At the time of this IRA campaign, Eamon de Valera's Fianna Fail State Administration were of the opinion that it actually began in 1954, with the raid on Gough Barracks, in Armagh, on Saturday 12th June that year (1954), in which some 300 weapons were liberated from the British Army.
Fianna Fail considered that proof enough that the IRA "..had renewed its activities, was rearming, recruiting young men and engaging in drilling and other manoeuvres..." and indeed they were.
On 11th December 1956, communication was sent to the IRA Volunteers involved - over 150 men - that the operation would begin at midnight on 12th December and, at the appointed time, three IRA flying columns crossed the Free State border to attack British Army depots and administration centres, air fields, radar installations, British Army barracks, courthouses, bridges, roads and custom posts : the 'Resistance Campaign/Operation Harvest', had begun proper , on the 12th/13th December, 1956, and operations were co-ordinated from County Monaghan.
In a letter from the then leadership of the Sinn Féin organisation, which was signed by Maire Ni Gabhan and Miceal Treinfir [see 'Sinn Féin Rally In Dublin', here] (and which was sent from the Sinn Féin Office, 3 Lr. Abbey Street, Dublin) the Secretary of each Cumann was instructed to read out a statement after every Mass in their area, on Sunday 16th December (1956), announcing the start of 'the Border Campaign', an announcement which, later, prompted the then Free State 'Taoiseach', Fianna Fail's Seán Lemass, to describe the IRA as being "similar to fascists" re its decision to mount such a campaign.
On 26th February 1962 the IRA, through the Irish Republican Publicity Bureau, in a communication signed by J. McGarrity, sent out the following message :
"The leadership of the resistance Movement has ordered the termination of the Campaign of Resistance to British Occupation launched in December, 1956.
Instructions issued to Volunteers of the Active Service Units and of local Units in the occupied area have now been carried out. All arms and materials have been dumped and all full-time active volunteers have been withdrawn.
Foremost among the factors motivating this course of action has been the attitude of the general public whose minds have been deliberately distracted from the supreme issue facing the Irish people – the unity and freedom of Ireland.
The Irish resistance movement renews its pledge of eternal hostility to the British Forces of Occupation in Ireland. It calls on the Irish people for increased support and looks forward with confidence – in co-operation with the other branches of the Republican Movement – to a period of consolidation, expansion and preparation for the final and victorious phase of the struggle for the full freedom of Ireland."
Although that Campaign was called off as, indeed, were others like it over the centuries of resistance, opposition to British military and political interference in Irish affairs remains in place and has been bolstered by those 'failed campaigns'.
Even when we appear to have lost, we win!
Towards the end of 1919, an RIC 'Inspector General' in Ireland, a Mr Joseph Byrne, was rather annoyed (!) that 'his team' was about to be supplemented by ex and demobbed British soldiers, as Mr Byrne knew that those men would find it hard to adjust to 'policing roles', to put it mildly.
He was of the opinion that "...the general public is prepared to suffer rather than openly condemn the criminal acts (sic) of the republican fanatics.." (sic), and Westminster was looking at him with raised eyebrows ("Too bloody soft on the natives, what...!")
'The Times' newspaper, London, was watching developments and, on the 13th December, 1919, wrote -
"The population in southern Ireland is between two coercions, laws imposing restrictions upon ordinary liberty. Of the two powers, Sinn Féin has the more terror. That perhaps should be neglected.
The serious part is that, on the whole, Sinn Féin has more moral authority."
'The Paper Of Record' (!) got that part right, at least!
Incidentally and, no doubt, coincidentally, the 'Big Softie', Mr Byrne, was 'moved on' (!) from his position in December 1919 and replaced by his deputy, a Mr TJ Smith, a well known Orangeman...
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'AMERICAN NOTES...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
The death occurred on February 20th of Larry Cooke (Cavan), a trusted member of the James Connolly Club, Clan na Gael-IRA Veterans of America Inc, for many years.
A tribute to the memory of this staunch soldier of the Irish Republic was paid on February 22nd by the Clan na Gael and members of his own club.
