ON THIS DATE (28TH APRIL) 105 YEARS AGO : THE 'BATTLE OF ASHBOURNE'.
"You cannot put a rope around the neck of an idea...you cannot confine it in the strongest prison cell that your slaves could ever build.." - the words of Séan O'Casey, in relation to the murder of Thomas Ashe (pictured).
'Ashbourne in County Meath was the venue for one of the few military actions of the Rising to take place outside Dublin. It was also the most successful. Members of the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Volunteers had assembled near Swords on Easter Monday under the leadership of Thomas Ashe. In order to distract potential military reinforcements from Dublin City, over the next few days they proceeded to attack a number of RIC barracks in north County Dublin. They also attempted to disrupt the rails links into Dublin from the north and west of the country.
On Friday 28 April 1916 (105 years ago on this date) Ashe and his men set out for Batterstown, where they hoped to disrupt the Midlands Great Western rail line into Dublin. En route they passed through Ashbourne, where they attacked another RIC barracks. After 30 minutes the barracks surrendered, but the Volunteers were forced to continue fighting as a large detachment of RIC constables that had arrived in Ashbourne by car. The ensuing gun battle lasted over five hours, and was a rare and notable example of the use of guerilla tactics in the Easter Rising...' (from here.)
Thomas Ashe founded the Volunteers in Lusk and established a firm foundation of practical and theoretical military training. He provided charismatic leadership first as Adjutant and then as O/C (Officer Commanding) the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Brigade. He inspired fierce loyalty and encouraged personal initiative in his junior officers and was therefore able to confidently delegate command to Charlie Weston, Joseph Lawless, Edward Rooney and others during the Rising.
Most significantly, he took advantage of the arrival of Richard Mulcahy (pictured) at Finglas Glen on the Tuesday of the Rising and appointed him second in command. The two men knew one another through the IRB and Gaelic League and Ashe recognised Mulcahy’s tactical abilities. As a result Ashe allowed himself to be persuaded by Mulcahy not to withdraw following the unexpected arrival of the motorised force at the Rath crossroads. At Ashbourne on the 28th of April, 1916, Ashe also demonstrated great personal courage, first exposing himself to fire while calling on the RIC in the fortified barracks to surrender and then actively leading his Volunteers against the RIC during the Battle.
Four days previous to the 'Battle of Ashbourne' (on the 24th April, Easter Monday) Commandant Ashe had received orders from James Connolly to send forty members of his 5th Fingal Battalion to the General Post Office, in Dublin, to help fortify it, and he was instructed to raid nearby barracks, thereby, hopefully, locking down British forces and relieving pressure on those fighting in the city. He sent twenty men to the rebels headquarters at the GPO and kept the remainder of the fighters - about sixty in all - for the barracks attacks. It would prove to be a wise decision by the school teacher from Lusk.
Ashe and his men seized the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) barracks and the Post Office in Swords, then turned their sights on Ashbourne and planned to attack the RIC barracks there. That day, Ashe was joined by Richard Mulcahy, who had only recently been appointed to the rank of First Lieutenant. He was in the area following his own orders and happened to meet the Fingal Commandant by chance. Ashe immediately made Mulcahy his second-in-command.
Before launching their assault, they had made sure to cut telephone wires, and even sawed down telephone poles, to block off communications with the surrounding area. He then sent his older volunteers home, reducing his ranks to about 45 men. The attack at Ashbourne would prove to be tougher than they had expected ; usually, the barracks was manned by an RIC sergeant and four others, but it had been reinforced due to the fighting in the capital and, instead of five RIC for the IRA to contend with, there were now 10 British 'policemen', led by a District Inspector McCormack. They were well armed and well prepared.
The IRA disarmed two RIC men who were setting up a barricade outside the barracks and then called on the remaining enemy forces to surrender, but those inside the structure took aim and started shooting at the IRA men. A homemade hand grenade was lobbed at the barracks and, soon after, those inside flew the white flag but, just as the RIC men were about to emerge, the IRA were alerted to the imminent arrival of a large RIC convoy, under County Inspector Alexander Gray, on its way to put the down the rising. With the prospect of rescue from the convoy, the besieged RIC men rushed back inside and resumed the fight.
Seventeen cars carrying approximately 60 RIC men from Slane were, at that moment, speeding towards the scene. Ashe and his men were in a race against time, and had to rush towards the road to stop the convoy reaching the crossroad at Rath Cross, where the RIC could then spread out. It was at this point that second-in-command Richard Mulcahy came into his own. The narrow Dublin to Slane road, with its tall, close hedges – about seven-feet-high – on either side, provided perfect terrain for the rebels and Mulcahy had his men positioned on both sides of the road as the convoy approached at a few minutes past noon.
About 15 yards from the cross roads was the spot chosed to launch a devastating attack on the Crown Forces, and the RIC took heavy fire from all directions. The first to be hit was RIC County Inspector Gray, in the lead car. A newspaper report at the time stated that '..County Inspector Gray received a wound to the head and Sergeant Shanaher, of Navan, who was with him in the car, was shot through the heart. The Sergeant fell into a channel of water near the cross, and presented a gruesome spectacle when the battle ended. He was thrown into the channel in a sitting position and was found dead, still wearing his helmet..'
The rest of the convoy then jumped from their vehicles, seeking cover behind the wheels or beneath the cars themselves. Others leapt into a ditch and started firing on their attackers from there. The fighting was fierce ; a civilian car that blundered into the ambush was also fired on, resulting in the deaths of two of the occupants. For five hours lead flew in all directions, but the IRA were getting the upper hand. RIC District Inspector Harry Smyth managed to kill one Volunteer with his pistol only to be shot dead himself a moment later, his brains spattered across the ditch into which he fell.
With the loss of their leader, the remaining RIC men signaled their surrender. At the end of the carnage, eight policemen lay dead in ditches and along the road, and up to 18 were wounded. The IRA suffered two dead – John Crennigan and Thomas Rafferty – and five wounded, and the besieged RIC forces in Ashbourne barracks soon gave up the fight when they were informed that the rescue party had been defeated. Ashe and Mulcahy had the injured, including the RIC, ferried to the Meath Infirmary, in Navan.
Politically, Thomas Ashe was a member of the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood' (IRB) and he established IRB circles in Dublin and Kerry and eventually became President of the IRB Supreme Council in 1917. While he was actively and intellectually nationalist he was also inspired by contemporary socialism ; he rejected conservative Home Rule politicians and as part of that rejection he espoused the Labour policies of James Larkin. Writing in a letter to his brother, Gregory, he said -
"We are all here on Larkin's side. He'll beat hell out of the snobbish, mean, seoinín employers yet, and more power to him"
He supported the unionisation of north Dublin farm labourers and his activities brought him into conflict with landowners such as Thomas Kettle in 1912. During the infamous lockout in 1913 he was a frequent visitor to Liberty Hall and become a friend of James Connolly. Long prior to its publication in 1916, Thomas Ashe was a practitioner of Connolly’s dictum that "the cause of labour is the cause of Ireland, the cause of Ireland is the cause of labour".
In 1914 Ashe travelled to the United States where he raised a substantial sum of money for both the Gaelic League and the newly formed Irish Volunteers of which he was an early member.
Thomas Ashe died on the 25th September, 1917, after being force fed by his British jailers. He was the first Irish republican to die as a result of a hunger-strike and, between that year and 1981, twenty-one other Irish republicans died on hunger-strike.
