not contradictory - there was nonetheless considerable medical evidence that Breathnach was suffering from injuries of some kind : at no stage throughout the trial was there any evidence to the effect that he could at any stage have inflicted these injuries on himself or have had these injuries inflicted , other than at the hands of the Gardai .

Non-medical evidence about his condition was even more compelling : Aidan Browne S.C. , who saw Osgur Breathnach in the State High Court before the Habeas Corpus application , said in evidence : " To me , he appeared to be somebody else - as distressed as anyone I have ever seen and to a degree that was frightening as far as I was concerned . It was an overall impression of somebody who was dehumanised , that the attributes of the human animal that distinguishes him from the non-human animal were missing from him . One other person that I had seen in custody , not in this jurisdiction - in Crumlin Road Jail in Belfast - where he had been lodged after sustaining seven or eight days of interrogation .... that was the parallel between the two persons that I made at the time . "

While the evidence from Aidan Browne S.C. was made to appear unspecific and vague under cross examination , his testimony was nonetheless powerful . Mr. Dudley Potter , a solicitor , also giving evidence at Osgur Breathnach's trial , said he saw the accused at twelve midday on the 7th of April , 1976 , and that there were marks and bruises on his body and that he appeared to be in a very distressed state . Taken all in all , therefore , the evidence in Osgur Breathnach's case was not just sufficient as to raise a reasonable doubt about the voluntary nature of his confession : the evidence was such as to suggest that in all probability he had in fact been beaten up . We look at the case of Brian McNally next.......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

An odd aspect of blaming the Provos for 'the-impasse-of-the-moment' in the 'peace process' is that , whereas republicans (sic- read 'provisionals' instead) all but invented what they call 'the republican peace strategy' ( this is one arm of the true 'Republican peace strategy') as a way of drawing their opponents into an inversion of the conventional wisdom that the only proponents of war were in the republican movement (sic - read 'the provisional movement' instead) , the very dynamic the process created has had the effect of eroding the efficacy of armed struggle , thus removing the main bargaining counter of republicanism . (The 'main bargaining counter of Irish Republicanism' has always been that there can be no true peace until the British withdraw , politically and militarily , from this island . The Provisionals are content to obtain increased 'civil rights' under British jurisdiction - a temporary 'solution' .)

On the one hand , Irish history has shown that without violence , very little movement occurs (the republican 'violence' in this case being used , in the main , in self-defence : one cannot expect to violently take-over a neighbouring country without expecting 'violence' to be employed in self-defence) but on the other hand , while violence remains , any form of final resolution stays tantalisingly out of reach . This paradox has always divided republicans (sic - read 'nationalists' : Republicans have always understood that , unfortunately , Westminster responds to nothing else) , making their objectives unrealisable by virtue of their methods . ( " Unrealisable by virture of their methods " ? Rubbish ! The objectives of [British] imperialism - in which violence is the main plank - have never proved to be "unrealisable by virtue of their methods" ie Westminster has no hesitation in using violence to obtain its objectives and has no hesitation in employing violence to maintain 'control' over its ill-gotten gains) But there is now another paradox , whereby armed struggle has become obsolete by virtue of the peace strategy , ( armed struggle will one day become "obsolete" on this isle - that date has yet to be decided on by Westminster) thus perhaps permanently weakening the republican hand .

In other words , one of the reasons republicans cannot say the war is over forever ( those that were the last to leave the Republican Movement have already said that , for them , "the war is over") is that this would leave them entirely at the mercy of those who seek to exclude them (....as indeed is now happening - the Provisionals constantly call on the Free State Administration to join with them in demanding that the British re-establish its Stormont 'parliament' in Ireland !) .......
(MORE LATER).



THE PROVOS AT THE BALLOT BOX .
By Michael Farrell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , June 1983 .

' VOTE JOHN HUME FOR A BETTER LONDONDERRY' , says the mocking slogans in Derry's Bogside . ' SDLP= Stoop Down Low Party' , reads a wall-slogan near Free Derry corner . The SDLP denounce the Provisionals as fascists and mafia , embezzlers , thugs and kneecappers . (......the same 'tags' now used by the Provisionals against those they dismiss as 'dissidents' !) Bishop Cathal Daly of Belfast says a vote for Sinn Fein could be seen as a vote for violence , and Bishop Edward Daly of Derry calls on Catholics (sic) to examine their consciences before voting for candidates 'associated with violence' . (...including , no doubt , the Tories , DUP , UUP etc ..)

