Showing posts with label James Burke. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James Burke. Show all posts
Wednesday, October 22, 2025
1921 - 'ANTI-SINN FÉIN SOCIETY' MEMBERSHIP LIST LOCATED BY THE IRA.
"Sixty-one persons have been convicted since 1st January last for complicity in attacks on military or police (sic), or on police barracks (sic).
In 21 cases, sentences of penal servitude for periods exceeding two years have been inflicted, and there have been 20 cases of sentences of imprisonment with hard labour for periods of two years.
In the remaining 20 cases, sentences ranging from 18 months to one months imprisonment with or without hard labour were imposed.
There has been no case in which capital punishment has been inflicted..." (*)
(* Not 'officially', anyway.)
- the words of the British 'Chief Secretary for Ireland', a Mr 'Sir' Thomas Hamar Greenwood (pictured), 1st Viscount Greenwood, PC, KC ETC ETC in the British 'House of Commons', on the 21st October, 1920, and reported on in newspapers on the 22nd.
Mr Greenwood also stated that, between the months of January 1919 and the 21st of October 1919, about 127 (political) meetings had been prohibited, 22 newspapers suppressed, 16 creameries had been totally destroyed and 11 creameries had been partially destroyed or damaged.
So - a perfectly normal ten month period in British-occupied Ireland, then...
On the same day that people were reading the newspaper reports in which Mr Greenwood was basking in the destructiveness of his 'Empire', the 10.45am express train from Cork ran into trouble in Newbridge, in County Kildare.
For t'was in the Newbridge Station that British Army soldiers boarded the train, on their way to no doubt give Mr Greenwood more material to write about, when the railway workers said "NO!!" - and refused to operate the train until the foreign gunmen disembarked!
And the same thing happened later that day with the 1.15pm train from Dublin : when it arrived at the Sallins Station, in County Kildare, the workers refused to proceed until the foreign gunmen disembarked.
The reason given was 'health and safety' - the British Army soldiers were likely to be attacked by the IRA, which put the workers and other passengers in danger etc etc but...ah, sure, ya know yerself... ;-) !
And I'd say that those soldiers of the 'Empire' were disappointed that they couldn't get up the country to the county of Leitrim, about 140km (90 miles) from Kildare where, on that same date (the 22nd October 1920) their equally-armed and troublesome comrades were burning the local hall (community centre) in the small town of Aughavas, but they probably made it for the 'Greenwood Goodies' that took place in Leitrim over the following two weeks - town halls were burned down by those armed thugs in the villages of Annaduff, Fenagh, Gorvagh, Gowel and Ballinamore.
Had those bowsies taken the time to read that days 'Times of London' newspaper (22nd October 1920) they might have had a change of heart (!) because of a write-up in it about the 'Cambridge Union Society' having discussed and passed a motion condemning the British government's actions in Ireland ; a game-changer, if ever there was one, for sure...
On that same date (22nd October 1920), 'The Cork Constitution' newspaper reported that the Mayor of Wexford, a Mr Richard Corish, had received a threatening letter from "the Wexford Branch" of a pro-British grouping, the so-called 'Anti-Sinn Féin Society' ('ASFS').
The letter stated that there would be "severe reprisals against Sinn Féin supporters in the event of the shooting or wounding of government officials (sic)..."
That 'organisation' was known by the IRA to be a loose network of pro-British intelligence agents involved in 'counter-insurgency' activities, on a 'plausible deniability'-basis by Westminster ; indeed, on the 25th November (1920), Mr Greenwood stated, in Westminster -
"The Government have no information concerning this so-called society, and no branch of the public service in Ireland has relations with any such organisation..." (From Hansard HC Deb Vol 135 c645W).
The grouping made itself a target for the IRA and, when located, its members and leadership were executed ; for instance, a Mr James Charles Beale, an 'ASFS' leader, was shot dead in February 1921 and his living quarters were searched.
An 'ASFS' membership list was found, leading to the execution of 13 other pro-British spies and marauders and the IRA let it be known that they had names, addresses and contact details for other members and supporters and those people were advised to back off, which they did, rather sharpishly, as the British themselves might put it...
By March, 1921, the grouping had outlived its usefulness to the British and had effectively ceased to exist.
"We approached (RIC member) Cullen's house and knocked at the door.
He asked who was there and we said 'Open up in the name of the IRA'.
Cullen refused to open the door.
