ON THIS DATE (7TH FEBRUARY) 84 YEARS AGO - WESTMINSTER EXECUTES TWO IRA VOLUNTEERS.
James McCormack (aka 'James Richards') was born in Mullingar in County Westmeath in 1910, and he joined a unit of the IRA in Tullamore, County Offaly, the same county where his comrade, Peter Barnes, was born - in the town of Banagher, in 1907.
'I have the honour to inform you that the Government of the Irish Republic [32 counties], having as its first duty towards its people the establishment and maintenance of peace and order here, demand the withdrawal of all British armed forces stationed in Ireland. The occupation of our territory by troops of another nation and the persistent subvention here of activities directly against the expressed national will and in the interests of a foreign power, prevent the expansion and development of our institution in consonance with our social needs and purposes, and must cease.
The Government of the Irish Republic believe that a period of four days is sufficient notice for your Government to signify its intentions in the matter of the military evacuation and for the issue of your Declaration of Abdication in respect of our country. Our Government reserves the right of appropriate action without further notice if upon the expiration of this period of grace, these conditions remain unfulfilled...' - IRA ultimatum to the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax, 12th January, 1939.
Thirteen days later - on Friday, the 25th August (a few days before Hitler's German army invaded Poland) - an IRA man from Cork, Joby O'Sullivan, was strolling through Broadgate, in Coventry, wheeling a push bike, on his way to a police station. The bike repeatedly got stuck in tram tracks on the road and, frustrated, he removed it from the road and propped it up against a wall.
The bike had an armed bomb in the basket that was fixed to the handlebars, which had been wired up to an alarm clock timer, which was set for about 2.30pm. He left it there, and walked away. The five-pound bomb exploded prematurely, killing five people and injuring dozens more - it was one of about 150 IRA bombing incidents in England at that time, targeting infrastructure such as electricity stations, post offices, gas stations and government buildings.
Not long after the explosion, Peter Barnes (who was in London on the day of the explosion) was arrested at the lodgings he was staying in and, three days after that, James McCormack (aka 'James Richards') was pulled-in along with the other tenants of the house he was staying in. The 'trial' began in December (1939) and both men were convicted and sentenced to death by hanging. Throughout the court case, James McCormack remained silent until he told the court - "As a soldier of the Irish Republican Army, I am not afraid to die, for I am dying in a just cause."
Peter Barnes stated to the court - "I would like to say as I am going before my God, as I am condemned to death, I am innocent, and later I am sure it will all come out that I had neither hand, act or part in it. That is all I have to say." In his last letter (to his brother) he wrote - 'If some news does not come in the next few hours all is over. The priest is not long gone out, so I am reconciled to what God knows best. There will be a Mass said for us in the morning before we go to our death. Thank God I have nothing to be afraid of. I am an innocent man and, as I have said before, it will be known yet that I am.'
In the last letter he ever wrote, James McCormack said - "This is my farewell letter, as I have been just told I have to die in the morning. As I know I am dying for a just cause, I shall walk out tomorrow smiling, as I shall be thinking of God and of the good men who went before me for the same cause." (That letter was addressed to his sister, as both of his parents were dead.)
In Winson Green Prison, Birmingham, at 8.50am on Wednesday, 7th February 1940 - 84 years ago on this date - the two men received a final blessing. Minutes later they walked together to the scaffold and were hanged by four executioners.(...short video here, in relation to those two men, and a few paragraphs re Jimmy Steele...)
One of the few Irish republicans to be charged by Westminster with "treason felony" (an archaic charge originally devised for John Mitchel, the Young Ireland leader, in 1848) Jimmy Steele, who was born in Belfast on the 8th August, 1907, lived his life as a soldier, writer and poet, and devoted his 63 years in this world to the Republican Movement and the cause of Irish freedom.
At the age of 12, he joined Na Fianna Éireann and was active with his young comrades in assisting the Volunteers in his own area, the New Lodge Road, during the Tan War. Following the Treaty of Surrender in December 1921, and the split in the Movement, Steele remained true to his republican principles and, in the early 1920's, he joined the IRA.
Arrested twice - in 1923 and 1924 - he was held for several months in Crumlin Road Jail. Following his release later that year and the freeing of the internees in 1925, he assisted with the re-organising of the IRA and NFÉ in Belfast. On the 25th April 1936, while attending an IRA court-martial in connection with the abortive Campbell College raid in December 1935, at the rooms of the Craobh Rua Club at Crown Entry in Belfast, Steele and most of the Belfast Battalion Staff were 'arrested' by British forces.
On the 29th May 1936, he was charged with 'treason felony' and, along with twelve others, was found guilty and sentenced to five years penal servitude in Crumlin Road Jail.
Released in May 1940, he reported back to the Army leadership and continued on as before.