Chairman (sic) Patrick O'Mahoney (Kerry) paid a glowing tribute to his memory, Dr. Frank Monahan (Cavan) delivered the oration and a decade of the Rosary in Irish was recited by the assembly.
Imeasc laochra Gaedheal go raibh a Anam.
(END of 'American Notes' ; NEXT - 'Sinn Féin Notes', from the same source.)
In the British 'House of Commons', on the 13th December, 1920, Liberal MP T McKinnon Wood questioned 'Sir' Thomas Hamar Greenwood, the British 'Chief Secretary of Ireland' (and Chief 'Spin Doctor') if anti-Sinn Féin notices were being published in Irish newspapers at British Army gunpoint or not!
Mr Greenwood, who was known to 'condemn himself by his own immoral character', replied - "So far as can be ascertained, no members of the Crown Forces were responsible for the drawing up or the sending of the notices in question..."
Somehow or other, that arrogant man, described by his wife as a "stick shaker", lived to be 78 years of age and then, presumably, got 'stick' himself elsewhere...
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A Dublin IRA Volunteer, John Hickey, was lying in a bed in Baggot Street Hospital, Dublin, on the 13th December, 1920, dying from two gunshot wounds.
John and a pal were walking near the Merrion Gates in Dublin on the 12th December when two men stopped them and asked him why he had his hands in his pockets.
Before he could answer or react, the strangers pulled out handguns and shot at him a number of times ; he fell to the ground, suffering two bullet wounds.
He died on the 14th December and is buried in Dun Laoghaire, in County Dublin. It is believed that the gunmen were 'off duty' members of the Crown Forces.
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A British Army soldier, a Private (Alfred) John Allport (26), from Walsall, in the West Midlands, in England, who was a member of the 1st Battalion of the Leicester Regiment, died in Athlone, in Westmeath, in Ireland, on the 13th December, 1920, after a "misadventure".
He is buried in Bloxwich, in the West Midlands, in his own country.
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On the 13th December, 1920, Mary Maher, a sixty-year-old shopkeeper in Main Street, Templemore, in County Tipperary, was found in her house, lying unconscious on the kitchen floor.
Her skull had been fractured, and she died on the 16th December.
There was uproar locally, understandably and, eventually, a British Army Private, a man named O'Brien, a member of the Northamptonshire Regiment, admitted to murdering M/s Maher. He said his wife was also involved.
M/s Maher was one of at least 98 Irish women that were murdered in that manner between 1917 and 1921 :
'At the height of the Irish War of Independence, 1919–1921...brutally raped...died of terrible wounds, almost certainly inflicted by drunken British soldiers. This article discusses her inadequately investigated case in the wider context of fatal violence against women and girls during years of major political instability. Ordinarily her violent death would have been subject to a coroner’s court inquiry and rigorous police investigation, but in 1920, civil inquests in much of Ireland were replaced by military courts of inquiry...' (From here.)
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On December 13th, 1920, when Arthur Griffith and other Irish rebels were in 'discussions' with Lloyd George's political administration in London in relation to "the Irish question", Mr Griffith contacted a friend of his, a Fr Patrick Joseph Clune, to discuss developments.
Mr Griffith, rather annoyed about how the 'feeler talks' were going, told his friend that all was not well, that Lloyd George was offering the Irish 'terms that amounted to a call for surrender' and stated that "there would be no surrender, no matter what frightfulness was used..".
However, less than one year later, Mr Griffith was one of those who accepted 'terms that amounted to a call for surrender'.
'Put not your trust in Princes...'
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The RIC Barracks in Ballinalee, in County Longford, stood at the crossroads in the village and was 'staffed' by about 30 uniformed anti-republican operatives, under an RIC Sergeant, a man named Thomas C. Napier.
In early 1920, in order to 'consolidate their forces', the barracks was emptied of its personnel who were re-located to outlying barracks, and the building was boarded up and, within a few months, it had been set on fire by local republicans.
Following the 'Battle of Ballinalee' in early November (1920), Crown Forces wanted to re-establish their presence in that village but their old barracks was not, by then, fit to accommodate man or beast, so they took over an empty shop (Pat Farrell's grocery shop) and converted it into something like their old building.