The jury at the inquest into his death found "..that the deceased, Thomas Ashe, according to the medical evidence of Professor McWeeney, Sir Arthur Chance, and Sir Thomas Myles, died from heart failure and congestion of the lungs on the 25th September, 1917 and that his death was caused by the punishment of taking away from the cell bed, bedding and boots and allowing him to be on the cold floor for 50 hours, and then subjecting him to forcible feeding in his weak condition after hunger-striking for five or six days.."
Michael Collins organised the funeral (pictured) and transformed it into a national demonstration against British misrule in Ireland ; armed 'Irish Republican Brotherhood' Volunteers in full uniform flanked the coffin, followed by 9,000 other IRB Volunteers, and approximately 30,000 people lined the streets. A volley of shots was fired over Ashe's grave, following which Michael Collins stated - "Nothing more remains to be said. That volley which we have just heard is the only speech which it is proper to make over the grave of a dead Fenian."
The London-based 'Daily Express' newspaper perhaps summed it up best when it stated, re the funeral of Thomas Ashe, that what had happened had made '100,000 Sinn Féiners out of 100,000 constitutional nationalists.' The level of support shown gave a boost to Irish republicans, and this was noted by the 'establishment' in Westminster - 'The Daily Mail' newspaper claimed that, a month earlier, Sinn Féin, despite its electoral successes, had been a waning force. That newspaper said - '..it had no practical programme, for the programme of going further than anyone else cannot be so described. It was not making headway. But Sinn Féin today is pretty nearly another name for the vast bulk of youth in Ireland...'
And, thankfully, there are many like Thomas Ashe in that 'vast bulk of youth in Ireland' today.
'CORK MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.
An Election Committee has been formed and it is intended to contest the elections vigorously and ensure that the voice of Irish republicanism will be heard in local administration.
A special appeal is directed to former members of the Republican Movement to come forward and support the candidature of the Sinn Féin candidates. In the past year, there has been a revival of republican thought and to translate this into action and to cement our gains it is believed that very republican has a right and a duty to assist in the task of electing all our candidates.
It is intended to urge the people to study the Sinn Féin 'Social and Economic Programme' and their plan for national unity and independence. We will put forward our views on housing, rents, emigration, unemplyment and cost of living, and hope to convince the people that party politicians are too concerned with petty issues to face up to the real national problems... (MORE LATER.)
AN EASTER RISING TIMELINE : ON THIS DATE, 28TH APRIL, IN 1916...
'07.55hrs - Sackville Street being blown to pieces. The centre of Dublin is unrecognisable this morning. Rubble is strewn everywhere. Burnt-out cars, trams, dead horses, human bodies, all matter of carnage fills the capital’s streets. British 18-pounders are booming once again. The rebel HQ is completely surrounded.
09.05hrs - As soon as the sun rose this morning the machine guns and sniper rifles returned to work. Throughout the night, armoured cars have been scouting around Jacob’s factory’s positions. With the sound of heavy fighting and artillery, and word coming down from the factory’s towers of huge fires on the north side of the city, the men of Jacob’s garrison must fear that it will not be long before their own position is assaulted by the enemy.
10.12hrs - South Staffordshires are on the march. Huge numbers of troops from the regiment have crossed the Liffey at Butt Bridge, before marching on to Gardiner Street, and making their way towards Bolton Street. The college there is thronged with hungry and increasingly desperate refugees from the growing chaos...' (from here.)
After the British have completely left Ireland, politically and militarily, and the definite timeline from 1916 to that date is written, those reading it will then realise that the only part played in that scenario by the Stormont and Leinster House institutions was in delaying that achievement. Irish republicans realise that now, and have always done so.
NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...
Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
Silence was also to the fore in terms of the next issue our media monolith turned its attention to and, of course, everyone supported the 'Nice Referendum' ('1169' comment - no, not "everyone" supported the 'vote yes' position). More European integration was just the sort of lad to put a bit of manners on the likes of Charlie McCreevy who, earlier that year, had been castigated for daring to suggest to Mr Romano Prodi that we would run our country (sic) the way we wanted to, thank you very much.
Besides, given that the opposition to 'Nice' consisted of a lot of pro-life types like Dana, perhaps it was best to not give those sorts too much publicity. The government took its eye off the ball and believed the media consensus and, by the time they realised how relevant this was to the real views of ordinary people, it was time for panic stations and the kind of bombastic propaganda that was not just useless, but insulting to the vast majority of intelligent voters.
Bertie Ahern breathlessly claimed that the 'No To Nice' side were getting thousands of pounds from right-wing US fundamentalists, foreign communists and the rest. The media helped him out by running far too big on a non-story ; the intelligent voters thought that a Fianna Fáil politician casting aspersions on funding sources was a bit rich and reeked of election week panic. The were right... (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (28TH APRIL) 100 YEARS AGO : CORK VOLUNTEERS EXECUTED BY THE BRITISH AND BEHIND-THE-SCENES DEALING IN CORK IN 1916.
Pictured - IRA Cork Volunteers, 1921.
'...on April 28 (1921), Volunteer Maurice Moore (aged 26) of Cobh, Co Cork and Lieutenant Patrick Sullivan (aged 24), also of Cobh, were both shot, following their capture during the Fourth Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade flying column disaster at Clonmult. On the same day, Volunteers Thomas Mulcahy (aged 25) and Patrick Ronayne (aged 26), both of Burnfort, Mallow, Co Cork, died by firing squad. Members of the 5th Battalion, Cork No. 2 Brigade, they were captured at the miscarried Mourne Abbey Ambush...' (from here.)
Honourable Irish men without a doubt, and we have no doubt that they, at least, were not, at that time, caught between an enemy and a leadership at local level who were not as honourable, as was the case in 1916 :
'..Captain Dickie, General Officer Commanding (of the British military) , invited the leaders of the Irish Volunteers in Cork on 28th April (1916) to meet him at the house of the Bishop of Cork, and that they refused ; that on the following morning he visited the Volunteer Hall himself, and held a conference with the Volunteer leaders which also proved abortive ; and that a further conference was held on 30th April at the Lord Mayor's house, at which the Bishop, the Lord Mayor, the General Officer Commanding, and the two leaders of the Volunteers were present, at which it was agreed that the Volunteers should hand over their rifles either to the Bishop or to the Lord Mayor, and that the (British) military were not even to know the number of rifles handed in, the rifles to be returned to the Volunteers as soon as the Dublin disturbances were over ; whether he is aware that, in conformity with that agreement, the rifles were on 1st May handed over to the Lord Mayor's custody, and passports were delivered to the Volunteer leaders to go through the county of Cork to advise the County Corps to abide by the agreement, with the result that no disturbance took place throughout the county ; but that, notwithstanding that agreement, the (British) military authorities on the following day arrested all the leaders, men and women, of the Cork City Volunteers, and lodged them in Cork gaol and, under threat of arresting the Lord Mayor, compelled him to surrender the rifles entrusted to him..
..if the Irish Volunteers handed in their arms to the Bishop (Daniel Coholan) and the Lord Mayor (Thomas Butterfield) before midnight on April 30th and assisted the (British) authorities to maintain order, the (British) General Officer Commanding was prepared to ensure no prosecution for offences other than acts of overt rebellion or traitorous correspondence with the enemy (by which is meant the Irish Volunteers)....at their own request, leaders of the Cork City Volunteers were permitted, on the 29th April, to visit country districts to endeavour to prevent disturbances by country branches of their organisation...' (from 'HANSARD, May 1916, 'DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND'.)
