Sunday, April 14, 2024


And here's another 'Proclamation' (of sorts!) for ya - on Wednesday, 17th April 2024, we'll be here with a 14-piece post covering, as usual, Irish history and Irish politics from a traditional Irish republican point of view.

One of the pieces we'll be a-tellin' about concerns a wise Irish aul fella who availed of the animals he 'collected' to make comparisons with human nature, and took the opportunity to have a word or two with republican representatives in connection with why they were delighted with recent developments...

And if you can get your head around that, then the following subject matters - which we'll also be saying a few words about - should be no bother to ya...!

Staters tie themselves up in a word salad in attempts to avoid the obvious...

Ireland, 1920's - 'IRA General Order on the Handling of Women Spies' ('General Order No. 13') : options in regard to same were listed, but not always followed...

From 1955 - 'Westminster's apparent determination to claim the Irish race and nation as British is an indication of their grudging respect and secret admiration for us...'

1918 - British military conscription in Ireland, IRA membership increases ; but not for the best...

...and that's just five out of the fourteen pieces we'll be writing about, on Wednesday, 17th April 2024.

Check back with us then, if you can - don't leave us talking to ourselves!

Thanks for the visit, and for reading - see ye on the 17th, hopefully!

Sharon and the team.

Wednesday, April 10, 2024



There's a certain amount of spin and misdirection in the last few weeks in connection with the 26th anniversary of the signing of the 1998 Stormont Treaty ('Good Friday Agreement'), and more so today, the 10th April, the actual anniversary of the date that treaty was signed by the various politicians that had nefariously brought it into being.

It was depressing watching on TV, listening on the radio and reading on the web as professional political spoofers lined up to tell all and sundry about how they practically 'saved Ireland', and to observe as they used false assertions and incorrect 'facts and figures' to support their claims.

It could only happen in a partial ex-colony like this, in which the 'leaders' are smitten - mentally, morally, and emotionally - by their (old?) imperial bosses, whom they have an overwhelming desire to impress, and by their new hoped-for bosses in the EU/IMF/WEF.

It excites them to do so, and allows them to consider themselves to be 'every bit as good' as those that once spat down on them from the 'big house'.

When the 'Stormont Treaty' ('GFA') was voted on here in May 1998 by State voters, one of it's main 'selling-points', according to the State establishment that were promoting it - Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour, Provisional Sinn Féin, the various Church's, media etc - was that the British Government would legislate for the creation of a united Ireland if a majority within the Six Counties desired same.

This was said to be a major development and, on it's own, worth voting 'YES' for.

However, that 'commitment' from Westminster was contained in the 'Ireland Act' of 1949, the 'Northern Ireland (sic) Act' of 1973, Section Five of the 'Sunningdale Agreement' and the opening section of the 1985 Hillsborough Treaty!

It was a deliberate mis-representation of the facts by the pro-treaty side, which repeatedly claimed that a peaceful end to the North-Eastern conflict depended on a majority 'YES' vote in the referendum, thereby insinuating that those who voted 'NO' were pro-war.

In 1922, Liam Mellows said of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender' - "This is not the will of the people ; it is the fear of the people".

The struggle continued after that Treaty, and continues today.

In 1973, the political establishment here and its hangers-on were amongst those telling republicans that the 'Sunningdale Agreement' was the "solution" to the North. In 1985 they did the same with the 'Hillsborough Treaty' and in 1998 they did the same with the 'Stormont Treaty' ('GFA').

The only solution - the only aim of Irish Republicans - is for a complete British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.

The fact, of course, is that it is Britain who makes the claim.

She claims all the Irish people living in the Six Counties as British citizens and Sinn Féin emphatically rejects that claim.

This in fact is the whole basis and core of Sinn Féin policy - the repudiation of Britain's claim to sovereignty over even one inch of Irish soil or even one individual Irish person.

It is often said that the Irish people suffer from an inferiority complex and there seems to be a lot of truth in this ; it is also said that the English people have a marked superiority complex, particularly where the Irish people are concerned, but there is no truth in this.

The truth is that the English adopt this braggart and superior attitude in order to hide their inferiority complex...


On the 10th April, 1919, the First Dáil Éireann (the 32-County body, not to be confused with the semi-political 26-County assembly which is located on Kildare Street in Dublin) held it's third session in the Mansion House, on Dawson Street, in Dublin (pictured) :"Our first duty as the elected Government of the Irish People will be to make clear to the world the position in which Ireland now stands..."

Over the course of its lifetime, the First Dáil held 12 sessions that were spread out over 21 days. The 'Constitution of the Dáil', as approved at its first meeting on the 21st January 1919, vested legislative powers in Dáil Éireann and conferred executive powers to a Ministry (Aireacht).

One of the motions proposed and accepted on the 10th April (1919) was one which called on the Irish people to ostracise the RIC, the pro-British 'police force' which operated in Ireland at that time and, for the most part, that force was 'greeted' with turned backs, until they were eventually disbanded on the 30th August, 1922.