Volunteer Andrew Kirwan then fired a revolver shot up towards the roof of the house and Volunteer Walter Walsh and I began to break in the door with a hatchet we had with us.
When Cullen heard us smashing the door he went upstairs and threw a grenade out through the window ; it landed about three-quarter ways across the street before it exploded.
Volunteer Walsh and I fell down with the blast and then got up and ran around a corner out of range.
Volunteer James Power, who was some way out on the road, went across the street and into the chapel yard after the explosion, but we lost him in the darkness.
I set out for the IRA Commandant's house at Ballycraddock, about four miles distant, with a view to getting hold of a few rifles and, when I returned to the village of Kill ('1169' comment - the village of Kill in Waterford, not Kildare) later that night I found that our men had dispersed to their homes.
The following day I heard that Volunteer James Power had been badly wounded the previous night by the grenade thrown by the RIC man, Cullen.
Volunteer Power had apparently gone home a distance of over a quarter of a mile the previous night in spite of his bad wound.
We brought Doctor (Joseph C.) Walsh of Bunmahon (pictured) to attend him but it was no use, as the poor fellow died three days afterwards and is buried in Kill Graveyard.
At the time of Volunteer Power's death it was said by his relatives that he died of pneumonia, and everybody - except those of us who really knew - believed that.
The idea was, of course, to keep the British ignorant of the truth and so save his people from raids or, maybe, arrest..."
- a statement from one of the IRA Volunteers who was on that military operation with Volunteer James Power.
(Incidentally, a well-known [apparently?!] British comedian [!] with a very poor grasp of Irish history has a family connection with an IRA Volunteer of the same name as the Volunteer we wrote about, above, who is also from Waterford, and was actually on the same military operation as Volunteer Power ; more here.)
RIP Volunteer James Power.
On the same day that Volunteer Power was caught-up in the grenade explosion, 150 km/95 miles or so up the road in County Offaly, the newly formed Flying Column from the Athlone Battalion IRA were waiting at an ambush point they had established in the Parkwood area of Clara, County Offaly (just inside the Offaly border, outside the town of Moate).
Volunteers James Tormey and George Adamson were in command of the rebels who, with limited ammunition, were waiting for an RIC patrol (19 armed members) to pass that way, on its journey from Gormanstown Barracks in County Meath to the town of Ballinasloe, in the East of County Galway.
At about 1pm, three Crossley Tender trucks drove up to the ambush point, the first of which the rebels allowed pass unhindered - but a continuous fusillade of shots from revolvers and rifles stopped the second truck immediately.
Intermittent fire was returned and, as the rebels were low on ammunition, they used the last of their firepower to withdraw from the scene.
One of the RIC members, a Mr Harold Biggs (23, 'Service Number 73983'), from London, died the following day from his wounds.
Mr Biggs had only joined the RIC on the 9th October that year but, even at the young age he was when he died, he had eight years of military training to his 'credit' : at 15 years young he had joined the British Army but was discharged a year later and re-enlisted at 18 years of age.
Before he was discharged, he had been wounded in France, had been a member of the London Metropolitan Police (from which he resigned after four months) and then continued his military 'career' with the RIC in Ireland.
He ended it here, too...
On the same day of that successful IRA ambush (22nd October 1920), the villages of Moate and Horseleap, in County Westmeath, and the village of Killbeggan, on the border between County Westmeath and County Offaly, were attacked and terrorised by armed Crown Force members, many civilians were wounded and a former 'Irish Parliamentary Party' urban councillor, a Mr Michael Burke (50, pictured), was shot dead by the foreigners.
Those Crown Force revenge attacks were raised in the British 'House of Commons', and a Mr Thomas Hamar Greenwood ('1st Baron Greenwood' - him again!) replied to the concerns expressed -
"It is inevitable that in the conditions prevailing in Ireland, the innocent should sometimes suffer for the acts of the wrongdoer..."
It should not have been "inevitable", but Mr Greenwood died peacefully ('unspecified causes') at 78 years of age, in London, on the 10th September, 1948.
Marbhfháisc air!
Léan léir air!
Drochbhreith ort!
Díth béasa ort!
"The creation of the Special Constabulary would place the lives of Catholics at the mercy of opponents, armed by the British government.
If I had the power, I would organise special constables to fight your special constables.
The Chief Secretary is going to arm pogromists to murder the Catholics. Their pogrom is to be made less difficult. Instead of paving stones and sticks they are to be given rifles..."