On the 13th December, 1920, at between 1am and 2am, a loud explosion resulted in a wall, and the interior steel plating covering it, being shattered and, at the same time, another mine was thrown into the building from its roof, which exploded on the ground floor, killing an RIC man, Thomas Manfred Taylor (18 years of age, 'Service Number 74612') from Surrey, in England, and wounding three of his RIC colleagues.
Gunfire was exchanged until about 7am, when the IRA withdrew from the village ; when the Crown Forces and their reinforcements had regrouped and settled themselves, they went on a rampage, burning down about half the houses in Ballinalee.
The RIC abandoned the remains of their new nest (!) so the local school committee renovated the building and an empty house next door to it ('Rose Cottage', which used to be owned by the Reynolds family) and turned it into something useful for the community - a new school!
Incidentally, three days after that attack (ie on the 16th December 1920), RIC Sergeant Thomas C. Napier received a letter in the post, addressed personally to him, in handwriting that he didn't recognise. The letter said -
'Ballinalee.
Take Notice.
You were in command of the English Army here on Sunday, murdering Irishmen - congratulations on your flight - don't think you will escape.
You are spying a long time in Longford, be prepared ; you won't do it much longer.
No Army will be here or anywhere else but the IRA.'
Two days later (ie on the 18th December 1920), RIC Sergeant Thomas C. Napier was 'promoted' to the position of 'Head Constable' and was relocated to a different area...
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IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
Exploring other theological elements, closeness to the Church was highest in the cohort born after 1970 (62 per cent) and lowest in the 1930 cohort.
On sexual morality, the percentage believing that premarital sex is wrong has plummeted, with very few of the younger age group supporting this, even among those attending weekly mass (25 per cent).
So whilst they adhere to many of the tenets of the Catholic faith, the young have discarded its sexual ethic. This is hardly surprising since our culture is highly sexualised with sex a marketable commodity. In addition, the serious flaws in the current religious education curriculum and the opting-out of parents from these sensitive areas means that many young people will be largely ignorant of the underpinnings of the traditional sexual ethic.
Contrary to popular opinion, Catholicism is alive and well in Ireland - although it may be popular devotion that is to the fore rather than the reflective faith so desired by the clergy...
(MORE LATER.)
Three IRA Battalions, totalling about 1,550 men from the Kildare Brigade (2nd, 5th and 6th Battalions) participated in training and drilling exercises in the 'Little Curragh' area of Kildare, on the 13th December 1921.
Programmes covered included engineering, first aid and military drills.
The IRA was a recognised and sophisticated guerrilla army which was based parish-by-parish ; a town (ie an area, neighbourhood or local community) organised itself as a 'Company', and an agreed number of such Units comprised a Battalion (being from the same district or constituency).
An agreed number of Battalions formed a Brigade (usually based by County), and these Units were organised into Divisions, when the need arose.
In the 1920's, the overall strength of the organisation was said to be 65 Brigades, 297 Battalions - a total of about 115,550 active Volunteers, all of whom were trained and drilled on a regular basis.
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On the 13th December, 1921, Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland held a meeting to discuss the offerings of the 'Treaty of Surrender' and a majority of them decided that their church should support it (in 1921, there were 4 Archbishops, 23 bishops, 3082 secular priests and 754 members of male religious orders, societies and congregations in Ireland) and they also agreed that their public statement about their meeting should be a "neutral" one in regards to the advice they were going to offer to their followers in relation to the 'Treaty'.
But that agreement was disregarded the following day when 15 members of the Irish Roman Catholic Hierarchy issued a statement supporting the 'Treaty', allowing (encouraging?) Westminster and soon-to-be Free Staters in Ireland the opportunity to further brow-beat Irish citizens into voting for what transpired to be a 'false dawn/bad deal'.
Indeed, in a Christmas Day sermon in Ennis Cathedral in County Clare, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Killaloe, Dr Michael Fogarty, urged support for the 'Treaty' and warned of the dangers of a civil war if it wasn't accepted.
However, not all priests were in favour of the 'Treaty of Surrender' and one in particular, Monsignor John Hagan, the Rector of the Irish College in Rome, stated -
"The bishops (in Ireland) don’t want to listen to arguments about their political partisanship and the damage it has done to religion.