Other business carried out was in connection with the Dáil Loan Fund and the establishment of embassies abroad ; the assembly (of at least 50 members) met over two days.


On the 10th April, 1919, British Field Marshal John Denton Pinkstone French ('1st Earl of Ypres, KP, GCB, OM, GCVO, KCMG, PC' ETC ETC!), the 'Lord Lieutenant of Ireland' (...who only accepted the position, in May 1918, on condition it was as "...a military viceroy at the head of a quasi-military government..") wrote to Winston Churchill about his concerns about Ireland.

Mr French stated, in his letter -

"We are suffering terribly in Ireland for the want of a proper Criminal Investigation Department. There used to be quite an effective one, but Mr. (Augustine) Birrell (pictured, the former 'Chief Secretary for Ireland') for reasons best known to himself broke it up entirely..."

Mr Birrell was distracted from his political work/input by his own domestic problems and it was said that he didn't quite appreciate the 'danger to the Crown' presented by what he and others like him termed 'the Irish problem'.

And, due to similar ignorance and arrogance, Westminster still has an 'Irish problem'.



'Liam Lynch was born in Barnagurraha, Co Limerick. He joined the Irish Volunteers after witnessing the arrests of the Kent family by British forces after the failed Easter Rising of 1916. Two of the Kent brothers, David and Richard, were shot during their arrest. Richard would later die of his wounds and a third brother, Thomas, was executed by the 'Royal Irish Constabulary' (RIC).

During the Irish War of Independence Lynch helped to reorganise the Cork IRA, becoming commandant of the Cork No. 2 Brigade. He was arrested by the RIC in August 1920 in Cork City, along with Terence MacSwiney, who would later die in Britain during a hunger strike. Lynch was not recognised by RIC officers and was released. Lynch continued to prove his leadership abilities throughout the war including the capturing of the Mallow Barracks in September 1920 with Ernie O'Malley. In April 1921, the IRA was re-organised into divisions and Lynch was made Commander of the 1st Southern Division. He would hold this post until the truce in July 1921.

Lynch opposed the Anglo-Irish Treaty signed on 6 December 1921. Much of the IRA, of which Lynch was Chief-of-Staff, was opposed to the treaty. As the country moved towards civil war in 1922, the majority of the republican forces elected Lynch as Chief of Staff of the republican forces at a Dublin convention...' (From here.)

Liam Lynch was born in Barnagurraha, on the Cork-Limerick border, on the 9th of November, 1893, into a republican family - his mother was the secretary of the Ballylanders branch of the Ladies Land League, and his uncle John was one of a party of Volunteers who assembled in Kilmallock on Easter Sunday morning in 1916 to play their part, locally, in the Rising but, due to Eoin MacNeill's 'Countermand Order', the intended insurrection there never happened.

Throughout his life, Liam Lynch had no faith in politicians and is on record for declaring that "...the army has to hew the way to freedom for politics to follow.."

And his preference for a military solution ie to 'fight fire with fire' to remove the British military (and political) presence from Ireland was known to the enemy in Westminster, so much so that London instructed their 'Cairo Gang' mercenaries to concentrate on admired soldiers like Lynch and, in their rush to do so, a Sinn Féin councillor, John Lynch, was shot dead by 'Cairo' member Lieutenant Angliss, (aka 'McMahon'- he had been recalled from spy work in Russia for the 'Cairo Gang' job in Dublin) .

The British assassin is said to have believed that John Lynch was Liam Lynch, or related to him, but expressed no remorse when his mistake was pointed out to him.

The Ciaro man was playing billiard's in Dublin after he killed John Lynch when the IRA shot him, but he was only wounded. He wanted revenge - and the 'Cairo Job' gave him that opportunity, he thought ; in November, 1920, he was in lodgings at 22 Lower Mount Street in Dublin when two of the 'Twelve Apostles' entered his room. He reached for his revolver but was shot dead before he could get to it.

'...the dramatic headlines of the papers told the story in graphic form ; "Leaders meeting surprised, Irregular Chief taken near Clonmel, fight in the hills".

The text went to say - "Liam Lynch was severely wounded and captured in a fight south of Clonmel yesterday. His death was announced in the following report, recieved from Army G.H.Q. this morning - "Liam Lynch died in Clonmel at 8.45 last evening". Further down the page under the heading "Liam Lynch Dead" and "Mr. De Valera" Narrow Escape", it gave further details and also a short biography of the dead leader.

At the inquest in Clonmel on Wednesday the last wish of Lynch was told by a witness - "In conversation with me, deceased asked to be buried in Fermoy along with Fitzgearld, and told me he was Liam Lynch". Liam Lynch had been shot in the right side of the body with the exit wound on the left side, said Dr Raymond Dalton, military M.O. There was a fair amount of external and considerable amount of internal hemorrhage, and he was suffering severely from shock...' (from here.)