While 'on the run', he married Anna Crawford, a member of Cumann na mBan who came from a staunch republican family ; unfortunately, married life in freedom was to be short-lived - the following December he was re-arrested and sentenced to ten years in jail. In January 1943, along with Patrick Donnelly, Ned Maguire and Hugh McAteer, Steele escaped from Crumlin Road Jail.
Despite a reward of £3000 being offered by the Stormont administration for his capture and his photograph being displayed throughout the Six Counties, he reported back for active service and was appointed Adjutant of the Northern Command Staff IRA.
He figured in two major operations during his brief period of freedom : in March 1943, along with Liam Burke and Harry White, he organised and assisted in the escape of 22 IRA Volunteers from Derry Jail and, in April 1943, he participated in the Broadway Cinema operation on the Falls Road when armed Volunteers took over the cinema and stopped the film while Steele and McAteer went on stage and read a statement from the IRA Army Council.
The two men finished off the nights entertainment for the packed cinema by reading the 1916 Proclamation!
By May 1943, Steele was back in jail, this time sentenced to twelve years. When he was released in September 1950, he was the last republican prisoner of that era to be freed, leaving Crumlin Road Jail empty of political prisoners for the first time since partition. During the following years, Steele edited two Belfast newspapers - 'Glor Uladh' and ' Resurgent Ulster', and was the main author of two books published by the National Graves Association - 'Antrim's Patriot Dead' and 'Belfast Patriot Graves'.
On the 21st December 1957, following the beginning of the IRA's Border Campaign, internment was once more introduced in the Six Counties and Steele was among the 167 republicans interned in Crumlin Road Jail - he was released three years later and reported back to the IRA.
He was an outspoken opponent of the policies being pursued by the leadership of the Republican Movement and, in an oration at the re-interment of the remains of Peter Barnes and James McCormick at Mullingar, County Westmeath, in July 1969, he severely criticised the leadership and in particular the running-down of the IRA.
Within six months (January 1970) the inevitable split in the Republican Movement occurred and, following 'the parting of the ways' Jimmy Steele, a member of the IRA's Belfast Brigade Staff and the Provisional Army Executive (a position he held until his death) was active in Belfast re-organising and re-arming IRA units to defend nationalist areas from attack by Orange mobs backed-up by the B-Specials and RUC.
A founder member of ' Republican News' in June 1970, the four-page weekly paper under the editorship of Steele soon had a circulation of 15,000 copies per week. Jimmy Steele was Editor of that 'paper when he died on the 9th August, 1970, at 63 years of age : more than twenty of those 63 years were spent in jail.
Steele by name, and Steele by nature - hard to break.
On the 7th February, 1919, the British war ship HMS Hyderabad (pictured), a 'Q' ship, specially designed with a shallow draught that would allow a torpedo to pass underneath it, was on a'goodwill visit' to Dublin.
A ship worker (a 'stoker'), 'Royal' Navy Reserve man Arthur William Young, from Yorkshire, fell overboard from the vessel at Alexandra Basin in Dublin Port, and drowned.
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'SINN FÉIN NOTES...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
CORK...
CUMANN BRIAN DIOLUN.
The activities of the Brian Dillon Cumann, Cork, augur well for the future of the organisation in the St Patrick's Parish area of the city.
In order to form a common basis on which discussions could be held, it was decided that all members of the Cumann should read certain passages from books by Padraic Pearse and other notable writers, and then hold a general discussion.
This is to be recommended strongly as the Cumann can derive immense benefit from such discussions.
TIPPERARY.
The Nenagh Cumann held a special general meeting on Tuesday, 8th February. Arrangements were made to intensify the drive to spread the organisation into adjoining areas.
Paddy McLogan presided at the meeting which was very enthusiastic, and the out-going Officer Board was re-elected for a further 12 months.
GLASGOW.
The Connolly Sinn Féin Cumann, Glasgow, has its headquarters at 150 Gorbals Street, and its membership is showing a steady increase...
(MORE LATER.)
On the 7th February, 1920, a house in Cloncurry, County Kildare, was surrounded by a patrol from the British 'police force' in Ireland, the RIC, who were supported by their comrades in the British Army.
The house belonged to, and was lived in, by a widow woman, a Mrs Ennis, who was told by the invaders that they were searching for 'a fugitive (political) offender..'
The poor woman heard later that two other small houses nearby (belonging to a Mr John Feeney and a Mr Tom Harris) were also intruded on that night, and a local graveyard was 'searched' (desecrated) by the same gang of marauders.
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On the 7th February, 1920, a group of RIC members were huddled around the open fire in their barracks in Moyne, County Tipperary, making preparations to go out and terrorise the locals.
Some of them would have been checking their boots and their batons, while others were checking and cleaning their guns, getting ready for the 'sport' when, suddenly, a shot rang out.
The RIC members ducked, dived and ran for cover, the 'Night Guard' didn't know which way to jump, and the sleeping RIC members woke with the noise and stumbled out to the day room to see what was happening. Except for a 'Constable' Edward Mulholland (32), a 15-year 'veteran' and "a powerfully built Sligo man", who "reeled and collapsed" near the fire - he had been shot in the back.