The bishops will not listen to any such view. They are persuaded that they are right and are inclined to tolerate no doubt. Indeed, I am inclined to gather that they regard doubts of the kind as a sort of personal affront.
Naturally, the main body of the priests in a diocese think as the bishop thinks, and thus we have a vicious circle, which bounds the horizon all round..."
We lost the 'Treaty of Surrender' debate and outcome - one 'round' in a fight which still continues to this day!
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On the 13th December, 1921, the British Prime Minster, Mr David Lloyd George, sensing some apprehension in Mr Arthur Griffith about the 'Treaty' he was trying to sell to him, wrote a 'letter of assurance' to the then Sinn Féin rebel, giving him a guarantee that the British Exchequer would not go totally nuclear (!) on the Irish in relation to the arbitration of Ireland's financial liability (?!) to Westminster, that the British would not voice full opposition to the new 'Free State' lodging an application to the 'League of Nations' seeking membership, that the British would be sympathetic to the Staters while they drafted a 'Constitution' for their 'new State' and that the beginning of British troop evacuation from Ireland would start as soon as the 'Treaty' was ratified.
Mr Griffith, being too diplomatic for his (and our!) own good, never did tell Mr George to go f**k himself.
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In a letter that he wrote to Mr Bonar Law (the British 'Lord Privy Seal'!) on the 13th December in 1921, Mr James Craig (the '1st Viscount Craigavon' and the then 'Prime Minister of Northern Ireland [sic]') stated -
"There is nothing in the terms of the (1921) Treaty (of Surrender) to show that the Boundary Commission must necessarily limit its functioning to little adjustments..."
In that same month, Mr Craig made a public speech in which he declared that the partioned area (ie the Occupied Six Counties) "..would oppose any boundary revision that threatened it with substantial loss of territory..."
A snake-oil salesperson, like any politician..!
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BEIR BUA...
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
'Fenian Proclamation 1867 :
Proclamation To The Irish People Of The World.
We have suffered centuries of outrage, enforced poverty, and bitter misery.
Our rights and liberties have been trampled on by an alien aristocracy who, treating us as foes, usurped our lands and drew away from our unfortunate country all material riches.
The real owners of the soil were removed to make room for cattle, and driven across the ocean to seek the means of living, and the political rights denied to them at home, while our men of thought and action were condemned to loss of life and liberty.
But we never lost the memory and hope of a national existence.
We appealed in vain to the reason and sense of justice of the dominant powers but our mildest remonstrances were met with sneers and contempt and our appeals to arms were always unsuccessful...'
(MORE LATER.)
On the 13th December, 1922, IRA Volunteer Tom Barry (who was denounced, decades later, by the IRA, for his journalistic work for the Free State Army) was in command of a Column of IRA fighters (consisting of about 100 men) which entered the town of Carrick-on-Suir in County Tipperary.
The Free State Army were in situ in the town and a gun battle erupted between the two armed forces, during which two FSA members were shot (one of whom, Lieutenant James Gardiner, died later) and a civilian was injured.
The Staters eventually surrended to the rebels and were held, as a group, in the Main Street of the town.
The IRA liberated 107 rifles, two Lewis machine guns, a Crossley Tender and two motor cars from the FSA that day, released their prisoners, unharmed, after a few days, and disappeared into the countryside!
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Thomas Behan, an IRA Volunteer who was held captive by the Staters, was shot dead in the Curragh on the 13th December, 1922, while allegedly trying to escape.
He was one of ten Volunteers that were removed by the FSA from a dugout under the stables of the Moore's farm in Mooresbridge, Rathbride, near the Curragh, in County Kildare, on the 12th December.
The Staters were aware that that particular IRA Active Service Unit had taken part in a number of attacks on them and had disabled local rail infrastructure in counties Kildare and Wicklow.
Seven of the ten Volunteers were courtmartialled and executed at the Curragh on the 19th December 1922 and, although the IRA in Kildare had lost friends and comrades, the fight continued, as, indeed, it does to this day.
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Thanks for the visit, and for reading.
Sharon and the team.