It is going to be a rough election in the North of Ireland and the real venom is between Sinn Fein and the SDLP : " We are out to replace the SDLP as the voice of the nationalist people in the North , " says Gerry Adams , the (then) Sinn Fein Vice-President and candidate for West Belfast . For the SDLP this is the most crucial election in their history - they have been remarkably successful up to this in holding together the fissiparous strands of Northern nationalism and fighting off challenges from within or without - weathering even the defection of Gerry Fitt and Paddy Devlin .

But this is the biggest challenge they have faced so far.......
(MORE LATER).







Monday, November 13, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Dr. Noel Smith , the Breathnach family doctor , said in evidence that Osgur Breathnach's head was painful and tender and that he had a lump on it , that his left leg had bruises over the top lower third , lateral , to the side and back ; that there were the early stages of bruising on Breathnach's buttocks . In Dr. Smith's opinion , Osgur Breathnach was dangerously ill , suffering from concussion as a reslt of the head injury and suffering from other injuries which could not have been self inflicted . As a resesult of an application to the State High Court , Breathnach was removed to the Richmond Hospital , in Dublin .

He was examined by a Dr. Leech of the Richmond on his arrival on the Wednesday afternoon , April 7th , 1976 : Dr. Leech said in evidence that he found Breathnach to be in an anxious condition , that there was a small bruise on the left-hand side of his chest , a small bruise on the inside left ankle , bruises over the lower one-third of one of his legs , and tenderness over the triceps of the left arm . Dr. Leech said the injuries which he found were consistent with an assault of minor degree .

A Dr. Carey , a senior neuro-surgeon at the Richmond Hospital , who examined Osgur Breathnach on Thursday morning , April 8th , 1976 , said in evidence that he found no injury to the accused's head , no evidence of loss of consciousness , no evidence of external injury to the head or neck - there was , however , tenderness of the scalp , on the left side of the jaw , and bruising on the left arm , left chest , back of the right calf and on the left ankle . The bruisings on the arms was stated by Dr. Carey to be consistent with a punch , behind the right leg would be consistent with a kick or a knock . Osgur Breathnach was discharged from hospital later that day , April 8th , 1976 . That medical evidence was to prove useful , as was the non-medical evidence : a State Counsel involved in the case described Breathnach as "....distressed .....dehumanised....a human animal..".......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

If the 'Good Friday Agreement' does collapse , Mr. David Trimble , as of this moment , looks like the one who will have to shoulder most of the historical blame . The question arises : is his failure to adequately meet the moment to do with a lack , in the wake of the 'GFA' , of courage , determination , independence of mind , or some more calculating purpose which predates the Agreement ?

Martin McGuinness states - " You've got to ask yourself , say , of , from Good Friday on , David Trimble had wholeheartedly embraced the agreement , and faced down the Paisleys of this world , then those people who celebrated the achievement of the agreement , wouuld have been justified in their view . I think they had an expectation that that might happen . And the history of the last nine months has shown that David Trimble has failed his people . But , at the same time , I think you have to give Trimble a certain amount of credit for saying 'Yes' on Good Friday , for whatever reason , and even though he has been part of this infuriating delay and stalling tactic that has been deployed over the last nine months , he still has continued to say 'Yes' , which clearly shows that that section of unionism that he represents , for whatever reason , has been shifted by the process .

Now , again , it comes down to whether or not you think that , at the end of all this , David Trimble is going to walk away from a process that he too has been part of constructing with the rest of us . I think it's inconceivable that he will do that . I think that for him the honourable thing to do is to face down the rejectionist unionists and press on with the implementation of the agreement , because in the long run , the implementation of the agreement is going to absolutely marginalise and isolate the rejectionists who are trying to destroy it . "

'Rejectionists' and revisionists too : McGuinness says - " There is a lot of anger within republican areas in the North that this , if you like , offensive , by the revisionists and others in the South , appears to be all about blaming republicans for the current impasse...... " ('1169....' Comment - those 'rejectionists and revisionists' are the same people that have always blamed Irish Republicans for the Struggle : the Provos have handed them a new stick with which to hit them with ie 'you are not surrendering quickly enough' , an outcome which does not surprise Republicans but does seem to have caught PSF by surprise . Have they mis-judged their opposition that much ?)
(MORE LATER).