It transpired that one of RIC member Mulholland's colleagues had been cleaning his revolver when it went off, killing RIC man Mulholland, and ending that 15-year terror spree.
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ON THIS DATE (7TH FEBRUARY) 177 YEARS AGO : 'THE LIBERATOR' FINALISES HIS PLEA TO WESTMINSTER - 'ONE IN FOUR WILL DIE UNLESS YOU HELP...'
On the 7th February 1847, the then 72-year-old 'Liberator', Daniel O'Connell (pictured) put the final touches to his last speech in the British 'House of Commons' : his words were in connection with the so-called 'Irish famine' (attempted genocide) and, in it, he stated - "Ireland is in your hands and in your power. If you do not save her, she cannot save herself. And I solemnly call on you to bear in mind what I am telling you now in advance, something of which I am absolutely certain, that one out of every four of her people will soon die unless you come to her aid..."
The use of the term 'famine', in this instance, is a misnomer if ever there was one - 'In the early summer of 1845, on the 11th September of that year, a disease referred to as blight was noted to have attacked the crop in some areas. In that year, one third of the entire crop was destroyed. In 1846, the crop was a total failure. This report came from a Galway priest - "As to the potatoes, they are gone – clean gone. If travelling by night, you would know when a potato field was near by the smell. The fields present a space of withered black stalks..." Though 1847 was free from blight, few seed potatoes had been planted...yet the country was producing plenty of food. As the Irish politician, Charles Duffy wrote: "Ships continue to leave the country, loaded with grain and meat." As food was scarce people would eat anything such as nettles, berries, roots, wildlife, animals, dogs and cats in order to survive...' (from here.)
O'Connell was to plead with Westminster to save the people of Ireland who were being decimated by sickness and disease, caused by a lack of nourishment, and request that, instead of building roads and other such infrastructure, the money available for same should be used to encourage the Irish to cultivate the soil to plant oats and barley etc and, eventually, a 'compromise' (of sorts) was arrived at - cheap Indian corn was brought into Ireland, for the people, sometimes on the same ships that, when unloaded, would then be loaded again with Irish-produced oats and barley - 'cash crops', according to the landlords, for export, not for home consumption!
The imported 'corn' was considered by the Irish to be a type of animal feed, the grain of which was so tough as to cause great pain and, even at that, the amount of it imported was inadequate for the number of people in need.
Daniel O'Connell died, age 72, in Genoa, Italy, 13 weeks after his February 1847 speech and, as he requested, his heart was buried in Rome and the remainder of his body was buried in Glasnevin, Dublin.
Father Ventura of the Theatine Order delivered the oration, during which he stated -
"My body to Ireland – my heart to Rome – my soul to heaven : what bequests, what legacies, are these! What can be imagined at the same time more sublime and more pious than such a testament as this! Ireland is his country – Rome is the church – heaven is God. God, the Church and his country – or, in other words, the glory of God, the liberty of the Church, the happiness of his country are the great ends of all his actions – such the noble objects, the only objects of his charity! He loves his country and therefore he leaves to it his body; he loves still more the Church and hence he bequeaths to it his heart ; and still more he loves God, and therefore confides to Him his soul! Let us profit then, of this great lesson afforded by a man so great – a man who has done such good service to the Church, to his country, and to humanity..."
It was on this date - 7th February - 177 years ago that Daniel O'Connell finalised his last speech to the British 'House of Commons', which he delivered the next day.
In the 1920's in Ireland, the IRA hindered enemy movement by felling trees, destroying bridges and digging trenches across roads.
On the 7th February, 1921, local men were filling-in one such road trench either because it didn't suit them to have the road trenched or because they didn't want the British forces inconvenienced.
The IRA happened upon the scene, in Cooraclare, County Clare, and fired a few shots in the general direction of the civilian 'road workers' to scare them off but one of them, a Mr Patrick Falsey (24) was hit, and died that same evening.
Poor compensation for Mr Falsey's family, I know but, after some public pressure, his father received £700 in compensation from the British 'authorities'.
==========================
On the 7th February, 1921, three wanted IRA men were captured by the RIC in Kilfennora, in County Clare.
The three Volunteers - John Joe Neylon (IRA Captain, Ennistymon Company, 4th Battalion, Mid-Clare Brigade), Tom McDonagh and Joe Murphy - were 'roughly handled' for a few days, before they were given over to the British Army.
They were tortured by, and under the orders of, a British Army Sergeant, a David Finlay, but all three Volunteers survived the ordeal and lived to fight another day.
Sergeant David Finlay, however, who stood his ground (!) in County Clare, was shot dead in Ennis, County Clare, on the 13th January 1922.
But he wasn't tortured beforehand, except mentally and morally, perhaps...