IRA General Liam Lynch died on the 10th of April, 1923, in Clonmel, Tipperary - 101 years ago on this date.

In Ireland, in 1920 - only four years after the Rising - the population sensed that change was coming and, the country being an agricultural base, the 'ownership' and use of the land was on the mind of most of the people.

One republican-minded newspaper, 'The Mayoman', was editorially in favour of the proposition that the anti-republican 'Big House' owners were further abusing their positions by grazing their animals on lands that poorer people could live and farm on, and the Sinn Féin organisation had released a pamplet (written by well known Irish republican and agrarian radical, Laurence Ginnell) -

'Why have not the ranches, which are all evicted lands, been distributed among evicted tenants, holders of uneconomic farms, labourers, farmers' sons and other landless people (who should) clear cattle off every ranch, and keep them cleared until distributed...'

The newspaper, which traded under the slogan - 'For prompt and efficient service in all kinds of printing and advertising matter. Specialists in printing book work' - was published in Castlebar, in County Mayo, and was established in 1919 by a Mr John J. Collins, a GAA Council member.

It was an influential voice, and Mr Collins himself was an influential man ; he was a cousin of Catholic Archbishop Thomas Patrick Gilmartin who was, at best, lukewarm about the struggle against the British and military presence in Ireland but, as an Archbishop, he and his family carried 'weight' in society.

Mr Collins carried some weight himself within Irish republican circles and, when his newspaper ceased publication in 1921, he worked for 'The Mayo News' and 'The Connacht Tribune' newspapers.

1920 was one of the years when land distribution 'hit the headlines', pardon the pun, and the land labourers weren't too pushed about how that distribution would come about - on Tuesday March 30th 1920, for example, a two-hundred strong contingent, mostly comprising of tenants of the Ross estate, paraded on horse-back in military formation through the district of Oughterard, in County Galway, stopping at the residences of large graziers/ranchers who held lands on the estate and, at the landlord's house, they let their feelings be known.

In Headford, just across Lough Corrib from Oughterard, one grazier was told he would be burned alive unless he signed his land over and the assembled crowd, reportedly of over one thousand people, went so far as to start the fire.

James G. Alcorn, the 'High Sheriff' for County Galway, was brought to the edge of Lough Corrib, and given the choice of drowning or surrendering his farm.

In Roscommon, one grazier had two pistols held to his head while his prospective grave was dug before his eyes.

The more common tactic of the movement was 'cattle-driving', which was carried out so extensively that by the middle of April one Galway newspaper wrote that 30,000 acres had been cleared of livestock (an area equivalent to nearly 50 square miles [about 129 square kilometers]) and that this involved the driving out of 20,000 cattle and as many sheep from the land.

On the 10th April, 1920, under a front page headline declaring 'Western Land Hunger', the Mayoman newspaper reported that "...the fight for the grazing land is developing all over South Mayo, Galway and South Roscommon. Cattle drives were occurring in many areas.."

And we still have Six Counties outstanding...


On the 10th April, 1920, republican-gamekeeper-turned-Free State-poacher, Arthur Griffith (pictured), the then Minister for Home Affairs in Dáil Éireann (not to be confused with the Leinster House assembly) gave an interview to 'The Irish Independent' newspaper, in which he declared -

"Labour stood down for Sinn Féin at the General Election and worked in harmony with us at the local elections. If our enemies are relying on a breach in our forces in that direction they will be disappointed."

And today, 2024, there is no 'breach in their forces' and both groupings are 'working in harmony' in relation to the 'Woke' (ie queer, so-called 'transgender' issues, pro-mass immigration policies) agenda and, hopefully, both will pay for those political, social and moral indiscretions in the 7th June 2024 Council, Corporation and EU elections.


On the 10th April, 1920, the RIC Barracks in Leixlip, County Kildare, was attacked by the IRA and taken over by the rebels.

The RIC 'Sergeant' in charge of the barracks, a man named Lane, was on the premises, as were his wife and children.

The Lane family were escorted from the building by IRA men and were allowed to remove personal belongings from their rooms before the building was set on fire.



It had to happen, sooner or later.

Most of the pundits and economists were too busy singing the Celtic Tiger's praises to notice, but a few critical observers worried all along about the weaknesses of a boom economy that depended so much on a few companies from one place - the United States.

By Denis O'Hearn.

From 'Magill' Annual 2002.

It can be argued that this kind of growth is unstable, both economically and socially, because the Celtic Tiger is actually two separate economies.

Ireland has what some social scientists call a dual economy.

A dynamic, highly profitable and mostly foreign-owned economy sits alongside a sluggish, less profitable and low-waged domestic economy.

One problem with such a dual economy is that a significant fall in the dynamic sector - that is, in the foreign sector over which Irish policy makers have little control - could bring the whole thing tumbling down.