GUNS TO BREAD AND BUTTER .......
EDDIE ROONEY looks at the transformation of the Official Republican movement from a revolutionary organisation run by its military wing to a social democratic electoral party .
From 'Fortnight' magazine , 1983 .

The old working-class support base of The Workers Party have so far been very tolerant of a leadership which has turned its back on people and traditions which are very dear to them . Many are a product of the era of Billy McMillen , who is now all but written out of the party literature . For many , any further change would represent the final straw .

There is little doubt that if this remaining working-class support is lost , there will be serious questions concerning the future of 'The Workers Party' in North of Ireland politics , yet there is really little prospect of a resurgence of radical republicanism within the party without the resignation of the current leadership. ('1169....' Comment - ....a position that Adams and Company find themselves in as well : they have placed all their political eggs in the one basket , but have handed control of that 'basket' over to those who have always been anti-republican . They have politically 'snookered' themselves and are entirely dependant on those anti-republican elements keeping their 'word' . More fool they !)

That is highly unlikely , and even if it happened , there could be no real chance of successfully competing against (P) Sinn Fein on what has now become their own ideological territory .
[END of ' GUNS TO BREAD AND BUTTER']
(Next - 'The Provos At The Ballot Box' : from 1983.)






Friday, November 10, 2006


Disgusting behaviour , once again , from the 'State guardians of law and order' : in July 2005 , Ruairi O Bradaigh issued a statement in support of the 'Shell To Sea' campaign in which , amongst other things , he said the following - " It would now appear that Bertie Ahern and his government are also willing to lock up its citizens whilst at the same time allowing Shell to dictate the energy and environmental policy of the 26 Counties ... "
Not only lock-up its citizens , but terrorise them into not protesting against injustices - Irish Republicans have been at the receiving end of such treatment for countless years : this corrupt and money-grabbing State , and the gombeen men and women that are presently in charge of it , now apparently feel confident enough to extend their terrorist tactics beyond the realm of attacking Irish Republicans . These career politicians must never be allowed to forget the injustices they have inflicted on the citizens of this State . Their God may forgive them , but we should'nt.......






THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

In the tunnel , Osgur Breathnach stated that Detective Garda Thomas Fitzgerald and Detective Inspector John Murphy attempted to pull his coat off , that he was slapped , punched , kneed , banged against a wall , that his arms were held , and that he was shouted at . He alleged further that his alleged part in the Sallins mail train robbery was being repeated over and over again to him .

When he was taken back upstairs to the Bridewell Garda Station , he alleged that Detective Garda Thomas Fitzgerald and Detective Inspector John Murphy pulled a chair from under him causing him to fall to the ground , and that he was pulled from one Garda Detective to another , that he was by this time dizzy , sore all over , confused , and had difficulty in breathing . He also alleged that he was beaten by other detectives whom he could not identify , that the statement he signed was not his own , but was concocted by the Gardai , and that he was forced to sign it in order to avoid further beatings .

The time on his statement is 6.00am on Wednesday , April 7 , 1976 - he had been in custody 41 hours at the time of his making a 'confession' . Dr. Noel Smith , who had been the Breathnach family doctor for some years , was asked by relatives to go to the Four Courts to examine Osgur Breathnach prior to the Habeas Corpus application on the afternoon of Wednesday , April 7 , 1976 : he examined Breathnach at 5.15pm that evening , just under 12 hours after the self-incriminatory statement had been signed . The report the doctor gave was shocking.......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

The moment of truth is now upon us : as we spoke , at the start of the last week in February , the stalemate remained . And , while the word on the wind , ably assisted by UUP spin doctors , was that Tony Blair was preparing to back the Trimble position on decommissioning in the run up to the March 10th deadline , Martin McGuinness was laying much store on earlier indications from Mo Mowlam that , in the wake of the 'cross-community vote of determination' , she would move to trigger the d'Hondt mechanism which would automatically form the Six County 'executive' complete with two (P) Sinn Fein members .