- Mr Joe Devlin, addressing Mr Hamar Greenwood in the British 'House of Commons', on October 25th, 1920.
The occasion was necessitated due to an order issued on the 22nd October by the British military and political 'Head Office' in Ireland, in Dublin Castle that, under the British 'Special Constabulary Ireland Acts of 1832 and 1914', a 'Special Constabulary' was to be created for Ireland, recruitment for which was to commence on November 1st.
Four groupings were to be established ; full-time 'A Specials', part-time 'B Specials', reserve force 'C Specials' and 'CI Specials', consisting of loyalist paramilitary members.
In order to lessen opposition to this new group of bandits, guarantees were given that the 'Specials' would not be let loose on their own ie only allowed out accompanied by, and under the command of, an RIC member - a faulty warranty, if ever there was one!
Overall, the financial situation faced at the time by Westminster would indicate that they were reluctant to recruit more soldiers and RIC members for placement in Ireland and believed they could get the same results (ie defeat the Irish opposition to their presence) by initiating a new (para-)military force.
"I sincerely trust there is no foundation for this rumour.
You cannot in the middle of a faction fight (sic) recognise one of the contending parties and expect it to deal with disorder in the spirit of impartiality and fairness essential in those who have to carry out the Orders of the Government..."
- 'Sir' John 'Pompous John' Anderson (pictured), the British 'Under Secretary For Ireland' (appointed to that position on the 16th May that year), in a letter he wrote to a Mr Bonar Law, on the 2nd September, voicing his opposition to the formation of any new 'official' (para-)military grouping.
British Army General 'Sir' Cecil Frederick Nevil Macready was not in favour of the new grouping, and the British 'Chief of the Imperial Staff', 'Sir' Henry Hughes Wilson, also spoke out against the 'Specials' (but Mr Wilson later publicly changed his opinion of them - on St Patrick's Day in 1922, of all days, when he called for an increase in the number of 'Special Constables' especially, he said, the 'C Specials'!)
"The proposal to arm 'well-disposed citizens' raised serious questions of the sanity of Government...", wrote 'The Daily Mail' newspaper on the 15th September, stating that it shows that the British Government had abandoned any pretence of impartiality.
"Membership of the Special Constabulary was a perfect fit for all the eager spirits who have driven nationalist workmen from the docks or have demonstrated their loyalty by looting Catholic shops...", wrote 'The Westminster Gazette' newspaper, on the 16th September.
"The special constables would prove to be nothing more and nothing less than the dregs of the Orange lodges, armed and equipped to overawe Nationalists and Catholics...", wrote 'The Fermanagh Herald' newspaper, on the 27th November.
At the time and, indeed, since then, various political authors have stated that the formation of the 'USC' gave the Stormont administration "the ability to legitimise the UVF as an arm of the state, thereby controlling its unruly nature, while harnessing its power...in the summer of 1920 loyalist violence predominated where the balance of forces favoured the UVF, such as Belfast, Lisburn and Banbridge or Cookstown in Tyrone. The creation of the 'USC' facilitated the westward spread of unionist violence...it is likely that some police officers (sic) were guilty either of direct involvement in the murder of Catholics, or else of collusion with loyalist terrorists. Certainly the Specials became pariah figures for many Catholics...in essence, the arming of the majority against a minority..."
British imperialism the world over - set the majority against the minority by fostering religious and ethnic divisions : divide and rule...
(The 'Ulster Special Constabulary' (USC) was 'officially disbanded' in March 1970, with most of its members being absorbed into a new part-time grouping, the 'Royal Ulster Constabulary' and its 'Reserve Force', and/or the new 'Ulster Defence Regiment' (UDR), equally treacherous outfits.)
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GAS LADS...
The massive finds of oil and gas on our western seaboard could ensure Ireland's financial security for generations.
Wealth approximating that of the Arab countries is within our grasp, but the Irish government seems content to sell off our birthright for a handful of votes and a few dollars.
In a special 'Magill' report, Sandra Mara investigates just what we are giving away, and why.
From 'Magill' magazine, March 2002.
Meanwhile, sources say that compulsory purchase orders are being issued to landowners along the Mayo/Galway route of the proposed pipeline to ensure that the framework of the pipe network is in place prior to the general election this year.