==========================
Elizabeth 'Letty' Bray, a deaf woman, was out and about in the Castle Street area (pictured) of Belfast on Monday, 7th February, 1921, when she was badly wounded by a British soldier, and died from her wound in the Mater Hospital 12 days later.
The British Army Sergeant who was present on the day stated that the woman had ignored an order to stop (the poor woman was deaf) and, anyway, the soldier had fired his weapon at her when he wasn't ordered to do so!
An RIC member who was also present on the day declared that the soldier could easily have simply "caught the girl if he wanted to".
Saved himself the walk, I suppose...
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IRA Captain/Section Commander Patrick O'Driscoll was accidently killed by one of his comrades near Skibbereen, County Cork, on the 7th February 1921.
IRA Commander Tom Barry witnessed the tragedy, telling how, when an IRA sentry was going off duty, Commander Barry asked him to state what his duties were, for the benefit of Captain O'Driscoll -
"About halfway through his recital a shot rang out and Pat O'Driscoll swayed towards me. Catching him, I lowered him gently, but he was dead before I placed him on the ground.
I turned to the man who had shot him. His face was a mask of consternation, and he dropped the Webley revolver. I spoke to him, but he could not answer, and then, with a moan, he too collapsed, for the man he had accidentally shot was his best friend..."
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On the 7th February 1921, an RIC member from Ardnaree, in County Mayo, James Nixon (34) ('Service Number 64718') was in a Crossley Tender truck in the Mount Talbot area of County Roscommon with his colleagues when one of them, who was sitting behind 'Constable' Nixon, discharged his carbine rifle.
The round hit RIC man Nixon in the hip and he died from the wound on the 2nd March 1921.
==========================
On the 7th February, 1921, the IRA ambushed an 'Ulster Special Constabulary' patrol in Warrenpoint, County Down : a USC officer was killed and two other members wounded by gunfire and grenades.
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On the 7th February, 1921, a group of young boys were playing a game of hurling in Knocknagree, in County Cork, and a small crowd of people had assembled to watch the game.
The match was interrupted by the arrival of three British Army lorries (from the 6th Division of the British Army) which approached the village from the Gneeveguilla direction.
Suddenly, for no reason, two long bursts of gunfire were directed from one of the lorries at the hurlers and the small crowd, who scattered in all directions. Soldiers jumped from the vehicles and ran on to the pitch, firing as they went.
When the firing stopped, three boys had been shot ; Michael John Kelleher (14) lay dead, and two of the Herlihy brothers, Michael (13) and Dónal (12) had been badly wounded.
In what they termed an 'Official Report' into the shootings, the British Army claimed that they were "returning fire" but all local accounts vehemently denied this, and in the 'Official Record' of the British Army's 6th Division, no ambush is recorded for the day...
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ON THIS DATE (7TH FEBRUARY) 38 YEARS AGO : ONE EPISODE IN THE 'SECRET' HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH...
'A Jury in Abbeville, Louisiana, in the United States, yesterday (ie Friday, 7th February 1986) awarded one million dollars in damages to an eleven-year old boy, who was molested by a priest, Father Gilbert Gauthe (pictured) now in jail for sexually abusing three dozen alter boys.
The boy's parents, Glenn and Faye Gastal, refused 'out of court' settlements and sought twelve million dollars in their lawsuit against the Catholic Church because, they said, it harboured the priest even after learning that he was a child molester. The predominantly Catholic jury also awarded the boy's parents 250,000 dollars. The abuse started when the boy was seven years of age. Father Gilbert Gauthe was sentenced to twenty years in prison last October (ie October 1985) after admitting he molested the children at Saint John Parish Church in the community of Esther. The Lafayette Diocese has settled lawsuits with thirteen families against Father Gilbert Gauthe for a reported five-and-a-half million dollars, with not one of those thirteen cases going to trial...' (from 'The Evening Press' newspaper, 8th February 1986 ; thirty-eight years ago on this date.)
These are the same self-righteous hypocrites that, at the drop of a Bishop's hat, will - and have - condemned Irish men and women for challenging, and seeking to change, the political and social system in Ireland.
A corrupt system which nurtures a corrupt Church.
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
If dissenting voices were stifled by an authoritarian Church in the past, it is the liberal opinion formers and media acolytes who enforce censorship today.
This would not be so worrying if it did not preclude open debate of the multitude of problems that assail modern Ireland.
Ireland has come through a period of very rapid social change in the past 30 years ; as a nation we remain materially contented but socially and emotionally vulnerable - the religious revival may spring from this realisation.
Meanwhile, parents are in a state of disquiet and ambivalence, and community life as we traditionally know it may be slowly crumbling. Far from being a place for open discussion, modern Ireland is very harsh on those who point out its flaws.
However, the recent downturn in our suicide rate, always a good barometer of our social health, may be a portent that the tide of disintegration has been stemmed.
Let us truly hope so.
(END of 'Ireland On The Couch' : NEXT - 'So, Farewell Then, Celtic Tiger', from 'Magill' Annual, 2002.)