As Martin McGuinness put it - " From here , it's over , effectively , to the British government , to Tony Blair and Mo Mowlam . The British government has the authority ('1169...' Comment - sic . What 'authority' does the British government have in Ireland ?) now to establish the shadow executive , and have indicated publicly that they would do that in the first few days of March , and that it's their intention then to have powers devolved from both Dublin and London around the 10th of March . Now , the question is : what are Ulster Unionists going to do to stop that , or do the Ulster Unionists want to stop that ? Or are they going to go ahead with that ? Or are they going to , as some people have speculated , bring a proposal before the assembly that (P) Sinn Fein be excluded , have that debate , lose the debate and then press on with the implementation of the agreement , blaming the two governments and so on ? "

That we have reached this state of deja vu is disturbing indeed , given in particular the manner in which the 'Good Friday Agreement' was greeted throughout the world , ('1169...' Comment - " greeted throughout the world " because the Establishments involved in promoting it did so in a misleading fashion ie 'the big lie' that it was 'the end of the age old conflict in Ireland' was pushed by all anti-Republican groups , including those who really should have known better : remember the 'Tri-colour car cavalcade' on the Falls Road ?) culminating in the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize jointly to John Hume and David Trimble.......
(MORE LATER).



GUNS TO BREAD AND BUTTER .......
EDDIE ROONEY looks at the transformation of the Official Republican movement from a revolutionary organisation run by its military wing to a social democratic electoral party .
From 'Fortnight' magazine , 1983 .

Thers is also the question of the lack of internal democracy inside the Workers Party : whether one labels the rigid internal control of members as 'military discipline' or 'democratic centralism' the effect can be stifling , and key decisions have been made over the heads of ordinary members .

Even the OIRA Convention , which traditionally decided which resolutions were to be passed at the Ard Fheis , has not yet been laid to rest . Despite formal democratic procedures , in practice there is little scope for change from below . It is likely only to be a matter of time before the new breed of members feel constrained by this . The problem with implementing more changes lies in the danger of alienating the remaining working-class members .

The Workers Party's recent history suggests that a move towards the 'middle ground' of North of Ireland politics represents a move away from their working-class supporters.......
(MORE LATER).







Wednesday, November 08, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .


Upon his second release , Osgur Breathnach was again arrested under Section 30 and was detained until he was taken to the Richmond Hospital in Dublin , following a State High Court Habeas Corpus application : the following day , he was arrested at 'common law' .

The State Court of Criminal Appeal quashed Breathnach's conviction and ruled that his statements were inadmissible in evidence because of his having been brought to a "...menacing environment.." - a tunnel in the Bridewell Garda Barracks during his second period in detention , in the early hours of the morning , for an 'interview' , and failure to vindicate his right of access to a solicitor.

Upon his second arrest under Section 30, Osgur Breathnach was taken to the Bridewell Garda Barracks and placed in a cell . After 40 hours in detention , at approximately 5.20am on the Wednesday morning , he was taken down into a tunnel leading to the State District Court , and interviewed by Detective Garda Thomas Fitzgerald and Detective Inspector John Murphy : Osgur Breathnach alleged in evidence that he was questioned in this tunnel , and that he refused to answer questions without a solicitor . Then the two Gardai turned nasty.......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

Martin McGuinness stated - " The decommissioning argument is all a bit of a nonsense , because over the years , the leading generals in the British army , and those in charge of the RUC , have all identified the home-made weapons that the (P) IRA have made as the most lethal weapons used against them . Things like fertiliser bombs , the rocket launchers that the (P)IRA made . All of these weapons were identified by leading military strategists as the most dangerous weapons of all . So , if the (P) IRA were totally cynical about this process , they could go tomorrow and decommission five tonnes of explosives and by the weekend make fifty tonnes ! ('1169...' Comment - ....and they could have , too , at one stage , before they also decommissioned the mindset to do so , that is . Besides - their objective of obtaining increased civil rights does not call for the use of explosives or other munitions .)

So for us in (P) Sinn Fein , more important than decommissioning is to decommission all of the injustice of the past * and to show people that there is a new future , and that politics actually works . Then we can effectively set about , in a very real way , taking all the guns out of Irish politics . " ('1169 .... ' Comment * - Claptrap ! Those "injustices of the past " were caused by the same people that are responsible for the 'injustices of the present'- Westminster . What "new future" can Irish Republicans secure by assisting Westminster in securing its 'writ' on this isle ?)