Shameful behind-the-scenes machinations, a criminal act, in our opinion that, during Easter Week in 1916, in Cork, an agreement was reached between representatives of the British occupation forces and the Cork leadership (as opposed to the rank-and-file Volunteers) of the Irish Volunteers "that the Volunteers should hand over their rifles", that the local Irish Volunteers should, in effect, become a British Army militia and "assist the (British) authorities (sic) to maintain order" and that Cork Volunteers be "permitted (!) to visit country districts to endeavour to prevent disturbances by country branches of their organisation..".
Absolutely disgusting and despicable behaviour by the Irish Volunteer leadership in Cork, in 1916. Actions of that sort, whether during Easter Week in 1916 or at any other period in our history - to be even willing to discuss such issues with the British - are unforgivable, but no shame attaches to the 'rank-and-file', the hundreds of brave Irish men and women from Cork who truly and honestly took the battle to the British and, thankfully, continue to do so to this day.
Interesting reading material on the above can be found here, here, here and here.
'Put not your trust in Princes' remains good advice ; even 'in-house', you have to watch what people do rather than what they say. We have always done that at this blog and doing so has served us well, to the point that we are proud of the people that we work alongside with in our joint efforts to secure a proper peace in this country.
ON THIS DATE (28TH APRIL) 158 YEARS AGO : LETTER FROM THE BRIGADIER-GENERAL TO THE MAJOR.
'Does the world even have heroes like Ireland's Thomas Francis Meagher anymore? After fighting for Irish independence ("I know of no country that has won its independence by accident") ,then condemned to death, pardoned and exiled, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped to America,where he became a leader of the Irish community and commanded the Irish Brigade during the Civil War. General Meagher’s men fought valiantly at some of the most famous battles of the Civil War,including Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. After the war, Meagher served as Acting Governor of the Montana Territory. In 1867, Meagher disappeared on the Missouri River ; his body was never found...' (from the poster, pictured, sourced here.)
It was in relation to the 'Chancellorsville Campaign' that Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher, on the 28th April 1863 - 158 years ago on this date - wrote the following letter to his commanding officer :
'Report of Brig. Gen. Thomas Francis Meagher, U. S. Army, commanding Second Brigade.
The Chancellorsville Campaign :
BANKS’ FORD, NEAR FALMOUTH, VA.
April 28, 1863––1.30 p.m.
Maj. JOHN HANCOCK,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Hancock’s Division.
MAJOR: I have the honour to inform the major-general commanding the division that, in accordance with instructions received from him, I proceeded to this ford on yesterday forenoon, to relieve Colonel Kelly and take command of the brigade.
On arriving at the ford (where I found the Sixty-third encamped), I learned that Colonel Kelly had, an hour previous, proceeded to the United States Ford, at which place, I was advised by the major general, two regiments of the brigade were to be stationed. Accordingly, I set out at once to the United States Ford, taking the corduroy road leading up from Banks’ Ford to the Warrenton pike, being ignorant of the River road, not having either a map or guide to direct me. I proceeded along the Warrenton pike until I reached Hartwood Church, when I took the road leading to the United States Ford, at which I arrived some time about 5 p.m., and found everything perfectly quiet, and the Sixty-ninth and One hundred and sixteenth posted there in the best order.
Colonel Kelly had left something more than an hour before, to return to Banks’ Ford. I concluded, therefore, on remaining at the United States Ford until this morning, it being too late for me to return to the lower one by the only route (that of the Warrenton pike) with which I was acquainted.
This morning, a little before 9 o’clock, the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts Volunteers came in, having remained over night at Hartwood Church. As I was on the point of leaving for Batiks’ Ford, orders arrived for the regiments of the brigade stationed at the United States Ford to proceed to the former one. These orders were immediately put into execution, General Carroll’s brigade, which reached the ground about the same time as the orders did, more than supplying their place.
The Sixty-ninth, One hundred and sixteenth, and Twenty-eighth are expected very soon. I have relieved Colonel Kelly from the command, and have received from him all the instructions communicated to him as guidance for the command.
I have the honour to be, very respectfully, yours,
THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER,
Brigadier-General, Commanding.'
"Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for in the passes of the Tyrol it cut to pieces the banner of the Bavarian, and, through those cragged passes, struck a path to fame for the peasant insurrections of Innsbruck! Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for at its blow a giant nation started from the waters of the Atlantic, and by its redeeming magic, and in the quiverings of its crimsoned light, the crippled colony sprang into the attitude of a proud Republic - prosperous, limitless, and invincible! Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for it swept the Dutch marauders out of the fine old towns of Belgium - scourged them back to their own phlegmatic swamps - and knocked their flag and sceptre, their laws and bayonets, into the sluggish water of the Scheldt.." - Thomas Francis Meagher.
Thomas Francis Meagher was born in Waterford City (near the Commins/Granville Hotel) on August 3rd, 1823, into a financially-comfortable family ; his father was a wealthy merchant who, having made his money, entered politics, a route which the young Thomas was to follow. At 20 years young, he decided to challenge British misrule in Ireland and, at 23 years of age (in 1846), he became one of the leaders of the 'Young Ireland' Movement. He was only 25 years of age when he sat down with the Government of the Second French Republic to seek support for an uprising in Ireland. At 29 years of age, he wrote what is perhaps his best known work - 'Speeches on the Legislative Independence of Ireland', of which six editions were published.
He unveiled an Irish flag, which was based on the French Tricolour, in his native city, Waterford, on the 7th March 1848, outside the Wolfe Tone Confederate Club. The French Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alphonse de Lamartine, and a group of French women who supported the Irish cause, gave Meagher the new 'Flag of Ireland', a tricolour of green, white and orange - the difference between the 1848 flag and the present flag is that the orange was placed next to the staff and the red hand of Ulster adorned the white field on the original.
On the 15th April that same year, on Abbey Street, in Dublin, he presented the flag to Irish citizens on behalf of himself and the 'Young Ireland' movement, with the following words : "I trust that the old country will not refuse this symbol of a new life from one of her youngest children. I need not explain its meaning. The quick and passionate intellect of the generation now springing into arms will catch it at a glance. The white in the centre signifies a lasting truce between the 'orange' and the 'green' and I trust that beneath its folds, the hands of the Irish protestant and the Irish catholic may be clasped in generous and heroic brotherhood.."
The 'trial' of Thomas Francis Meagher and other Irish patriots.
He was 'arrested' by the British for his part in the 1848 Rising, accused of 'high treason' and sentenced to death ("to be hanged, drawn and disemboweled..") but, while he was awaiting execution in Richmond Jail, this was changed by 'Royal Command' to transportation for life. Before he was deported, he spoke in Slievenamon, Tipperary, to a crowd estimated at 50,000 strong, about the country and the flag he was leaving behind - "Daniel O'Connell preached a cause that we are bound to see out. He used to say 'I may not see what I have laboured for, I am an old man, my arm is withered, no epitaph of victory may mark my grave, but I see a young generation with redder blood in their veins, and they will do the work.' Therefore it is that I ambition to decorate these hills with the flag of my country.."
In July 1849, at only 26 years of age, he was transported from Dun Laoghaire on the S.S.Swift to Tasmania, where he was considered, and rightly so, to be a political prisoner (a 'Ticket of Leave' inmate) which meant he could build his own 'cell' on a designated piece of land that he could farm provided he donated an agreed number of hours each week for State use. In early 1852, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped and made his way to New Haven, in Connecticut, America, and travelled from there to a hero's welcome in New York.