The 'Royal' Dublin Fusiliers (pictured) was an infantry regiment of the British Army which was formed on the 1st July, 1881.
It was one of eight Irish regiments raised largely in Ireland, and served the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Wicklow and Carlow, and recruited in the east of Ireland mostly.
The last detachment of this regiment left Naas Barracks on the 7th February, 1922, on their way to Bordon, in Hampshire, England, where they amalgamated
with their the 1st Battalion, before being disbanded in June 1922, as were five other 'RDF' regiments. The 'RDF', despite its 'Dublin' title, were apparently about as fair to the Irish in Ireland as their British Army comrades were...
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On the 7th February, 1922, a pre-arranged evacuation of Kilkenny Military Barracks took place between the British and the Free State Army.
Since 1803, the barracks had housed over sixty Infantry Regiments of the British Army and also operated as the 'Brigade Headquarters of Artillery' from 1908, and 'The King’s Overseas Dominions Regiment' (!) [a cavalry detachment] also sheltered there.
On that date, the Free State Army, having exchanged pleasantries with their colleagues in the British Army, moved in to the premises and used it as the British had used it - to quell the republican struggle. More information here.
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"Do my darling use your influence now for some sort of moderation or at any rate justice in Ireland. Put yourself in the place of the Irish. If you were ever leader you would not be cowed by severity and certainly not by reprisals which fall like the rain from Heaven upon the Just and upon the Unjust. It always makes me unhappy and disappointed when I see you inclined to take for granted that the rough, iron-fisted 'Hunnish' way will prevail..."
The Monaghan Footballers 'Arrest' of 1922 included an action which took place when..."Eoin O’Duffy sent IRA units across the border on Feb 7 (1922). They met more resistance than expected but still seized 43 Unionists and brought them back across the border as hostages to stop the three executions in Derry...'
Three IRA Volunteers - Pat Leonard, Thomas O'Shea and Patrick Johnstone - were due to be hung by the British in Derry Jail but had their sentences commuted to 15 penal years servitude and were eventually released in August 1925.
This story can be read here in some detail.
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BEIR BUA...
The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
'WHY WE WANT RECRUITS'.
(Padraic H. Pearse, May 1915.)
"The faith is that Ireland is one, that Ireland is inviolate, that Ireland is worthy of all love and all homage and all service that may lawfully be paid to any earthly thing ; and the hope is that Ireland may be free.
In a human sense, we have no desire, no ambition but the integrity, the honour, and the freedom of our native land.
We want recruits because we are sure of the rightness of our cause. We have no misgivings, no self-questionings. While others have been doubting, timorous, ill at ease, we have been serenely at peace with our consciences. The recent time of soul searching had no terrors for us. We saw our path with absolute clearness ; we took it with absolute deliberateness.
We could do no other. We called upon the names of the great confessors of our national faith, and all was well with us. Whatever soul-searchings there may be among Irish political parties now or hereafter, we go on in the calm certitude of having done the clear, clean, sheer thing. We have the strength and the peace of mind of those who never compromise. We want recruits because we believe that events are about to place the destinies of Ireland definitely in our hands, and because we want as much help as possible to enable us to bear the burden.
The political leadership of Ireland is passing to us not, perhaps, to us as individuals, for none of us are ambitious for leadership and few of us fit for leadership ; but to our party, to men (sic) of our way of thinking : that is, to the party and to the men (sic) that stand by Ireland only, to the party and to the men (sic) that stand by the nation, to the party and to the men (sic) of one allegiance..."
(MORE LATER.)
The 'Ulster Protestant Association' (UPA) evolved (!), in July 1920, out of the 'Belfast Protestant Association', an organisation which was established for the expulsion of Catholics and "rotten Prods", as they put it, from 'their' areas in Belfast.
On the 7th February, 1923, the 'Northern Ireland (sic) Minister of Home Affairs', a 'Sir' Richard Dawson Bates, received a report on the activities of the 'UPA'.
An RUC member, an 'officer' - District Inspector R.R. Spears - told 'Sir' Bates that, over the period since it came to official attention in the autumn of 1920, it ran four 'branches' (in Ballymaccarrett, York Street, Shankill and the Ormeau Road) and that "..the whole aim and object of the club (!) is simply the extermination of Catholics by any and every means.."
Mr Spears estimated that the 'UPA' had killed at least six Catholics between June and October 1922.
Author Alan F. Parkinson wrote that "...loyalists of one hue or another were probably responsible for well over half of the terror-related fatalities in the North. The response of the (Stormont) authorities (sic) to the threat of loyalist terror seemed to many to be half-heated and belated in nature and only got going once the IRA's campaign had petered out.."
Collusion was, and is, no illusion.
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¡VOLVEMOS EN MARZO!
The five of us had such a brilliant time in Spain that we've booked it again, for next month (March 2024)!