This , however , would seem to place the De Chastelain body in a political role , rather than the 'technocratic' one which it has been assumed it would adopt . But Martin McGuinness stated - " People like John De Chastelain and Senator George John Mitchell brought a much-needed wisdom to this process : these were people who were prepared to look at the global situation . They used very potent phrases , like , ' Decommissioning , if it happens , will have to be a voluntary exercise ... ' . ('1169...' Comment - .... Martin knew in his heart that his two new best friends , John and George , wouldn't let him down - they had only his best interests at heart . And this is the man the Provos chose to be their 'Chief Negotiator' ?) They (John and George , that is...) said that there should be no concept whatsoever of surrender or humiliation or defeat - for anybody . ('1169...' Comment - Picture the scene : Martin , the 'Chief Negotiator' , being interviewed by the media - " Mr McGuinness , do you feel that the Provos have surrendered ? Is the Provo organisation humiliated ? Have PIRA been defeated ... ? " Martin - " No . John and George tell me it didn't happen like that ..." !)

And those are the very emotions which the unionists and the securicrats within the British military establishment bring to all of this , because we are actually dealing with people , if the truth be told , who have never been able to come to terms with the fact that , in thirty years of struggle (sic) , they could not militarily defeat the IRA , and who have now set about , in a time of peace , trying to achieve that very objective ." ('1169...' Comment - Not so . Those people simply gave the Provos enough rope [from the Good Ship 'GFA'] to defeat themselves with .)
(MORE LATER).



GUNS TO BREAD AND BUTTER .......
EDDIE ROONEY looks at the transformation of the Official Republican movement from a revolutionary organisation run by its military wing to a social democratic electoral party .
From 'Fortnight' magazine , 1983 .

The position of long-term members of The Workers Party has become marginal , and for many of those supporters their continued support has been more due to a way of life* than to support for party policies . ('1169...' Comment * - ...which is where PSF are now : they are top heavy with 'wannabe' Chiefs and middle-management types , who , now that PSF are well on the road to 'respectability' , are elbowing each other out of the way to pick-up a salaried position within 'the party' . Their foot-soldiers [ie paper-sellers etc] are a rare sight in the pubs , clubs etc , except when they're having a few pints themselves ! It is obviously near-impossible for them to promote a political point of view of which they are not confident with themselves .)

This has been coupled with the attraction of some support centred around the academic world which has contributed to a small but growing new Protestant (sic) membership - there is , however , a considerable gap between the political rhetoric which has attracted such new members , and the reality of the party's organisation , which has retained many of its traditional features . ('1169...' Comment - the Provos , too - for now - have also 'retained many of their traditional features' , such as Easter Commemorations etc , and will continue to do so until such time as their membership has been 'churned-over' sufficiently to allow their leadership to drop said 'traditions' . After all , those commemorated did not give their lives in a fight to obtain the 'right' to implement British policy in Ireland !)

Although , symbolically , the Workers Party's present Springfield Road headquarters may seem like a world away from Cyprus Street , it is still well within Catholic (sic) West Belfast : there have been discussions concerning the possible relocation of party headquarters to a more 'central' area but so far there is no sign of a move . The party's recent considerable investment in new social clubs has been confined to republican strongholds.......
(MORE LATER).







Monday, November 06, 2006

THE SEEDS OF A POLICE STATE .......
There is substantial evidence that a major crime was perpetrated within the Garda Siochana five years ago .
The evidence for this crime has certainly been available to senior Gardai ever since then , but no enquiry whatsoever has taken place , let alone any Garda being disciplined in connection with that crime .
By Vincent Browne and Derek Dunne .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , September 1983 .

Subsequently , new charges were preferred against four of the original accused : John Fitzpatrick and Michael Barrett were not charged , even though Fitzpatrick had signed a statement incriminating himself in the Sallins mail train robbery , which meant that there was precisely the same 'evidence' against him as there was against Nicky Kelly and Osgur Breathnach ! No reason was ever offered for this , and John Fitzpatrick was never called as a witness to confirm or deny allegations that it was he who beat up Brian McNally on the Wednesday night of the crucial remand from a special sitting of the State District Court , back into Garda custody .

The trial of the four was aborted on the fiftieth day on the death of one of the Judges , Judge John William O' Connor : a new trial was set , and in the first few days of this new trial , Michael Plunkett was acquitted : Breathnach , McNally and Nicky Kelly were found guilty and sentenced on December 13 , 1978 . Upon appeal , Breathnach and McNally had their convictions quashed on May 20 , 1980 . Nicky Kelly was unsuccessful in his appeal to both the State Court of Criminal Appeal and the State Supreme Court : he is still in jail , serving a 12 year sentence .