This fine orator, newspaper writer, lawyer, revolutionary, Irish POW, soldier in the American civil war and acting Governor of Montana died, in mysterious circumstances - he drowned after 'falling off' a Missouri River steamboat - on the 1st of July 1867 at 44 years of age.
Once, when asked about his 'crimes', he replied - "Judged by the law of England, I know this 'crime' entails upon me the penalty of death ; but the history of Ireland explains that 'crime' and justifies it."
This brave man dedicated twenty-four of his forty-four years on this earth to challenging British misrule in Ireland and, while it can be said without doubt that Thomas Francis Meagher did his best, a 'crime' does remain to be resolved.
'COMMENTS...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Something Drastic ;
The unemployment figures for Ireland soared to 110,361 by mid-February, as economic chaos under the joint direction of Stormont and Leinster House showed its bitter fruit with so many workless.
The figure would be several times larger but for the steady drain of emigration, officially estimated in the region of 35,000 for each year. Even Unionist circles admit defeat and fear the impact on the political scene "...unless something drastic is done, the Six Counties will become a distressed area.." - so said Mr Norman Porter ('Independent Unionist'), in a warning to Stormont last month.
"Something drastic"? Let's replace the bungling of Stormont and Leinster House by introducing Sinn Féin's policy.
ON THIS DATE (28TH APRIL) 105 YEARS AGO : DEATH OF 'THE O RAHILLY'.
"Written after I was shot -
Darling Nancy
I was shot leading a rush up Moore Street
took refuge in a doorway.
While I was there I heard the men pointing out where I was + I made a bolt for the lane I am in now.
I got more one bullet I think
Tons + tons of love dearie to you + to the boys + to Nell + Anna.
It was a good fight anyhow.
Please deliver this to Nannie O'Rahilly, 40 Herbert Park, Dublin.
Good bye darling.."
Joseph O'Rahilly ('The O'Rahilly', pictured, and the author of the above letter) was born in Ballylongford, in County Kerry, on the 22nd April, 1875. He had a busy, well-travelled and interesting life and took part in the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland, during which he was killed in the fighting ;
'The O’Rahilly has been killed. He had agreed to lead a diversionary charge, along with 12 other men, against a British barricade at the junction of Henry Street and Moore Street. He is shot, and drags himself to the back of Kelly’s shop, 25 Moore Street. He writes a last letter to his wife before dying of his wounds...' (from here.)
"Friday April 28th 1916. The General Post Office in Dublin, occupied on the Monday as the headquarters of republican insurrection, was burning fiercely. The insurgents inside had decided they had to make their escape across Henry Street to the network of small houses and shops on Moore Street.
A small party of twenty armed men dashed across the open street to establish a toehold there and to clear out a British barricade. At their head was a distinguished looking gentleman in green uniform, complete with Victorian moustache and sword.
The charging party was hit by volleys of British bullets from the barricades on both sides. Four Volunteers were killed outright. Their leader, the moustached gentleman, fell wounded in the face. He managed to drag himself out of the line of fire to Sackville Lane, where he lay, bleeding, grievously injured. His name was Michael O'Rahilly..." (from here.)
More information re 'The O'Rahilly' himself -
'His interest in Irish history led him slowly and inexorably towards nationalism. The first indication of nationalism is in a letters controversy in 1899 in the European edition of the New York Herald, following celebrations of Queen Victoria's 80th birthday. Rahilly criticised the celebrations, pointing out the miseries her reign had inflicted on Ireland. Some of his criticism was censored by the paper as too offensive..' - can be read here, and his family history can be read here, including a local [Clondalkin] connection -
'Aodogán and Marion (O'Rahilly) lived Moreen, Clondalkin, Co.Dublin (junction of Belgard Rd and Naas Rd, opposite Newlands golf course, townland of Mooreenaruggan). They spelt house "Moreen", but it is now spelt "Mooreen". The house was built 1936. Aodogán listed as living there by [Thom's, 1938].
The house website says: "In 1932, in America" [Aodogán and Marion] "purchased plans for use in building their new home, Mooreen House. The design was already famous and had been awarded the title House of the Year, and a full-scale replica was constructed in Macy's New York Department Store..."'. But read it quickly, in case it, too, vanishes -
'Dublin City Council is investigating the circumstances surrounding the demolition of the former home of a 1916 Rising leader in Ballsbridge this morning (Tuesday, 29th September 2020). The property at 40 Herbert Park, which once belonged to The O’Rahilly, was bulldozed by a company developing the site at around 6.30am this morning. The site and two adjoining addresses at 36 and 38 Herbert Park are set to be developed into 105 apartments and the extension of an aparthotel by Derryroe Limited, a company owned by the Kennedy and McSharry families...' (from here.)
Another State-inspired atrocity against our history, in the vein of, and for the same motive (€€€) as Hume Street, Wood Quay and Archers Garage. A corrupt State desecrating a part of its own history which it is ashamed of. Shame on the political system and those that operate same for paying lip-service to our historic past while counting the contents of their brown envelopes at the same time.
'SING of The O'Rahilly,
Do not deny his right;
Sing a "The" before his name;
Allow that he, despite
All those learned historians,
Established it for good;
He wrote out that word himself,
He christened himself with blood.
How goes the weather?
Sing of The O'Rahilly
That had such little sense
He told Pearse and Connolly
He'd gone to great expense
Keeping all the Kerry men
Out of that crazy fight;
That he might be there himself
Had travelled half the night.
How goes the weather? (By William Butler Yeats.)
'The O'Rahilly's' grandson, Ronan, 79 years of age, died on Monday, 20th April, 2020. The poor man was diagnosed with vascular dementia in 2013 and had been resident in a nursing home in Carlingford in County Louth for the last years of his life. "How goes the weather", Ronan?
Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam.
(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for reading,
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 36 YEARS AGO : RUC DISRUPT REPUBLICAN FUNERAL.
IRA Volunteer Ciarán Fleming (pictured) - 'On Sunday 2nd December 1984, IRA Volunteers Antoine Mac Giolla Bhríghde, from Magherafelt, County Derry and Ciarán Fleming, who had broken out of Long Kesh prison in the Great Escape of 1983, were preparing to mount an operation against crown forces near Drumrush in County Fermanagh when Mac Giolla Bhríghde saw a car parked on the lane which he believed to contain civilians. Approaching the car to tell the occupants to leave the area, undercover SAS members opened fire, hitting him in the side. Cuffed with plastic stays, Mac Giolla Bhríghde was tortured before being summarily executed. His comrades, when later debriefed, reported hearing a single shot, then screaming, and a short time later a further burst of machine gun fire, after which the screaming stopped....' (from here.)
Ciarán Fleming '...drowned in Bannagh River, near Kesh, County Fermanagh (while) escaping from a gun battle between undercover British Army (BA) unit and Irish Republican Army (IRA) unit. His body (was) found in the river on 21st December 1984..' (from here) Ciarán was buried on the 23rd December 1984 - 36 years ago on this date - and his funeral was at the time described as '...the most gratuitously violent RUC attack of the year on any funeral. Many of the RUC had come in full riot gear of helmet, shield and body armour, to show that they were intent on violent disruption. Several times during a tense and exhausting funeral which lasted three full hours, the RUC baton-charged the mourners, which encouraged near-by children, standing on a wall, to throw stones at them in reprisal : the RUC then fired at least four plastic bullets into the funeral cortege, seriously injuring two people. During the afternoon, numerous mourners suffered bloody head wounds and one man was knocked unconscious by the RUC.