A close look at the 'Celtic Tiger' reveals the profound differences between the foreign and Irish sectors ; investments by US firms rose dramatically in the 1990's while investments by Irish firms declined - in real terms, US investments quadrupled between 1990 and 1998 but investments by Irish industry fell by a third...


On the 10th April, 1921, two RIC men - Joseph Boynes (23), from Northumberland, in England, and George Woodward (23), from Surrey, in England, were out walking in Scart, Kildorrery, in County Cork, when they were shot dead by IRA Volunteers from the Active Service Unit of the Castletownroche Battalion, Cork Number 2 Brigade.

Among the Volunteers who participated were Maurice Cronin, Paddy Cronin, and Jim Cronin (all from Rockmills, Kildorrery).

Three days later, British forces ordered the burning of ten homes of republicans and burned down the houses of six farmers in the Kildorrery district because, they stated, "...their owners must have known of the intention of certain unknown rebels to murder (sic) Woodward and Boynes.."

The IRA retaliated on the night of 30th April/morning of the 1st May, when Volunteers burned three mansions in north-east Cork - 'Convamore', at Ballyhooly, owned by the Third Earl of Listowel ; 'Ballywalter House', near Castletownroche, owned by SG Penrose Welsted, and 'Rockmills House', near Glanworth, owned by Charles Deane Oliver .

The British, in turn, then destroyed the houses of six more farmers in north-east Cork "...on the grounds that their owners are active supporters of armed rebels.."

Mr Boynes had been in the RIC for only five months (he had been in the British Army and then a labourer, before joining the RIC), and Mr Woodward had ten months 'service' with them.


On Sunday, 10th April 1921, five members of the British Forces - Samuel Dougald, Hans Leeman, Edward Linton, John Fluke and William Irwin - who operated from a barracks in Crossmaglen, in County Armagh, were on their way to church services, when they heard that "unusual activity" was taking place in McConville's public house in Cregganduff, County Armagh.

They went to investigate the 'disturbances' and discovered that IRA Commander Frank Aiken (a republican-gamekeeper-turned-Free State-poacher)and about fifteen other IRA Volunteers had removed Catholic and Protestant churchgoers from their churches, for their own safety, and moved them into the pub, as an attack was imminent on British Forces in the town.

When the five members of the British Forces ('Special Constabulary') happened upon the scene, a gunfight ensued and one of the five - John Fluke - died in the fight : more here.

When his colleagues heard that 'Special Constable' Fluke had been killed, they went on a rampage in Cregganduff, assaulting the local people and burning down two houses which, in turn, led to the burning of two unionist-owned houses.



The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.

Republicanism in history and today.

Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.

August 1998.

('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)


"The contention I make now, and I ask you to note it well, is that England does not trust Ireland with guns ; that under Home Rule or in the absence of Home Rule England declares that we Irish must remain an unarmed people ; and England is right.

England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty to England are wrong.

I believe them honest ; but they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland, the ancient stubborn thing that forbids, as if with the voice of fate, any loyalty from Ireland to England, any union between us and them, any surrender of one jot or shred of our claim to freedom even in return for all the blessings of the British peace.

I have called that old faith an indestructible thing.

I have said that it is more powerful than empires.

If you would understand its might you must consider how it has made all the generations of Ireland heroic..."



George William Russell (pictured,'AE') was born on April 10th, 1867 - 157 years ago on this date - in Lurgan, County Armagh.

He made his living as a poet, an artist and a mystic, and was a leading figure in the Irish literary renaissance of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It was during a proof-reading session by one of his assistants that he adopted a new pseudonym, 'AE', when his then pseudonym, 'AEon' (meaning 'life/vital force') was mentioned by the proof-reader.

He became friends with the poet William Butler Yeats when the two of them were attending the 'Metropolitan School of Art' in Dublin - both men were interested in the occult and mysticism, and also shared an interest in the Irish language.

To supplement his income, 'AE' Russell worked in the accounts department in a drapery shop but left that position to work with, and in, the agricultural business.

At 27 years young, in 1894, he published his first work, 'Homeward : Songs by the Way' and it was during those years in the editor's chair that he published his 'Collected Poems', in 1913 and 1926.

And it was also during those same years that Terence MacSwiney, the Commanding Officer of the IRA, died, on the 74th day of his hunger strike, in Brixton Prison, in England, on the 25th October in 1920, a death which inspired 'AE' Russell to pen the following tribute -

'See, though the oil be low more purely still and higher

The flame burns in the body’s lamp! The watchers still

Gaze with unseeing eyes while the Promethean Will,

The Uncreated Light, the Everlasting Fire

Sustains itself against the torturer’s desire

Even as the fabled Titan chained upon the hill.

Burn on, shine on, thou immortality, until

We, too, have lit our lamps at the funeral pyre;

Till we, too, can be noble, unshakable, undismayed:

Till we, too, can burn with the holy flame, and know

There is that within us can triumph over pain,

And go to death, alone, slowly, and unafraid.