We usually save like mad for our New York holiday each year and, between that few bob and a bit of luck we had on 'the Markets' (...set-up and managed for us by a family member, a part-time trader who knows his beans from his onions!) we have the cash and we booked our flights and our accommodation.
We can't all get a month or six weeks off from home and outdoor work commitments at the same time to travel to New York (not worth our while going for a week or two) but we can all get the time for a few weeks in Spain again, so that's what we've done!
It hasn't got the same buzz as NYC, but it's a break in guaranteed sunshine with guaranteed great company, sight-seeing, shopping, food etc, so the plan has been made and paid for, but it's not for a few weeks yet. For those that might have missed it, I put up a few posts on 'X' and 'Facebook' about our recent sojourn in that wonderful country, and I'll be doing the same again in March.
And now for some even better news - we'll be here again (on the blog, silly, not Spain...) next Wednesday, 14th February 2024!
Thanks for the visit, and for reading.
Sharon and the team.
Showing posts with label Brian Dillon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brian Dillon. Show all posts
Wednesday, February 07, 2024
CHECKING BOOTS AND BATONS WHEN A SHOT RANG OUT...
Labels:
Anna Crawford,
Brian Dillon,
Glor Uladh,
Harry White,
Hugh McAteer,
James Richards,
Jimmy Steele,
Liam Burke,
Ned Maguire,
Patrick Donnelly,
Peter Barnes,
Resurgent Ulster
Wednesday, March 02, 2022
"WE DENY THE 'RIGHT' AND WE OPPOSE THE WILL OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT..."
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 108 YEARS AGO : PEARSE IN NEW YORK DELIVERS EMMET COMMEMORATION SPEECH.
On the 2nd March 1914 - 108 years ago on this date - Patrick Henry Pearse, 37 years of age, delivered the following address to a packed venue, the 'Academy of Music' in Brooklyn, New York. Robert Emmet was born in Dublin on the 4th March, 1778 :
"We who speak here tonight are the voice of one of the ancient indestructible things of the world. We are the voice of an idea which is older than any empire and will outlast every empire. We and ours, the inheritors of that idea, have been at age-long war with one of the most powerful empires that have ever been built up upon the earth; and that empire will pass before we pass. We are older than England and we are stronger than England.
In every generation we have renewed the struggle, and so it shall be unto the end. When England thinks she has trampled out our battle in blood, some brave man rises and rallies us again; when England thinks she has purchased us with a bribe, some good man redeems us by a sacrifice. Wherever England goes on her mission of empire we meet her and we strike at her: yesterday it was on the South African veldt, today it is in the Senate House at Washington, tomorrow it may be in the streets of Dublin. We pursue her like a sleuth-hound; we lie in wait for her and come upon her like a thief in the night: and some day we will overwhelm her with the wrath of God.
It is not that we are apostles of hate. Who like us has carried Christ's word of charity about the earth? But the Christ that said, "My peace I leave you, My peace I give you," is the same Christ that said "I bring not peace, but a sword." There can be no peace between the right and wrong, between the truth and falsehood, between justice and oppression, between freedom and tyranny. Between them it is eternal war until the wrong is righted, until the true thing is established, until justice is accomplished, until freedom is won.
So when England talks of peace we know our answer: 'Peace with you? Peace while your one hand is at our throat and your other hand is in our pocket? Peace with a footpad? Peace with a pickpocket? Peace with the leech that is sucking our body dry of blood? Peace with the many-armed monster whose tentacles envelop us while its system emits an inky fluid that shrouds its work of murder from the eyes of men? The time has not yet come to talk of peace.'
But England, we are told, offers us terms. She holds out to us the hand of friendship. She gives us a Parliament with an Executive responsible to it. Within two years the Home Rule Senate meets in College Green and King George comes to Dublin to declare its sessions open. In anticipation of that happy event our leaders have proffered England our loyalty. Mr. Redmond accepts Home Rule as a "final settlement between the two nations"; Mr. O'Brien in the fullness of his heart cries "God Save the King"; Colonel Lynch offers England his sword in case she is attacked by a foreign power.
And so this settlement is to be a final settlement. Would Wolfe Tone have accepted it as a final settlement? Would Robert Emmet have accepted it as a final settlement? Either we are heirs to their principles or we are not. If we are, we can accept no settlement as final which does not "break the connection with England, the never-failing source of all our political evils"; if we are not, how dare we go on an annual pilgrimage to Bodenstown, how dare we gather here or anywhere to commemorate the faith and sacrifice of Emmet?
Did, then, those dead heroic men live in vain? Has Ireland learned a truer philosophy than the philosophy of '98, and a nobler way of salvation than the way of 1803? Is Wolfe Tone's definition superseded, and do we discharge our duty to Emmet's memory by according him annually our pity? To do the English justice, I do not think they are satisfied that Ireland will accept Home Rule as a final settlement. I think they are a little anxious today. If their minds were tranquil on the subject of Irish loyalty they would hardly have proclaimed the importation of arms into Ireland the moment the Irish Volunteers had begun to organise themselves.