Stewards were often forced to halt the proceedings because of this harassment but, despite the RUC's terror, the people stood firm and, in a twilight Bogside, three uniformed IRA Volunteers stepped out of the crowd and paid the IRA's traditional salute to their fallen comrade, as a forest of arms were raised in clenched-fist salute. Finally , thanks to the courage of thousands of nationalists, Volunteer Ciaran Fleming was laid to rest..' (from 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.)
IRA sources that were contacted at the time by journalist Ed Moloney stated that Ciarán Fleming '...was noted for his hard line militarist republicanism. He is reputed to have backed a plan to form full-time guerrilla units or 'flying columns' based in the Republic, which would carry out four or five large scale attacks in the north a year. This approach was espoused by the militant Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade led by Padraig McKearney and Jim Lynagh, who wanted an escalation of the conflict to what they termed "total war". They were opposed by Kevin McKenna, the IRA Chief of Staff and by the republican leadership headed by Gerry Adams, on the grounds that actions on that scale were too big a risk and unsustainable. The IRA leadership wanted a smaller scale campaign of attrition, supplemented by political campaigning by (Provisional) Sinn Féin....' (from here.)
That "political campaigning by Provisional Sinn Féin" has seen that grouping morph into a slightly more-nationalist political party than either of the latter-day Fianna Fáil or SDLP organisations but, true to form, like Fianna Fáil and the SDLP, the Provisional Sinn Féin party has distanced itself (except verbally) from Irish republicanism. It's an easier life, with a salary and a pension, neither of which were available when Adams and company professed to be advocates of change rather than that which they are now (and have been for the last 37 years, at least) ie advocates of British accommodation in Ireland.
'SINN FÉIN VICTORY RALLY...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.
Michael Traynor, Ard Runaidhe, Sinn Féin, said that the Ireland of today with its emigration and unemployment was not the nation visualised by James Connolly, nor did it enjoy the freedom for which he gave his life.
Seán O Riain, on behalf of the Comhairle Ceanntar Sinn Féin Ath Cliath, thanked all those who had helped to provide funds and cars for the election, in particular the Dublin Civil Servants and the employees of CIE, the Irish Bricklayers Society and the residents of Fairview who formed a committee to collect in their area for Tom Mitchell's election fund. Other speakers were Eamon Thomas and Seosamh MacCriostail, Ath Cliath. (END of 'Sinn Féin Victory Rally'. NEXT - 'Splendid Fight', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 49 YEARS AGO : TED HEATH, BRITISH PM, VISITS IRELAND, CALLS FOR PEACE. BUT IGNORES BRITISH VIOLENCE.
British PM Ted Heath, right, with his friend Jimmy Savile.
On the 23rd December 1971 - 49 years ago on this date - British PM Edward Heath paid a visit to the Occupied Six Counties of north-east Ireland and declared his 'determination to end the violence', making it clear in the process that he was referring to the then IRA campaign to remove the British military and political presence. Five weeks after that visit, his troops let loose with live rounds in the Bogside area of Derry, killing fourteen Irish people and, as a PR exercise, Heath (and his sidekick, Reginald Maudling) set up the 'Widgery Inquiry' into the massacre.
'Lord' Widgery proceeded to exclude the political background to the shootings, a politically motivated decision, as was suggested by the minutes of an extraordinary discussion between Widgery, Edward Heath and the British 'Lord Chancellor', 'Lord' Hailsham, at Downing Street, two days after the massacre, on the evening before the British 'Commons' announcement of Widgery's appointment to conduct the 'inquiry'. Among "..a number of points which I [Edward Heath] thought it right to draw to the Lord Chief Justice's [Widgery] attention (was that) it had to be remembered that we were in Northern Ireland (sic) fighting not just a military war but a propaganda war..." and, indeed, Heath is on record as saying that the Derry Guildhall building would be unsuitable as a venue for tribunal hearings as it "...was on the wrong side of the River Foyle.." (ie - the 'Catholic/Nationalist' side) !
It should be noted that the day before the Bogside massacre (ie on Saturday 29th January 1972) ,
the RUC and the British Army issued the following joint statement : "Experience this year has already shown that attempted marches often end in violence and (this) must have been foreseen by the organisers. Clearly, the responsibility for this violence and the consequences of it must rest fairly and squarely on the shoulders of those who encourage people to break the law. The (British) security forces have a duty to take action against those who set out to break the law..."
Mutinous talk there, from that joint statement because, if they were to do their 'duty', then they would have had to "take action" against themselves and their own political leaders, including Edward Heath. But considering that Heath and his political establishment were pals with the Jimmy Savile's of their world, then it should have been obvious to all that they would have no 'duty' of care or responsibility to 14 dead Irish people.
'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge. By Sandra Mara. From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Garda Tina Fowley stated that she thought no more about it "until recently, when concerns about the veracity of the statement of admission had been expressed in the media". Later that evening, a named officer claimed to have a signed confession from Frank McBrearty Junior admitting the killing of Richie Barron. Other gardai in the station were "stunned" - they claim they clearly heard McBrearty Junior protesting his innocence throughout the period. He continues to deny ever having made any such statement.
Garda Tina Fowley also made statements regarding "two distinct sets of notes" relating to the detention of Roisin McConnell on the 4th December, which she says an officer asked her for. She refused, phoned a superior officer at home, and was told to get the original notes out of the office and into the custody of another named officer. Tina Fowley's honesty and courage resulted in her being subjected to harassment from some of her colleagues. She claims her computer was interfered with, she was given little or no work to do, a dead rat was left on her doorstep, and she received threatening letters and phone calls. A colleague said that "what Tina did was not popular with certain people".
Eventually she was forced to leave Letterkenny - on sick leave from the force. She had paid a heavy price for her commitment to honesty and justice, the very qualities we expect from our police officers. Through her solicitor, Damien Tansy, in Sligo, she has issued proceedings against the Garda Commissioner and Attorney General for breach of contract, failing to secure a safe place of work and loss of legitmate expectations... (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 81 YEARS AGO : IRA REMOVE GUNS AND AMMUNITION FROM A FREE STATE FORT.
"Now's here's a proof of Irish sense
Here Irish wit is seen
When nothing's left that's worth defence,
We build a Magazine."(Jonathan Swift)
The Magazine Fort, Phoenix Park, Dublin (pictured) - built in 1735, raided by republicans twice ; in 1916, when thirty members of the Irish Volunteers and Na Fianna Éireann captured the building and took guns and withdrew from the area and again in 1939 - on the 23rd December, 81 years ago on this date - when, at about ten pm on that Saturday night, an IRA man walked up to the Free State sentry who was guarding the locked gate and told him that he had a parcel for his commanding officer. The sentry unlocked the gate only to be faced with a revolver pointed at his head : he was held there as other IRA men entered the Fort and then the hapless State soldier was forced to lead the IRA men to the guardroom where they ordered the Free Staters to surrender, which they promptly did.