The American Kingspan pipeline construction company recently offered to fund the development cost of a North-South interconnector, at no cost to Bord Gais, in order to pool all of the State's existing gas infrastructure with Keyspan.
This, say industry sources, allied with the impending privatisation of Bord Gais, will end any possibility of Irish involvement in the distribution of our own natural resources.
In another transaction described by experts as "incredible", the government recently disposed of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation (INPC) at a time when its raison d'etre was finally coming into force...
(MORE LATER.)
Listed in one of our sources was an unfortunate incident involving an IRA Volunteer, Hugh O'Neill who, in October, 1921, is said to have accidentally shot himself in his hand.
He was treated for the injury but tetanus set in and he was taken to a hospital in Newry, County Down, but died from the disease on the 22nd of that month.
This incident is not recorded anywhere else, at least not where we could find a record of it.
On the 17th October, 1921, Volunteers attached to the 2nd Battalion of Kerry No 2 Brigade of the IRA were securing an arms dump which was located on a farm in the village of Molahiffe, near the village of Firies, in County Kerry (underground passages ran from Molahiffe to Firies and were used by the rebels).
Volunteer Maurice 'Mossie' Casey was working on gunpowder supplies when the area he was working in exploded.
Badly burnt, he was taken to Tralee Union Infirmary but he couldn't be saved - the poor man died there on the 22nd of that month.
Circumstances at the time dictated that Volunteer Casey be buried in a local cemetery without a grave marker : those circumstances changed in time but not, unfortunately - God forgive us - for Volunteer Casey.
Not until 2016, that is - the 'National Graves Association' (NGA) take up the story -
"In 1921 Volunteer Mossie Casey died a terrible death after being horribly injured in an explosion while on active service near the village of Firies in County Kerry.
He was buried under a green patch of grass in a local cemetery without a marker.
Mossie Casey and his grave were soon forgotten by a nation who quickly consigned his memory to the national amnesia, even though he had died a dreadful death for the (limited) freedom that they now enjoyed.
After three years of investigations the cemetery and eventually the exact location of the forgotten, unmarked grave was identified by the NGA.
And so, after 95 years of lying forgotten, and with assistance of two local men who gave very generously of their time and skill, the NGA erected a headstone (pictured) over that fallen soldier.
Let all who pass now know that Vol Mossie Casey died for Ireland and will not be forgotten..."
RIP Volunteer Maurice 'Mossie' Casey (and sincere apologies for our carelessness).
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WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON...
Had the electoral rules entitled him to run again for the White House in 2000, few are in any doubt that Bill Clinton would be at this present moment in time relaxing in the Oval House, toying with a fat cuban and possibly smoking a cigar...
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
Firstly, niggling constitutional issues regarding our favourite President's right to a nomination could be swept aside by a referendum of the type we as a nation (sic) seem somewhat addicted to ; in the clause which demands that the President be a citizen of the republic of Ireland (sic) we need only insert the caveat 'unless the President's name is William Jefferson Clinton'. That motion would be passed with record approval.
We could, while we are at it, make him exempt from any other Irish laws which he might deem unsavoury or unwarranted so that he might enjoy a smoother presidential ride on this side of the Atlantic than he has done heretofore.
Secondly, with his faded good looks, financial problems, and uncertainty about the future, the man from Little Rock personifies the current post-Tiger Zeitgeist like no other could...
(MORE LATER.)
DEATH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN...
Desmond Boomer, a Belfast engineer working in the Libyan oil-fields, disappeared seven years ago.
Officially, the plane on which he was a passenger crashed as a result of mechanical failure and pilot error.
But is that the real story?
Or were the Irishman and his fellow passengers unwitting victims of the shady war between Islamic fundamentalism and Mossad, Israel's intelligence network?
A special 'Magill' investigation by Don Mullan, author of 'Eyewitness Bloody Sunday'.
From 'Magill' magazine, January 2003.
At a sitting of the Maltese Board of Inquiry on the 14th May, 1997, Piper Corporation Senior Accident Investigator, Paul Lehman, "..made reference to the missing alternator belt and the depletion of the aircraft battery..."
According to the inquiry report -
"He affirmed that a fully charged battery would render 30 minutes of energy but, considering the energy required to start the aircraft engine, the remaining battery life would not be more than 10-15 minutes.
Moreover, he asserted that in flight, once the battery went flat, the pilot would have lost all communications."