The candles of God are already burning row on row:

Farewell, lightbringer, fly to thy heaven again!'

George William Russell ('AE') died on the 17th of July, 1935, in Bournemouth, Hampshire, in England, in his 69th year.

On the 10th April, 1922, Eamonn Seán Duggan (pictured, a republican-gamekeeper-turned-Free State-poacher) suggested that the artillery barracks in Kildare might be suitable as a depot for the new Free State 'Civic Guard' (so-called 'police force'), who were at the time housed in the 'Royal Dublin Society' (RDS) showgrounds in Ballsbridge, Dublin.

The 'Civic Guard' was composed of ex-IRA Volunteers and members of the British Forces, and was known to employ ex-RIC members as instructors.

In late April that year (1922), 1,100 recruits were duly moved from Ballsbridge to their new depot in Kildare.


Thanks for the visit, and for reading - and thank you for taking the time, and having the interest, to check back with us after our excursions in Lovely Lanzarote : appreciated!

Sharon and the team.

Friday, April 05, 2024


Es genial estar de vuelta con los amigos!

It's great to be back among friends!

The weather's against me - the rain, chilly winds, gloomy skies - compared to the two weeks I had in Lanzarote with the Girl Gang, but there really is no place like home!

The two lads have been hard at the research for our blog post in my absence, with just a few loose ends for me to sort out so, as it's looking now, we'll have a fourteen-piece post ready to go for Wednesday, 10th April 2024, including a few paragraphs on each of the following -

State politicians spoofing and spinning their spiel to sell the electorate something that they already bought - and, with the assistance of a compliant and purchased media, it worked for them...

From 1955 - inferiority complexes, superiority complexes and braggart and superior attitudes to hide an inferiority complex...

From 1919 - a call from Irish republicans to ostracise the RIC was listened to by the majority of the population and the actions of the RIC themselves caught the attention of those who wavered in the face of that call...

In the early 1920's, this Irish rebel spoke out so loudly and repeatedly against the British military and political presence in Ireland that his voice was also heard in Leinster House. And, not only did those State politicians not like what they were hearing, but they organised a response...

This 'Mayoman' was there when so-called 'landlords' were confronted by their tenants, when cattle and sheep were used to deliver a message, and when a 'law enforcement officer' was involuntarily brought for a swim...

...and at least nine other pieces.

Thanks for poppin' in, and we're hoping yis will pop in again on Wednesday, 10th April 2024 (...I'll be out from under the sun-lamp by then!).

See ya on Wednesday,

Sharon and the team.

Wednesday, March 13, 2024


On the 13th March, 1920, about sixty Volunteers from the Listowel, Ballyduff and Ballybunion Companies of the IRA, County Kerry, ensured all roads leading into the town of Ballybunion, from the Listowel, Tralee and Ballylongford directions, were impassable.

Then, under the leadership of Jim Sugrue and Stephen Fuller, the Volunteers attacked and attempted to take over the RIC Barracks in Ballybunion but the bomb they intended to use was a dud so, armed only with shotguns, rifles and revolvers, they fired on the barracks for about an hour, then noticed lights coming from the direction of the Liselton RIC hut and, running dangerously low on ammunition, retired from the attack and returned safely to base.


On March 13th, 1920, a Mr Peter Gavin appeared on bail in front of Major Thackeray at Kildare Petty Sessions, charged with arson at the military pumping station, Brownstown, County Kildare, in February.

In February (on the 11th), a military shed at the Brownstown pumping station was burnt down in the early hours of the morning.

The fire brigade from the Curragh Camp tried to save the building.

The shed was at the spot where Patrick Gavin was shot by a sentry while on his way from Tully to the fair at Newbridge...



From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.

Speaking at the Annual Conference of the 'Ulster Unionist Council' on March 10th last, Mr Hanna, the Stormont 'Minister of Home Affairs', referring to the Sinn Féin candidates in the forth-coming Westminster election, said -

"The law with regard to candidates in the Imperial Parliament is this : a person must be a British subject.

But that has been extended in such a way that a person who is either a full British subject or who has the rights of a British subject is entitled to be a candidate.

Under the recent 'Ireland Act' it is possible that the citizens of Éire can claim the rights of a British subject. How they have the nerve to claim that right I do not know, but they have it..."

Mr Hanna's assertion that Sinn Féin candidates are claiming British citizenship for the purpose of the Westminster elections is ridiculous and meaningless and would not even provoke a reply from us but for the amazing credibility of the Irish people...


On the 13th March, 1921, a Mr Thomas Shannon, a magistrate in the Dáil Courts, answered a knock on his house door, late at night, in Moyasta, County Clare, to be met by two Black and Tans from the Kilkee area (men with "strange accents", according to his wife) and was shot dead.

In June 1919 Dáil Éireann (not to be confused with the Leinster House institution) had issued a decree authorising the setting up of 'Republican Arbitration Courts' and West Clare was the first electoral area to respond.