THE CASE OF OSGUR BREATHNACH :
Osgur Breathnach was arrested under Section 30 of the Offences Against the State Act , 1939 , at 3.15pm on the 31st March , 1976 . He was taken to the Bridewell Garda Barracks , Dublin , where his detention order was extended : he was released at 2.45pm on Friday , the 2nd of April , 1976 - he had spent forty-seven-and-a-half hours in Garda custody .

He was arrested again under Section 30 at 1.30pm on Monday , the 5th of April , 1976 , and taken to the Bridewell , where his detention order was again extended , and he was released at 1.30pm on Wednesday , the 7th of April , 1976 : a total of 48 hours in Garda custody . It was during the latter part of his detention that he alleges he was beaten and forced to sign a statement , incriminating himself in the Sallins mail train robbery.......
(MORE LATER).



(Martin McGuinness , left , with Henry Kissinger , as usual , on the right ...)

DISARMING MARTIN .......
All (P)Sinn Fein leaders have a series of mantras and mini-speeches which they seek to get into every interview , regardless of the question .
The task of the journalist is to avoid setting off these reflex responses : the problem with Martin McGuinness is that he does it so pleasantly that it seems impolite to interrupt him .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1999 .
By John Waters .

Martin McGuinness stated - " When you take away the reasons why people feel they have to fight , you can then be involved in a serious project which is about removing guns from Irish politics . ('1169...' Comment - ...time was , when , for Martin and his type , the only "serious project" in town was to do with removing from this island the un-wanted British military and political presence . Not trying to make a living from same.) But the mistake that's being made is that people look at this in the context that , in their view , there has to be a parallel approach to how you resolve that . And I actually don't think that can succeed .

The key objective of the peace process has to be showing people that politics works . I think John De Chastelain understands perfectly what the situation is . ('1169...' Comment - De Chastelain's "situation" , and that of his superiors and supporters, was to neuter the Provisionals . He must have been surprised at the level of assistance he received from the leadership of said grouping !) Now it's very important that people not misquote what's in the Good Friday Agreement , because right throughout this process we have worked on the basis that if we give our word we will keep it . ('1169...' Comment - A 'Gentlemans Agreement' , if you like , Martin . Between robber barons and those they have purchased .) We are not about leading anybody up blind alleys , (...except their own gullible supporters..) and that includes the (P) IRA and the other participants to the agreement . (....yet Martin and his colleagues were first out of the trap , whenever the PIRA were suspected of pulling a job , to tell all and sundry that 'the PIRA themselves never actually signed-up to the 1998 'agreement' !)

We had very forthright discussions with the Irish government (sic) about the decommissioning issue and we told them - 'We can't deliver decommissioning' . (...you and yours would deliver your granny on a platter , Martin , if you thought it would further your political careers !) So it's not that we signed up to decommissioning . We didn't ! What we were prepared to do was to work with all the other participants to try to bring that about within a two-year period....... "
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GUNS TO BREAD AND BUTTER .......
EDDIE ROONEY looks at the transformation of the Official Republican movement from a revolutionary organisation run by its military wing to a social democratic electoral party .
From 'Fortnight' magazine , 1983 .

In Craigavon , County Armagh , where The Workers' Party holds two council seats , (P) Sinn Fein's recent reorganisation has led to the emergence of a young and enthusiastic political machine , intent on removing Tom French and Paddy Breen from their seats .

Some senior Workers' Party members have interpreted (P) Sinn Fein's success as signifying the need to revive the party's radical 'republican' links : however , so far all that has emerged has been a renewed interest in commemoration ceremonies , a slightly stronger line on repression , and a sporadic slackening of the reins on the Official IRA - measures designed to retain the loyality of remaining republican-minded members rather than to attract broader support . On the other hand , the leadership's anti-nationalist line has been publicly reinforced and there are even signs of pressure from Southern members to sever links with the party in the North .

The success of (P) Sinn Fein is unlikely in itself to cause the political demise of the Workers Party in the North : hatred of the Provisionals remains one of the strongest bonds uniting Workers' Party members , and if nothing else , it is likely to retain a residual anti-Provo vote - but major long-term problems are likely to arise within the party , as many party members who would consider themselves 'radical republicans' , and who have not drifted away or been expelled , have for some time been disillusioned with the current leadership and its political stance ....... (.....history repeats itself..)
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