If, therefore, the aircraft did manage to start up and take off with a fully charged engine, Paul Lehman's expert opinion suggest that the energy remaining would allow the pilot to communicate for a maximum of 10 to 15 minutes, meaning that by between 3.54am and 3.59am communications between the missing aircraft and Djerba ATC would begin to fail...
(MORE LATER.)
In mid-October, 1922, the Free State Army were searching part of a mountain range, in the Woodhouse area, in Waterford for IRA rebels.
An IRA ASU was thought to be on the run in that area, with Volunteer Patrick Curran in command, and it was this Unit's ambush position that the FSA troops came across.
In the inevitable gunfight, two FSA soldiers, both from Waterford - a Mr Patrick Foley and a Mr Laurence Phelan - were killed.
At around that same time (3am-ish), across the country, eastwards, about 58 km (36 miles) away, a five-man IRA Unit, with Volunteer Robert Lambert in command, had established their own ambush position on a railway bridge over the main Ferrycarrig to Wexford road.
They were lying in wait for a FSA Lancia armoured car, which was fitted-out with steel plates on each side, front and back, but no added protection on its roof.
As it passed under the bridge, the IRA opened fire on it with heavy weaponry, opening its roof, through which a Mills Bomb was dropped from the bridge into it.
The bomb exploded in the vehicle, killing four of the occupants - Mr Christy Kearns (a Dublin man), Mr Patrick O’Connor (Wexford), Mr William Doyle (Wexford) and a Mr Peter Behan (Kildare) - and three of their FSA colleagues - Mr John Murphy, Mr James Kirwan and a Mr William Jones - were badly wounded.
The driver of the armoured Lancia lost control of the vehicle and crashed it into a wall.
The IRA Unit returned safely to base.
On that same date (22nd October 1922), about 115km (70 miles) to the west, an FSA soldier on sentry duty in Cashel, County Tipperary - a Mr James Burke - shot himself dead with his own gun.
As Mr Burke's life came to an end, 80km (about 50 miles) down the road in Cork, a Free State Army Brigadier-Commandant, a Mr Ahern, and his soldiers, were waiting outside a Catholic Church in the townland of Rathduane, Caherbarnagh, in Drishane Civil Parish, County Cork.
As the Mass-goers came out, the FSA grouping closed-in on two men that they suspected were IRA Volunteers, and 'arrested' both of them.
As the FSA bandits were returning the prisoners to their Millstreet Barracks, they were ambushed at Annagloor by the IRA, who opened fire from both sides of the road.
One of their number, a Mr Thomas Mahony (19), received a serious wound in the stomach and died at Blarney while being rushed in a military ambulance to the Mercy Hospital in Cork city.
And again, on that same date, and also in Cork (about 60km/35 miles from the Annagloor shooting), on Curragh Hill, near the town of Clonakilty, an FSA patrol was heading to the town of Rosscarbery with orders for their troops based there.
The IRA had set-up an ambush position, with a Thompson machine gun and small arms, and opened fire on the Staters, killing one of them, a Mr Daniel Sullivan.
His body was taken to O'Donovan's Hotel, in Clonakilty.
The 22nd October 1922 - a bad day for the Leinster House Army.
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Thanks for the visit, and for reading - appreciated.
Sharon and the team.
(We'll be back on Wednesday, 5th November, 2025.)
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William Jones
Wednesday, July 17, 2024
1920'S : "NOT FOUND IN ARMS" POLICY AND BURNING YOUR BRIDGES...
In June, 1920, a Lieutenant Colonel, a Mr Gerald Bryce Ferguson Smyth, 34, (pictured), was sent from London to Ireland, to deal with "the troublesome Irish", as he had been seconded by his political bosses as the new 'RIC Divisional Commander for Munster'.
He rallied his somewhat demoralised troops in Listowel Barracks, in County Kerry, and delivered a 'tally-ho!' speech to the poor devils -
"Sinn Fein has had all the sport up to the present and we are going to have the sport now. I am promised as many troops from England as I require, thousands are coming daily. I am getting 7,000 police* from England.
Police and military will patrol the country at least five nights a week. They are not to confine themselves to the main roads but take across the country, lie in ambush, and when civilians are seen approaching shout "Hands up!".
Should the order not be immediately obeyed, shoot, and shoot with effect. If persons approaching carry their hands in their pockets and are in any way suspicious looking, shoot them down.