13 lorries were then driven into the complex and crates containing Thompson machine guns and ammunition (estimated at 1,084,000 rounds!) were removed from the premises and neither side suffered any casualties. However, State soldiers who were based in the nearby Islandbridge Barracks were perplexed as to the reason why such a heavy volume of truck traffic was entering and leaving the Phoenix Park and they went to investigate : two of the IRA raiders were captured but their comrades made good their escape, complete with that which they came for. However, within a week most of the liberated munitions (including about 850,000 bullets) had been recovered by the Staters : two-and-a-half-tons were seized in Dundalk, County Louth, eight tons recovered in Swords, County Dublin, sixty-six cases of Thompson machine guns and ammunition were seized from an arms dump in South Armagh and 100 crates containing 120,000 bullets recovered in Straffan, County Kildare.
Also, on March 1st, 1940, Jack McNeela and Jack Plunkett - two of the many republicans who were 'lifted' by the Staters following the 'Fort Raid'- were sentenced to two years and eighteen months respectively on a charge of "conspiring to usurp the function of government" by, of all things, operating a 'pirate' radio transmitter. On March 5th, 1940, Tony D'Arcy and Michael Traynor, both arrested during a raid on the Meath Hotel, Parnell Square, Dublin, the previous month, where an IRA meeting was being held to plan an attack in the Six Counties, were sentenced to three months imprisonment for refusing to answer questions. After being sentenced, the four prisoners were transferred to Arbour Hill Prison, Dublin and, on March 27th 1940, they were moved to St Brican's Military Hospital next to the prison. On April 1st that year they were joined there by Tomas MacCurtain and Thomas Grogan, both of whom were still awaiting trial. MacCurtain was charged with shooting dead a Special Branch detective in Cork and Thomas Grogan with taking part in the Magazine Fort raid.
On April 16th, 1940, Tony D'Arcy, a native of Headford, County Galway, died after 52 days on hunger strike ; Jack McNeela, a native of Ballycroy, Westport, County Mayo, died three days later, after 55 days on hunger strike. The fast ended that night when the prisoners were informed that their demands had been met. The hunger strike began on February 25th, 1940, in Mountjoy Jail, Dublin, and resulted in the deaths of two IRA Volunteers.
'CAVAN CEREMONY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
He had only one message ; it was that any young Irishman worth his salt should know how to use arms in defence of his freedom. This was stated by Mr Tomas MacCurtain, of Cork, when he unveiled a memorial in Cavan to eight soldiers of the IRA who gave their lives during the War of Independence.
The limestone memorial - the work of Mr Leo Broe, Harold's Cross Road, Dublin - represents a Volunteer, and the names inscribed on the granite base are : Captain Thomas Sheridan, Drumcrow ; Staff Captain Joseph McMahon, Kilmaley, County Clare ; Volunteer Seán McEntyre, Laggan ; Staff Captain Michael E. Baxter, Kildoagh ; Volunteer Seán MacCartney, Belfast ; Staff Captain Edward B. Boylan, Corratober ; Captain Andy O' Sullivan, Denbawn, Cavan and Commandant Thomas Fitzpatrick, Cavan Brigade.
A wreath was placed on the monument on behalf of the Memorial Committee by Miss Mary Brady, Chairman, Cavan UDC, and another wreath was laid, inscribed from the 'Thomas McMahon Sinn Féin Club, Kilmaley, County Clare.' Before the ceremony, 200 Cavan IRA veterans, members of Cumann na mBan and a body of young men paraded through the town to the music of the three local bands. The ceremony ended with the playing of the National Anthem. (This report was published in 'The Irish Press' newspaper on the 25th October 1954, and reprinted in 'The United Irishman' newspaper in November 1954.)
(END of 'Cavan Ceremony' ; NEXT - 'Fellow-Workers Generous Gesture', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 98 YEARS AGO : 'VOICE OF LABOUR' ROARS!
Liam Mellows (pictured) wrote, in his last letter to his mother - "The time is short and much I would like to say must go unsaid. But you will understand in such moments heart speaks to heart. At 3.30 this morning we [Dick Barrett, Rory O’Connor, Joe McKelvey and I] were informed that we were to be "executed as a reprisal"...I go to join Tone and Emmett, the Fenians, Tom Clarke, Connolly, Pearse, Kevin Barry and Childers. My last thoughts will be on God, and Ireland, and you. I had hopes that some day I might rest in some quiet place – beside Grandfather and Grandmother in Castletown (Co. Wexford), not amidst the wordly pomps [sic] of Glasnevin but if it is to be the prison clay, it is all the sweeter for many of our best lie here..." . That was on December 8th, 1922 - he was then executed by a Free State Army firing squad. However, forty-six years after that execution (ie in 1968) more information regarding that deed was made public ; in a letter to the media forty-six years after the execution of Liam Mellows (ie on April 24th, 1968) a Free State Army Captain, Ignatius O'Rourke, who was present at the execution of Liam Mellows and the other three men - Dick Barrett, Rory O'Connor and Joe McKelvey - wrote that, a few minutes before Mellows was shot dead he [Mellows] sent for the prison chaplain, a Father McMahon. Captain O'Rourke wrote that "... a few minutes later...I saw Father McMahon leaving the room [cell]..accompanied by Liam Mellows, with his right arm around Liam's shoulders, and they walked along together leading the group as we all walked to the sandbags. Liam and Father McMahon appeared to be in deep, friendly conversation, with no sign of discord, disagreement or argument, just like two men discussing some point in a friendly fashion. They continued to talk until Father McMahon left Liam in the number one position at the sandbags ..."
Fifteen days after his execution (ie on the 23rd December 1922 - 98 years ago on this date) an article he had written, entitled 'Labour and the Irish Republic' was published in the trade union 'Voice of Labour' newspaper : "Industries will receive encouragement ; employment will increase ; the natural resources of the country tapped ; emigration stopped ; education put on a proper basis, and direct contact with the outside world established. Yet all this, resulting as it would in the country being richer and more prosperous, would not mean that the freedom of Ireland has been attained if the economic system remained unchanged. A political revolution in Ireland, without a co-incident economic revolution, simply means a change of masters - instead of British capitalists waxing rich on the political and economic enslavement of Ireland, as at present, we would have Irish capitalists waxing rich on the political freedom, but continued enslavement, of Ireland. We do not want a change of masters* : it would be foolish, surely, to free Ireland from foreign tyranny today, and less than twenty years hence to have to free it from domestic tyranny*. Therefore, the Irish Republic must have for its foundation the people. It is they who are freeing Ireland, and it is for the people - all the people - that it is being done, not for any section or group.
The Dail Éireann had this clearly in mind when, at its first session, in January 1919,it issued its 'Programme of Democratic Policy' that the soil of Ireland and all that grew upon it and lay under it, as well as all the wealth and wealth-producing processes in the country, should belong to the people. In the last analysis, the fight between the Irish people and the British government is not alone one between two nations : it is more than that - it is a struggle between two systems of civilisation, between the feudal system of England under its present guise of industrialism and the democratic system upon which the old civilisation of Ireland was built. A vestige of that civilisation remains in Ireland today - it is growing, expanding, and the end of foreign rule in Ireland will usher in not alone a new political era in Ireland, but a new economic one as well."
*Unfortunately, as Mellows opined, above, the citizens in this part of Ireland - the so-called 'Free State' - have had 'a change of masters/domestic tyranny' imposed on them, not only by an outside force (Westminster, which established the Leinster House 'parliament') but by a force that they themselves are responsible for - the ballot box. "The foundation, the people", as referenced above by Liam Mellows, are for the most part made of clay and it is a relief that Mellows and his comrades did not live to witness the hypocritical shambles that the political institution on Kildare Street in Dublin, and those voters that time and again 'legitimise' that Free State cess pit, converted his efforts into. Small mercy that the man went to his grave believing that his contribution to the struggle for freedom would help to achieve a proper Irish democracy rather than the 'whats-in-it-for-me' political culture that has hijacked his efforts.
CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim (1976-2020) will be held - in two days time - on Christmas Day, at 12 Noon, at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin (opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
The Swim will not be going ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults (!), crowds etc ; it will take place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing ('Level 3', at the time of writing) and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance (ie the bridge, or further up the canal), with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!) , no music etc on site, which should help to prevent a crowd from gathering at the actual Swim spot.
Definitely not the ideal, or usual, manner, for this event, but Covid circumstances have dictated that this is how it must be for 2020. This blog will be represented by one person (usually all three of us are there) and we'll miss the party atmosphere for sure, but we'll wring whatever craic we can out of it, and gladly contribute whatever we can to it. It's for a good Cause - hope to see as many of ye as possible there, on the day. Safely and socially distanced, of course!
We won't be here next Wednesday, 30th December 2020 ; taking a little break over the Christmas, getting our house in order for 2021 and will probably still be cleaning up after the holiday madness! But we'll be back on Wednesday, 6th January 2021 or, if yer that desperate for our company (!), you can catch us on New Years Day at the Dáithí Ó Conaill wreath-laying ceremony in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, at 1pm.
NOLLAIG SHONA DAR LEITHEOIRI!
Ar eagle an dearmaid ....
Ba bhrea an rud e siochain bhuan bunaithe ar an gceart a bheith againn in Eireann. Is i an bronntanas is fearr a d'fheadfaimis a thabhairt duinn fein agus dar gclann.
Coinniodh an ceart agus an tsiochain uainn le breis agus ocht gcead bliain, de bharr ionradh, forghabhail agus miriaradh na Sasanach. Socru ar bith a dheantar in ainm mhuintir na hEireann agus a ghlacann le riail Shasana agus a dhaingnionn an chriochdheighilt, ni thig leis an ceart na an tsiochain bhuann a bhunu.
Ni dheanfaidh se ach la na siochana buaine a chur ar an mhear fhada agus an bhunfhadb a thabhairt do ghluin eile. Tharla se seo cheana nuair a siniodh Conradh 1921 agus cuireadh siar ar mhuintir na hEireann e in ainm na siochana. Is mor ag Sinn Fein Poblachtach Eire a bheith saor agus daonlathach, an cuspoir ceanna a bhi i gceist ag Wolfe Tone agus ag na Poblachtaigh uile anuas go dti 1916 agus an la ata inniu ann.
Rinne a lan fear agus ban croga iobairti mora , thug a mbeatha fiu , ar son na cuise uaisle seo.
CEART. SAOIRSE. DAONLATHAS.
A PEACEFUL CHRISTMAS TO OUR READERS!
Least we forget...
A just and permanent peace in Ireland is most desirable. It is the greatest gift we could give to ourselves and our children. We have been denied justice and peace for more than eight centuries, because of English invasion, occuption and misrule of our country.
Any arrangement which, in the name of the Irish people, accepts English rule and copperfastens Britain's border in this country will not bring justice and lasting peace. It will only postpone the day of permanent peace, handing over the basic problem to another generation.
This happened before when the Treaty of 1921 was signed and was forced on the Irish people in the name of peace. Republican Sinn Féin cherishes the objective of a free, democratic Ireland, as envisaged by Wolfe Tone and all republicans down to 1916 and our own day. Many brave men and women sacrificed a lot, even their lives, for this noble Cause.
JUSTICE. FREEDOM. DEMOCRACY.
Beannachtai na Nollag agus slan go foill anois!
Thanks for reading, Sharon and the 1169 team ; hope to see ye all back here on Wednesday, 6th January, 2021 but, in the meantime, you might read a few paragraphs from us here, if you're that way inclined!
ON THIS DATE (26TH AUGUST) 107 YEARS AGO : A 146-DAY LOCKOUT BEGINS IN DUBLIN.
On the 26th August, 1913 - 107 years ago on this date - at about 9.40am, drivers and conductors on Dublin trams stepped-out of their vehicles and 'walked off the job' ; they, and other workers, were objecting to the poor working conditions they were forced to endure and their lack of rights to challenge those conditions, including an 'unofficial' workplace 'rule' that would practically ensure that if a worker joined a trade union he or she would be sacked.
The workers, who were fully supported by James Larkin, a revolutionary socialist who despised capitalism and supported the underprivileged, wanted better working conditions and the right to join a trade union without being penalised or sacked for doing so. The tram workers were not then unionised (either were Dublin Corporation employees, building workers or the staff that worked in Guinness' Brewery) but they had admired and supported Larkin and the then four-years-young, ten-thousand-membered ITGWU in the manner in which they had been fighting for improved conditions for the so-called 'unskilled workers' in Dublin, who were, mostly, members of the ITGWU : the workers and their trade union representatives were strongly agitating for a shorter working day (to work 8 hours a day rather than 12 or more hours a day), for better provision (if not actual jobs) for the many unemployed in the city, guaranteed pensions for workers who survived into their 60th year and a 'Labour Court', of sorts, where disagreements could be aired and settled in a neutral atmosphere.
It should be remembered that the Catholic Church as an institution decided not to organise 'soup kitchens' etc or offer assistance of any kind which might be of benefit to children during the lockout, as those poor kids were the sons and daughters of the striking workers and that particular church supported the employers and branded Jim Larkin (pictured) as a 'political troublemaker'. Also worth remembering is the fact that anti-republican Arthur Guinness refused to close his premises or follow other such advice/demands from William Martin Murphy and, while he didn't actually join with Murphy and other employers in directly opposing the strikers, he organised for what was a large sum of money in those days - £500 - to be donated to a 'fighting fund' set-up by Murphy and other employers - '...(the Guinness company) had a policy against sympathetic strikes, and expected its workers – whose conditions were far better than the norm in Ireland – not to strike in sympathy ; six who did were dismissed. 400 of its staff were already ITGWU members, so it had a working relationship with the union. Larkin appealed to have the six reinstated, but without success..' (from here.)
The lockout ended after 146 days as the workers and their families were literally penniless and starving, even though their conditions, wages, hours worked, health and safety issues etc remained unchanged, and they were 'obliged' to sign a pledge that they would not join a trade union. However, if any good came out of it, it was that the strikers had at least laid claim to the principle of joining a trade union and had seen that, properly organised, they could defend themselves from attacks by the military and political establishment.
One of the better known connections between Irish republicanism and that period in our history was that Thomas Patrick Ashe (pictured), who was a member of the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood' (IRB) and who had established IRB circles in Dublin and Kerry and eventually became President of the IRB Supreme Council in 1917, espoused the Labour policies of James Larkin.
Writing in a letter to his brother Gregory he said "We are all here on Larkin's side. He'll beat hell out of the snobbish, mean, seoinín employers yet, and more power to him" . Ashe supported the unionisation of north Dublin farm labourers and his activities brought him into conflict with landowners such as Thomas Kettle in 1912. During the lockout, Thomas Ashe was a frequent visitor to Liberty Hall and become a friend of James Connolly. Long prior to its publication in 1916, Thomas Ashe was a practitioner of Connolly’s dictum that "the cause of labour is the cause of Ireland, the cause of Ireland is the cause of labour". Like Jim Larkin and James Connolly, Thomas Patrick Ashe was a supporter and organiser of 'the men (and women) of no property'.