Propagandised rumour was circulated by anti-republican elements that Mr Shannon 'was not identified as with any political organisation...he was in conflict with local republicans...he had refused to pay a Sinn Féin levy..' but Mr Shannon was known to be a well-liked and respected local magistrate by all who dealt with him, except the British.

Another Judge, a Mr Bodkin, awarded his widow, Bridget, €3,000 in compensation.


On the 13th March, 1921, a farm labourer, Tim Hourihan (57), was walking across a field at Paddock, Coppeen East, Enniskeane, in County Cork, when he was shot dead by a member of the British Auxiliaries.

The British 'police', the RIC, later claimed that two warning shots were fired in his direction before the fatal shot was fired, but this was disputed by an IRA Volunteer who witnessed the event -

"Tim Hourihane, to whom I had been speaking a short time before, appeared about 20 yards away.

I beckoned to him to move off, and just as I did, the Auxie, who had seen him, came along and searched him.

I remained under cover. After the search Hourihane was allowed to proceed, and as he moved along the high ground, I heard a shot and saw poor Hourihane fall to the ground.

In a short space of time about twenty Auxies were gathered around him..." - more here.


"About the end of the summer 1920 a raid for mails was made at Waterfall which resulted in the capture of a letter from (Thomas) Nagle, a local postman, to a man by the name of O'Sullivan, an ex-British soldier.

They (the IRA) arrested Nagle, who gave all information, also a photo of O'Sullivan and details of the place in Cork city where he was to meet with him.

Leo (Murphy, Officer Commanding, Third Battalion IRA) and some others went there instead of Nagle and shot him dead.

Later Nagle was also tried and shot. Nagle had been in the RIC and actually had a brother still in the force and stationed at Tuckey Street Barracks in Cork city..."

- statement issued by the Third Battalion (Ballincollig) of the Cork Number 1 Brigade, IRA, and verified by the IRA Volunteers from the D (Aherla) Company, Cork Number 1 Brigade IRA, who pulled the trigger.

Mr Thomas Nagle was arrested by the IRA on the 12th March, 1921, charged with espionage, tried, and executed by them, at Kilbawn, Aherla, County Cork, on the 13th March 1921.

He was an 'ex'-RIC operative, a green grocer, caretaker of one of the local Masonic Halls and was registered at the 'Petty Sessions Court' as a 'Civil Bill Officer'.

'British liability' was accepted, and compensation of £1,400 was awarded to his family.


On the 13th March, 1921, IRA Volunteer Richard Newman (a scout/messenger with the Castletownbere IRA Company), from Na hAilichí ('Allihies', the Cliff Fields), County Cork, was in his house when, at about 2pm, he seen armed and uniformed members of the 'King's Own Scottish Borders' regiment of the British Army approach his house to raid it, and 'arrest' him.

He decided to make a run for it out the back door but a BA Private, named Reid, spotted him and opened fire ; the bullets hit him in the loins and in the stomach and he was taken to the hospital in Castletownbere, but died there at about 2am the next day.

His funeral was witnessed by "a large attendance of the people of Castletown" and John Cronin, the Captain of the Castletownbere Company IRA, and other Volunteers, were also present.


On the 13th March, 1921, a Mr Thomas Hennessy (48), an ex-British Army 'Labour Corps' member, who was now employed as an agricultural labourer and worked occasionally for a Mrs Kate Sisk on her farm, was present when a joint British Army/RIC patrol, from 'Queenstown', consisting of about 20 armed men, raided her house, in the Crosshaven area of Cork.

A report in 'The Cork Examiner' newspaper stated - 'During the searches the residence of Mrs Sisk was visited, and while the armed party were there, two shots were heard.

A few minutes later, some of the party brought Thomas Hennessy into the kitchen and laid him on the ground. One of them said they had ordered Hennessy to put up his hands, but Hennessy had not complied with the order and was fired upon...'

Mr Hennessy, a widower, died from his wounds shortly afterwards, leaving his eight children with no parent.


On the 11th March, 1921, as three 'off-duty' RIC members were crossing Victoria Square, in Belfast, they were shot at by the IRA.

Two of them - 'Constables' John McIntosh and Robert A. Crook - died in the shooting, and their colleague, Walter H. Cooper (28), died from his wounds two days later, on the 13th March 1921.



It had to happen, sooner or later.

Most of the pundits and economists were too busy singing the Celtic Tiger's praises to notice, but a few critical observers worried all along about the weaknesses of a boom economy that depended so much on a few companies from one place - the United States.

By Denis O'Hearn.

From 'Magill' Annual 2002.

The resulting flow of foreign investments was sufficient to create rapid economic growth, but only because Ireland is so small to begin with.

These are things that other countries cannot emulate ; they can reduce their tax rates but they cannot teach everyone to speak English, they can cut back on social spending and wages but they cannot reduce their populations below five million and, most of all, not everyone can get a forty per cent share of US investments in Europe.
There is just not enough to go around.