You may make mistakes occasionally and innocent persons may be shot, but that cannot be helped and you are bound to get the right persons sometimes.
The more you shoot the better I will like you ; and I assure you that no policeman will get into trouble for shooting any man and I will guarantee that your names will not be given at the inquest..." (*Black And Tans)
Mr Smyth had been sent here to 'shake up' the manner in which the RIC were attempting to get the better of the IRA and, as part of his 'new broom' approach (his 'Order Number 5', issued on the 17th June 1920), he stated -
"A police man (sic) is perfectly justified in shooting any man who he had good reason to believe is carrying arms and does not immediately throw up his arms when ordered. Every proper precaution for protection will be given to police at inquests so that no information will be given to Sinn Féin as to the identity of individuals.."
Mr Smyth's 'shoot on sight, with impunity' instructions came to the attention of Sean O'Hegarty (pictured), the Acting Officer Commanding of the Cork Number 1 Brigade of the IRA, and a Unit was formed to have a chat with Mr Smyth, the main players of which were Sean Culhane, John O'Connell, Sean O'Donoghue, Daniel ('Sandow') O'Donovan and Cornelius O'Sullivan.
Mr Smyth's fondness for being wined and dined in the 'Country Club' (known as the 'Conservative Club') on the South Mall, in Cork City, was noted.
A friendly waiter in that Club, a Mr Ned Fitzgerald, was contacted, and a plan was put in place.
On Saturday, 17th July, 1920, as Mr Smyth and his friends were having a bite to eat and drink and chinwagging in the Club, IRA Volunteer Daniel ('Sandow') O'Donovan walked up to him, shot him dead and wounded a Mr George Craig, an RIC 'County Inspector'.
Unsubstantiated legend has it that, as he approached Mr Smyth, Volunteer O'Donovan all but introduced himself, and said - "Your orders were to shoot on sight. You are in sight now, so make ready..."
Later that day (and on the next day, 18th July 1920) the Crown Forces (British Army and RIC members) sought their revenge on the citizens of Cork.
A Mr James Burke, an ex-British Army soldier from Cork, was killed by British troops on North Main St in Cork City, and it was said at the time that his killers used his blood to write their regimental name on a nearby wall. The inquest into Mr Burke's death found that he was killed by a bayonet- wielding soldier and that "it was unjustified".
At his funeral, almost 5,000 Cork native ex-British Army men and others marched behind his hearse.
Mr Burke's death led to hand-to-hand fighting between off-duty British Army soldiers and Cork-native ex-British Army soldiers over the next few days and, during these disturbances, another ex-British Army soldier, a Mr William McGrath, was shot for no reason from a passing British Army vehicle near North Gate Bridge and he died from his wounds on the 23rd July.
A young IRA Volunteer, John P. O'Brien, was killed (on the night of the 18th July) by British Army machine gun fire in King Street (now MacCurtain Street) when he was going to aid an injured woman.
Incidentally, Mr Smyth's brother, also a British Army operative - a Major George Osbert Sterling Smyth DSO, MC ETC ETC (!) pictured, who was stationed in India at the time - on hearing of his brothers death in Ireland, made arrangements to travel to this country to seek revenge on those who had killed his brother.
Eleven days after his brothers shooting, Major George left his post in India and made his way to Dublin where, he believed, apparently, the IRA Volunteers involved in the Country Club operation could be found.
On the 12th October (1920), he was part of a Crown Force raiding party (9 armed men) which raided a house in Drumcondra, on the corner of Home Farm Road and Upper Drumcondra Road, in Dublin, at about 2am, and Major George was shot dead (by Dan Breen and Seán Treacy, who were sheltering there) as was a Captain AP White, while a Corporal Worth was wounded.
The examination on the body of Major George showed that a bullet had gone through his chest, through his liver and exited from the right side of his back. The second bullet went through his back from the left side, through his right lung and then through a vertebra.
Death was due to shock and haemorrhage, with even more shock (!) being caused to the 'Establishment' when railway workers refused access for Mr Smyth's body to any of their rolling stock!
Mr Gerald Bryce Ferguson Smyth was born on the 7th September, in 1885, in Dalhousie, India, and he died on the 17th July, 1920, in Cork, Ireland, working on behalf of the British military. His brother, George, died in Ireland on the 12th October 1920, while also in the employ of the British military.