'EDUCATION...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.
It isn't either that we should preach political bias, but that our training in ideals, principles and native things should be so clear as to make the aims of our Movement also abundantly clear and attractive in reason.
As Sinn Féin caters for every aspect of national life, so our school will have to cater for every aspect of human character - spiritual, intellectual and physical. It does not matter how small the start is as it, itself, will provide its own momentum. Our education must be an education in wisdom for the purpose of leading a full life in harmony with God and nature, realising that we, individually, are created a necessary part of the great universal rhythm.
Our first aim should be to find the best methods by which this may be quickly and effectively achieved. We, one and all, must strive to remove the imprisonment of the spirit and shake off this inertia by action, particularly through fostering creative work, intellectually and manually. We give below a general statement of the principles which should motivate our teaching system, and also an indication of some of the methods and subjects which we consider necessary for the successful achievement of our aims... (MORE LATER.)
UPDATED DETAILS FOR THE 2020 BUNDORAN HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION.
On Saturday 29th August 2020, the Bundoran/Ballyshannon H-Block Committee will be holding a rally in Bundoran, Donegal, to commemorate the 39th Anniversary of the 1981 Hunger Strike and in memory of the 22 Irish Republicans that have died on hunger strike between 1917 and 1981 ; please note that the location in Bundoran for this event has changed - it will now take place in the Republican Garden in that town. Wreaths will be laid for the Hunger Strikers and a new plaque will be unveiled in the Republican Garden.
The 2019 Bundoran Commemoration can be viewed here. Hope to see you all there on the 29th August this year!
'WHY ARE WE TURNING A BLIND EYE TO PSYCHIATRIC PATIENTS WHO HAVE A PROPENSITY FOR VIOLENCE?'
By Mairead Carey. From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Gerry Connell is spending the first days of his jail term behind the walls of Limerick Prison. The 54-year-old County Limerick man killed his son, Barry, at their home in the summer of 1999.
The incident was only one of a number of violent encounters over the past 14 years, a period which the family have described as being "absolute hell". The reason, they say, is that 25-year-old Barry suffered from acute manic psychosis and, as a result, he violently terrorised his own family. A jury in the Central Criminal Court found his father guilty of manslaughter - three years of his four-year sentence will be suspended.
A month before the shooting, Barry's father had signed him into a psychiatric unit, but he was back home within days. Sentencing Gerry Connell, Mr. Justice McKechnie said this was "an absolute tragedy for the Connell family" and he had "nothing but sympathy for those involved who were left to deal with it. There must be some other way to respond to a situation, even one as grim as the Connell family lived with and that Gerry Connell faced on this fateful evening.."
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (26TH AUGUST) 51 YEARS AGO : B-SPECIALS RESIGNATIONS ANNOUNCED (OVER MONEY).
'On August 26, 1969 (51 years ago on this date), it emerged that a platoon of 21 B-Specials, at Dunmore, in Down, resigned...they arrived at their Ballynahinch headquarters during the weekend and handed over their arms and uniforms. No reason was given for the resignations..." (from here.)
The B-Specials were a part-time but fully-armed pro-British paramilitary outfit, that were sent out on patrol duty, with or without the British Army or RIC. Fifteen-thousand of them were unleashed on the public in February 1921 and those of them that were not ex-UVF men were said to have been unsuitable even for membership of that loyalist gun-gang!
Our history has shown how deranged that gun-gang were and how thrilled its members must have felt to be wearing an 'official' British military uniform, with a full weapons kit at their disposal, and plenty of 'taigs' to practice on, but it seems that money was their second motivation (their first being religious hatred) -
'A signed petition to have the 'B' Specials disarmed was taken up at all Mass in Newtownbutler and Lisnaskeagh on Sunday, 24/8/1969. On Monday night, 25th/26th August, 1969, about 500 troops moved into Omagh. There were about 500 troops already there. There is one Company of British 'Green Jacket' troops in Enniskillen, Co. Fermanagh. There are about 250 troops in all in Enniskillen. There is one Company of Green Jackett troops in Omagh and another one in Ballykelly. There is some ill feeling amongst the 'Green Jacket' troops in Enniskillen. Their pay is a fortnight overdue and this is the reason for the bad feelings...' (from here.)
They were 'loyal' to their religious bigotry and the Half-Crown.
'HE OBJECTS'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
'Letter To the Editor, The Irish Press newspaper, 18th October 1954, from John Lucy, Lieut. Col. OBE, The Royal Ulster Rifles, Roynane's Court, Rochestown, Cork'. "Sir ; As an Irishman who fought in both great wars I take the strongest objection to the posting of Irish nationals to any British military station in this country. During the rebellion such men were moved to England. It is iniquitous that young lads from the Twenty-Six Counties whose first loyalty is to their own nation should be held in any degree as part of the British garrison of the Six Counties where they are liable to suffer at the hands of their blood brothers.
If the English Government wish to continue to support the partition of Ireland they should use English soldiery to further their strange political ambitions here. For no government outside Ireland has the slightest right to colour the definition of prior loyalty for any of our countrymen by word or deed or implication, as England does by posting our young men to North of the border.
It is a deadly sin to create a situation which gives occasion to the crime of fratricide. As I am particularly interested in the welfare of Irish soldiers in the British services I am sending a copy of this letter to the Under-Secretary of State, the War Office, who is responsible for postings.
Yours faithfully,
John Lucy,
Lieut. Col. OBE,
The Royal Ulster Rifles,
Roynane's Court,
Rochestown,
October 18, 1954. (MORE LATER ['The Irish Press' newspaper replies]...)
Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team. But, before we sign off, we need to bring to an end our Staycation Saga Story (!)...
Longest staycation EVER!!
We eventually collected our misplaced suitcase and our 'lost' family member, all in one fell swoop! Dunno what all the fuss was about - no need, really, for the cops, the custom people, the bailiffs, helicopters, the SWAT team etc to be rushin' around the gaff as they were ; sure it was all just a simple 'misunderstanding', to be sure.
After hours and hours of questioning, tea, 'soup' (!), toilet and smoke breaks, we had convinced the cops that there 'was nothing to see here' but the custom lads and lassies, the helicopter pilot and yer man that served us our 'soup' still, apparently, had their doubts. The bailiffs had started a fight with the SWAT fellas and were chasing each other around one of the runways when a phone call came through from the New York JFK Security Department, which had been contacted by one of the SWAT guys, before he was rushed to hospital.
The JFK/CIA/FBI/Homeland Security chaps, sobbing and shouting for some reason, pleaded with the Irish guys not to make a big issue of this thing, as to do so would make us reluctant to take any more staycations and would encourage us to go back to wreck havoc on New York for a holiday..!
Anyways ; they held us for another hour or so, keeping their distance, not quite sure what to say or do to us, when all of a sudden a big brown envelope with USA stamps on it was thrown into the room where we all were and the pilot, the soup man and the rest of them took it over to a corner, opened it, whispered to themselves, gave us back our belongings and opened a side door, telling us they were going for a cúpan tae and pleaded with us not to be there when they got back. And we weren't, which is why we're back here now!
So there ya have it ; more-or-less the usual type of holiday for us, whether home or abroad. And we're grounded for now, according to the suits from the Parole Board, so we'll see yis next week. Hopefully...!