The 'Irish Industrial Development Authority' can be praised for its foresight and success in attracting foreign industry ; don't expect anyone else to follow.

But we may even want to question whether the 'Celtic Tiger' strategy works for Ireland...


On the 13th March, 1922, an 'Appointments Office' was opened at the Courthouse, Naas, County Kildare, by the new Free State administrators, to secure recruits for their new 'Civic Guard' ('An Garda Síochána') in the Kildare and Carlow areas.

We don't know how many people they recruited at that time, but it hasn't gone too good for them since then...


On the 13th March, 1922, as RIC 'Sergeant' Christopher P. Clarke was making his way up the Falls Road in Belfast, he was shot dead by the IRA.

He had just attended the funerals of two of his colleagues, RIC 'Constables' James Cullen (23) and Patrick O'Connor (35), who were shot dead at the corner of Dunlewey Street and the Falls Road on the 10th March.

Even though fire was returned by other RIC members, the IRA Volunteers returned safely to base, but they hit and killed a civilian, a Mr Daniel Rogan.

Mr Clarke was said to be also a member of 'the Nixon Gang', which would have brought him to the particular attention of the rebels.


On the 13th March, 1922, the 'Limerick City Workers Housing Association', led by William James Larkin, took over houses in Garryowen Villa that had previously being occupied by the British Army's 'Royal Engineers Corps' (who were evacuating the city as per the 'Treaty of Surrender' arrangement) ; forty adults and 87 children moved into 27 houses.

The 'landlords' (some of whom were local politicians) classed them as 'squatters' and moved against them, legally, and the occupied houses were soon back in the possession of the 'landlords', supported by the Free State court and 'police' system.


On the 13th March, 1922, Mr James Craig, the '1st Viscount Craigavon PC PC (NI) DL' ETC (!), and the 'First Prime Minister of Northern Ireland (sic)', brought it to the attention of his Stormont Cabinet that Field Marshal 'Sir' Henry Wilson (who had just retired as 'Chief of the Imperial General Staff') had agreed to take the position as 'Military Advisor to the NI Government'.

Mr Craig said it should be celebrated that he had managed to get "so distinguished a soldier" to advise on security issues.

At 2.20 pm, on Thursday, 22nd June 1922, Mr Henry Wilson was shot dead on the doorstep of his Belgravia home, in London, by IRA Commandant Reggie Dunne and Volunteer Joe O'Sullivan.



The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.

Republicanism in history and today.

Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.

August 1998.

('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)


"Did, then, these dead heroic men (sic) live in vain?

Has Ireland learned a truer philosophy that the philosophy of 1798, and a nobler way of salvation than the way of 1803?

Is Wolfe Tone's definition superseded, and do we discharge our duty to Emmet's memory by according him annually our pity?

To do the English justice, I do not think they are satisfied that Ireland will accept Home Rule as a final settlement. I think they are a little anxious to-day.

If their minds were tranquil on the subject of Irish loyalty they would hardly have proclaimed the importation of arms into Ireland the moment the Irish Volunteers had begun to organise themselves.

They had given the Ulster faction which is used as a catspaw by one of the English parties two years to organise and arm against that Home Rule Bill which they profess themselves so anxious to pass : to the Nationalists of Ireland they did not give two weeks.

Of course, we can arm in spite of them : today we are organising and training the men and we have ways and means of getting arms when the men are ready for the arms..."


On the evening of the 12th March, 1923, three IRA prisoners - John Creane (from Taughmon, County Wexford), James Parle (Clover Valley, Taughmon, County Wexford) and Patrick Hogan (William's Street, County Wexford) - were informed by a Free State representative that they were to be executed the following day at 8am.

A republican and former parish priest of Rathangan, Father Patrick Walsh, attended the men, and later stated that Volunteer John Parle had requested him to get word to his Commanding Officer, Robert Lambert (the Volunteer in charge of the Kyle Flying Column, IRA) that he did not want reprisals carried out following their executions.

On the 13th March, 1923, the three IRA prisoners were blindfolded and lined up against the outside wall of the jail.

The Free State troops fired a volley of shots but Volunteer Patrick Hogan, who had been placed in the middle, was the only one of the three to die instantly.

A Free State officer then shot Volunteer Parle and Volunteer Creane twice in the head with his revolver.

'And now you three – we'll honour thee,

And your memories shall not fade,

Since 'twas your lot – in the rebel plot,

Your bodies to be laid.'

Also, on the 13th March, 1923, William Healy (from Donaghmore, County Cork) was executed by the Staters in Cork, and James O'Rourke (1 Upper Gloucester Street, Dublin) was executed in Dublin (for his part in an attack on Free State soldiers in Dame Street, Dublin, on the 21st February 1923).

Ten days later three Free State soldiers were taken from a public house in the townland of Ballagh, near Adamstown, in County Wexford, and shot dead later that night as a reprisal for the executions.