After large rallies in New York and Boston, Éamon de Valera (and Harry Boland, pictured) set out on a tour of the United States on the 17th July, 1919, visiting many states, capital cities and addressing large crowds, rallying support for the Irish struggle against the British military and political presence in Ireland.
Mr de Valera had arrived in New York on board the SS Lapland, having been smuggled aboard in Liverpool, and spent the nine-day journey concealed in the ship's boiler room.
On arrival, he met with Harry Boland and Joseph McGarrity in the back room of Phelan's Bar on 10th Avenue, and the group then moved to Liam Mellows’ apartment on East 39th Street where they met with John Devoy.
Between July and August 1919, Mr de Valera and his entourage travelled over 6,000 miles from New York to San Francisco, addressing huge crowds at dozens of venues, filling Madison Square Garden to capacity and receiving a thirty-minute standing ovation from about 25,000 people in Chicago's 'Wrigley Field'.
And, actually, at the Madison Square Garden rally, 15,000 people packed the venue and a further estimated 10,000 people waited outside, bringing the traffic on 7th Avenue to a standstill.
Mr de Valera's presence in America was kept secret for the first 10 days during which he visited his mother in Rochester and his half-brother, Fr Thomas Wheelwright, in Boston, and made strategic visits to Cardinal James Gibbons in Baltimore and Senator James Borah in Washington.
He prepared for the tour with the help of Mr Joseph McGarrity in Philadelphia where Mr McGarrity told him - "From the moment you leave this house, you go as President of the Irish Republic..."
That was 1919 ; eight years later, Mr de Valera would have been contacting most of the same people to explain why it was he was selling out that same Republic...
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'SINN FÉIN STATEMENT.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
Mr McAteer is quoted as saying that he is.. "...surprised that groups and organisations which display the most contemptuous disregard for parliamentary institutions are now showing the most interest in this coming election.."
Sinn Féin is surprised that Mr McAteer displays such ignorance of Sinn Féin policy and what Sinn Féin stands for.
Sinn Féin is not contemptuous of parliamentary institutions, except when such institutions happen to be British created and British controlled and purport to legislate for the Irish people...
(MORE LATER.)
On the 17th July, 1920, an RIC member with 13 years 'service', a Mr James F. Masterson (35) was been driven from Limerick to Galway to begin a holiday break with his wife and two children.
As the car was travelling through the townland of Coolanoran, in Newcastle West, County Limerick, it drove into an IRA ambush position and Mr Masterson was shot dead.
Apparently, it later transpired that Mr Masterson was supplying the IRA with information on Crown Force activity ; if that was the case, then perhaps the ambush Unit weren't aware that that was the case, or maybe he had been caught out passing false information if, indeed, he was secretly assisting the IRA at all?
Anyway ; the next night his RIC colleagues caused havoc in the town of Newcastle West - Carnegie Library was wrecked and looted and the local creamery was partially burned.
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In 1920 in this country, the British political and military presence was operating practically on a day-to-day basis, being challenged almost hourly by the Republican Courts on the political front and by the IRA on the military front.
Some within the British political and military leadership in Westminster were insisting that military courts should be held in place of the (British) crippled legal (!) system in Ireland but, they were told, to do so would require new legislation, which would take time that they didn't have.
The 'pro-military courts' people suggested that if martial law was declared in Ireland, military courts could be installed practically instantly, and this gave food-for-thought to the 'Top Table' politicians and officers who were loudly whispering about the 'benefits' of doing so.
However, on the 17th July, 1920, their boss, General 'Sir' Cecil Frederick Nevil Macready (pictured), aware of the number of Irish people living in England and also recognising that British people would be concerned that 'if they can do that in Ireland then what's to stop them from doing it here...', let it be known that he had wrote that very day to to the British 'Chief Secretary for Ireland', 'Sir' Hamar Greenwood, stating -
"I do not for one instant think that the British public would stand for Martial Law (in Ireland) for one week over here..." and, effectively, that notion was dropped for the time being...
==========================
On the 17th July, 1920, the Minister for Finance in the (British 'outlawed') First Dáil Éireann (the 32-County body, definitely not to be confused with the present institution in Kildare Street in Dublin), Mr Michael Collins, announced that the £250,000 loan target issue had been over-subscribed.
Mr Collins announced the winding-up of that loan scheme, stating that the final amount raised overall was £371,849 (equivalent to about €20 million today) describing the exercise as an outstanding success, which it certainly was, considering it had been operated by an 'underground government' in open defiance of an established and hostile British administration.