They had given the Ulster faction which is used as a catspaw by one of the English parties two years to organise and arm against that Home Rule Bill which they profess themselves so anxious to pass: to the nationalists of Ireland they did not give two weeks. Of course, we can arm in spite of them: today we are organising and training the men and we have ways and means of getting arms when the men are ready for the arms. The contention I make now, and I ask you to note it well, is that England does not trust Ireland with guns; that under Home Rule or in the absence of Home Rule England declares that we Irish must remain an unarmed people; and England is right. England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty to England are wrong.
I believe them honest* ; but they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland, the ancient stubborn thing that forbids, as if with the voice of fate, any loyalty from Ireland to England, any union between us and them, any surrender of one jot or shred of our claim to freedom even in return for all the blessings of the British peace. I have called that old faith an indestructible thing. I have said that it is more powerful than empires. If you would understand its might you must consider how it has made all the generations of Ireland heroic.
Having its root in all gentleness, in a man's love for the place where his mother bore him, for the breast that gave him suck, for the voices of children that sounded in a house now silent, for the faces that glowed around a fireside now cold, for the story told by lips that will not speak again, having its root, I say, in all gentleness, it is yet a terrible thing urging the generations to perilous bloody attempts, nerving men to give up life for the death-in-life of dungeons, teaching little boys to die with laughing lips, giving courage to young girls to bare their backs to the lashes of a soldiery.
It is easy to imagine how the spirit of Irish patriotism called to the gallant and adventurous spirit of Tone or moved the wrathful spirit of Mitchell. In them deep called unto deep : heroic effort claimed the heroic man. But consider how the call was made to a spirit of different, yet not less noble mould; and how it was answered. In Emmet it called to a dreamer and he awoke a man of action; it called to a student and a recluse and he stood forth a leader of men ; it called to one who loved the ways of peace and he became a revolutionary. I wish I could help you to realise, I wish I could myself adequately realise, the humanity, the gentle and grave humanity, of Emmet.
We are so dominated by the memory of that splendid death of his, by the memory of that young figure, serene and smiling, climbing to the gallows above that sea of silent men in Thomas Street, that we forget the life of which that death was only the necessary completion: and the life has perhaps a nearer meaning for us than the death.
For Emmet, finely gifted though he was, was just a young man with the same limitations, the same self-questionings, the same falterings, the same kindly human emotions surging up sometimes in such strength as almost to drown a heroic purpose, as many a young man we have known. And his task was just such a task as many of us have undertaken: he had to go through the same repellent routine of work, to deal with the hard, uncongenial details of correspondence and conference and committee meetings; he had the same sordid difficulties that we have, yea, even the vulgar difficulty of want of funds. And he had the same poor human material to work with, men who misunderstood, men who bungled, men who talked too much, men who failed at the last moment.
Yes, the task we take up again is just Emmet's task of silent unattractive work, the routine of correspondence and committees and organising. We must face it as bravely and as quietly as he faced it, working on in patience as he worked on, hoping as he hoped: cherishing in our secret hearts the mighty hope that to us, though so unworthy, it may be given to bring to accomplishment the thing he left unaccomplished, but working on even when that hope dies within us. I would ask you to consider now how the call I have spoken of was made to the spirit of a woman, and how, equally, it was responded to.
Wherever Emmet is commemorated let Anne Devlin not be forgotten. Bryan Devlin had a dairy farm in Butterfield Lane; his fields are still green there. Five sons of his fought in '98. Anne was his daughter, and she went to keep house for Emmet when he moved into Butterfield House. You know how she kept vigil there on the night of the rising. When all was lost and Emmet came out in his hurried retreat through Rathfarnham to the mountains, her greeting was — according to tradition, it was spoken in Irish, and Emmet must have replied in Irish — "Musha, bad welcome to you! Is Ireland lost by you, cowards that you are, to lead the people to destruction and then to leave them?" "Don’t blame me, Anne ; the fault is not mine", said Emmet. And she was sorry for the pain her words had inflicted, spoken in the pain of her own disappointment. She would have tended him like a mother could he have tarried there, but his path lay to Kilmashogue, and hers was to be a harder duty.
When Sirr came out with his soldiery she was still keeping her vigil. "Where is Emmet?" "I have nothing to tell you," she replied. To all their questions she had but one answer: "I have nothing to say ; I have nothing to tell you." They swung her up to a cart and half-hanged her several times ; after each half-hanging she was revived and questioned : still the same answer. They pricked her breast with their bayonets until the blood spurted out in their faces. They dragged her to prison and tortured her for days. Not one word did they extract from that steadfast woman.