IRA Volunteer John Walsh, from Kilmacthomas in County Waterford (who operated with Thomas Keating's Column of the West Waterford Brigade IRA) had been 'arrested' by the Staters in March, 1923, and taken to Kilkenny Jail (pictured). On the 13th March, during the morning role call, the IRA prisoners decided not to cooperate with the Staters and they refused to acknowledge their names, when called upon to do so.

A Free State soldier started to beat Volunteer Walsh and then shot him ; he died from his wound the next day in the prison hospital and was brought home to Kilmacthomas to be waked, and then buried in the Republican Plot in Kilrossanty, County Waterford.


On the 12th March, 1923, two IRA Volunteers, Frank Slevin and James O'Donnell, were in the town of Manorhamilton, in County Leitrim, on a fund-raising operation, disguised as women, to investigate how secure the bank was but, finding it heavily guarded inside by Free State soldiers, they decided to leave and report back to their base.

Both Volunteers were 'arrested' by the Staters on their way out of the town.

In the town of Kiltyclogher, County Leitrim, on the 13th March, 1923, the Staters came across eight IRA Volunteers, led by Philip Rooney, and a gun battle ensued, which lasted for about two hours, following which the eight Volunteers were captured.


On the 13th March, 1923, 'The Irish Times' newspaper (!) quoted Mr Kevin Christopher O'Higgins, a republican-gamekeeper-turned-Free State-poacher (who 'served' in several high-ranking positions in the Leinster House assembly) as declaring that the 'Neutral IRA' were either "moral cowards" who knew that the IRA campaign was wrong and were afraid to say so or were "physical cowards" who thought that it was right but were afraid to participate in it!

The IRA (proper), however, were not 'neutral' in regards to Mr O'Higgins ; at 12 Noon on Sunday, 10th July 1927, Mr O'Higgins (35) was assassinated by three IRA members (Tim Coughlan, Bill Gannon and Archie Doyle) in revenge for his part in the executions of 77 IRA prisoners during the Civil War (in the six months between November 1922 and the end of the Civil War in May 1923, the Staters executed 77 IRA men for political offences).

Mr O'Higgins was walking from his home on Cross Avenue, in Blackrock, Dublin, to mass on Booterstown Avenue.

He had sent his armed State detective away to buy cigarettes and, as he approached the junction with Booterstown Avenue, one of the IRA men emerged from a parked car and shot him.

Mr O'Higgins ran a short distance before collapsing, and one of the Volunteers shot him again as he lay on the ground.

The men then got back in their car and drove away but, despite being hit eight times, Mr O'Higgins did not die for almost five hours.


On the 13th March, 1923, two Free State soldiers, Captain Michael Cleary (from Whitegate, in County Clare, a republican-gamekeeper-turned-Free State-poacher) and Lieutenant Alfred Glynn (from Gort, in County Galway), were experimenting with throwing grenades into the River Neale, near Listowel, in County Kerry.

The 'experiment' went wrong and led to both of their deaths ; there was a premature explosion which killed Mr. Glynn instantly, and seriously wounded Mr. Cleary, who died in hospital the next day.


'Politician Shoots Himself In The Foot...'!

On the 13th March, 1925, Mr Winston Churchill - realising that his 'Government of Ireland Act 1920' in relation to 'the Irish Question' - gave his puppet Stormont political administration in 'the North of Ireland' (sic) responsibility for funding social services but wrote, in private correspondence (in his personal diary?) that the provision of such social services depends on a "sufficiently large area and large numbers of trades" which that particular area doesn't have!

Too late, Mr Churchill : you break it, you bought it...!




Well...'s that time of year again!

Myself and the Girl Gang are going back to the Canary Islands in a few days time, courtesy of our families, who have gifted the five of us very special (and much appreciated!) 'Mother's Day' presents, all paid for (including a few bob spending money each), in a beach-front Villa (own pool) on an 'extendable holiday' - meaning that we can stay on for another week (or longer) if we book it in the final three days.

And we just might do that, if the three weeks aren't enough for us!

We're going to Lanzarote, where we have been before, for a well-deserved break (...or so the husbands, brothers, children and grandchildren tell us!) and we are really looking forward to temporarily exchanging a wet, wind-swept, 10ºC island for a sun-kissed, warm-breezed 25ºC island, and having nothing to do and all day to do it!

So, obviously - because the two lads that work the blog with me will also be taking a break - we won't be posting again until sometime in April (as we probably will take up the offer of an extra week) but I'll probably still manage to post a few comments on 'Twitter/X' (if they stop censoring me!) and on 'Facebook', as well.

So, until we meet again on the blog...behave yerselves, and remember :

'The Great Only Appear Great Because We Are On Our Knees. Let Us Rise!'

Slán anois - go n-éirí leat!

Thanks for the visit, and for reading ; see yis in April!

Sharon and the team.