Mr Collins himself, however, was soon to align himself with that same administration...
==========================
SO, FAREWELL THEN, CELTIC TIGER....
It had to happen, sooner or later.
Most of the pundits and economists were too busy singing the Celtic Tiger's praises to notice, but a few critical observers worried all along about the weaknesses of a boom economy that depended so much on a few companies from one place - the United States.
By Denis O'Hearn.
From 'Magill' Annual 2002.
The proportion of southern Irish workers on low pay also rose after 1987.
Ireland has twice as many workers on low pay than the rest of the EU, and five times more than Scandinavia.
Relative poverty increased along with inequality, and the Irish poverty rate rose to the highest in the EU, with 15.3 per cent of the population living in poverty.
The 'Celtic Tiger' created lots of jobs, and the average Irish family has a higher income today than in 1988 because they have work, but the jobs are still woefully low-paid and terribly insecure.
Many families are better off today only because they have two low-paying jobs in place of one dole cheque. Is that good enough in a boom economy...?
(MORE LATER.)
BEIR BUA...
The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
REPUBLICANS AND THE STATE :
In 'Dílseacht', Ruairí Ó Brádaigh said that Arthur Griffith had declared that, if he was elected, he.. "...would keep the Republic in being until after the Free State is established when the people can decide for and against...I want the Republic kept in being until the people can have a free election and give their votes."
As Ruairi put it - "There were express undertakings to maintain the Republic, yet these men's subsequent actions totally belied their words."
The IRA fought a civil war against the new Free State Army but eventually had to end hostilities, and did that by dumping arms without surrendering.
For Irish republicans the legitimate government of Ireland continued to be the Second (All-Ireland) Dáil, the government of the All-Ireland Republic.
The Second Dáil continued to function in the shadows, largely ignored, until December 8th, 1938, when it passed on its powers as the Government of the Republic of Ireland to the Army Council of the IRA...
(MORE LATER.)
On the 17th July, 1922, during a gun-fight between the IRA and Free State forces at Bunahowe on the road between Gort and Ennis in County Clare, IRA Captain Seán ('Jack') O'Halloran (21) (pictured) was killed.
Captain O'Halloran was born, in 1901, in Crusheen, in County CLare, and was a member of the Crusheen Piper Band and had joined the Republican Movement in 1917, operating between the Miltown Malbay and Ennistymon areas.
He is buried in his own native parish church-yard, and respects were paid on behalf of Commandant Peadar O'Loughlin and the members of all ranks of the Mid-North Clare IRA Brigades.
==========================
On the 17th July, 1922, the Free Staters in Leinster House issued two press releases in which they practically bragged about the fact that they had now decided not to "take action" (ie imprison/shoot/execute) anyone "not found in arms" who was campaigning for the All-Ireland Republic.
In other words - 'Protest/campaign against us but only in the manner we allow...'
The second press release was a notification that their army now consisted of 15,000 armed soldiers.
In other words - 'Protest/campaign against us but only in the manner we allow. Or else...'
On the same date, the railway bridges in Yeomanstown, in Naas, and Killeenmore, in Kill, both in County Kildare, were put out of use by the IRA. No press release was issued...
==========================
An IRA Unit, located in Baltinglass (pictured), County Wicklow, came under attack from the Free State Army on the 17th July, 1922.
The Staters had grouped in the town of Donard, about 8 miles away and, using ground troops and aeroplanes - after a battle that lasted for about three hours - the IRA withdrew.
One State soldier was killed, and among the IRA Volunteers captured were two brothers from Kildare Town, John and Michael Breslin, and Volunteer John Rafferty and Volunteer Peter Gill, both from Naas, County Kildare.
That wasn't the first or only such encounter in Baltinglass, County Wicklow, between agents of the Crown and/or their hirelings and Irish rebels -
'...according to Dwyer, McAllister sacrificed his life by standing in the doorway and drawing the soldiers' fire in order that Dwyer might escape, which he did...' : from here.
==========================
Thanks for the visit, and for reading!
Sharon and the team.
Labels:
Daniel Sandow O'Donovan,
George Craig,
George Osbert Sterling Smyth.,
Gerald Bryce Ferguson Smyth,
James Burke,
John P O'Brien,
Ned Fitzgerald,
Sean Culhane,
Sean O'Donoghue,
Sean O'Hegarty,
William McGrath
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