And when Emmet was sold, he was sold, not by a woman, but by a man — by the friend that he had trusted — by the counsel that, having sold him, was to go through the ghastly mockery of defending him at the bar. The fathers and mothers of Ireland should often tell their children that story of Robert Emmet and that story of Anne Devlin. To the Irish mothers who hear me I would say that when at night you kiss your children and in your hearts call down a benediction, you could wish for your boys no higher thing than that, should the need come they may be given the strength to make Emmet's sacrifice, and for your girls no greater gift from God than such fidelity as Anne Devlin's.
It is more than a hundred years since these things were suffered ; and they were suffered in vain if nothing of the spirit of Emmet and Anne Devlin survives in the young men and young women of Ireland. Does anything of that spirit survive? I think I can speak for my own generation. I think I can speak for my contemporaries in the Gaelic League, an organisation which has not yet concerned itself with politics, but whose younger spirits are accepting the full national idea and are bringing into the national struggle the passion and the practical-ness which marked the early stages of the language movement. I think I can speak for the young men of the Volunteers.
So far, they have no programme beyond learning the trade of arms; a trade which no man of Ireland could learn for over a hundred years past unless he took the English shilling. It is a good programme; and we may almost commit the future of Ireland to the keeping of the Volunteers. I think I can speak for a younger generation still: for some of the young men that are entering the National University, for my own pupils at St. Enda's College, for the boys of the Fianna Eireann.
To the grey-haired men whom I see on this platform, John Devoy and Richard Burke, I bring, then, this message from Ireland that their seed-sowing of forty years ago has not been without its harvest, that there are young men and little boys in Ireland today who remember what they taught and who, with God's blessing, will one day take, or make, an opportunity of putting their teaching into practice."
*"... they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland.." Indeed they have, but it is questionable whether they ever had that faith in the first place, morally and physically so, rather than just verbally?
'LONDON CEREMONY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
The Wolfe Tone Cumann, Sinn Féin, London, held a commemoration in honour of Wolfe Tone on Sunday 13th June (1954), consisting of a parade from Paddington Green right through the heart of London to Trafalgar Square where a public meeting was held.
Principal speakers were Tomás O Dubhghaill, Uachtarán Sinn Féin, Eamon Thomas, Micheál MacCártaigh and Seamus MacEalla was the Chairman, while Nora Ní Rea, Secretary of the cumann, was also on the platform.
The first speaker, Eamonn Thomas, gave a brief historical survey of the life and work of Wolfe Tone and the unbroken progression from the United Irishmen through Robert Emmet and the '48 men* and the men* of 1916 down to the present day. He was followed by Tomás O Dubhghaill who said :"The slogan which Wolfe Tone gave us has echoed down the years - 'Break the Connection with England'.
That slogan summarises briefly and concisely the objective of the Republican Movement, to throw off the domination of the invader, and to build up the independence of our nation, politically, socially and economically.
Quite simply, we deny the 'right' and we oppose the will of the English Government to rule Ireland or any portion of Ireland..."
(*...and women.)
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 102 YEARS AGO : DOUBLE-AGENT EXECUTED.
John Charles Byrne (aka 'John Jameson' - pictured) : "The best Secret Service man we had..", according to Walter Long, the first British 'Lord of the Admiralty'.
John Charles Byrne was born in June 1885 at Barfett Street, Queen's Park in London and, after leaving school, he worked in the plumbing trade as a young teenager and lived with his family in a flat at Number 11 Woodfield Place, in London, before he moved to 34 Laurel Bank, May Road, Romford, in Essex. He joined the 'Essex Volunteer Artillery' unit of the British Army and, at 23 years of age, enlisted with the 'Royal Artillery Territorials'.
He operated in Salonika, in Greece, for over a year before being 'discharged' in 1918 on 'medical grounds' ; his 'discharge' could very well have been pre-arranged as he was soon working for the British Special Branch and was linked to military intelligence and was placed within the Bolshevik grouping in England, reporting his findings back to his handlers in Westminster.
He also found himself rubbing shoulders with Irish socialists in England and he and his handlers decided to use those connections to infiltrate the Republican Movement in Ireland and, in about 1920, he was relocated to Dublin, where he used his Bolshevik associations to introduce himself to Sinn Féin members and supporters, to whom he 'sympathised' with, politically, and let it be known that he was in a position to assist the struggle with cash and equipment. He had two handlers in Dublin - Alan Bell and a Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Isham.
Irish republicans were of course interested in the man and his offer, and arrangements were made for Mr Byrne/Jameson to meet with the then Irish rebel, Michael Collins ; the new 'benefactor' was blindfolded and taken to a premises near George's Street in Dublin city centre where he met Collins and other IRA members. Apparently, Collins was impressed by the man and wanted to take him up on his offer but 'Squad' members present weren't so enamoured by the man, so a few 'tests' were put in place ; Byrne/Jameson failed all of them.
The 'Bolshevik' was placed in a position where he 'discovered' an IRA arms dump which, once he had left the vicinity, was moved to a different location ; the other location was afterwards raided by the British Army. He was then 'indiscreetly' allowed to hear information concerning an up-coming meeting of the IRA leadership in Dublin - location, date, time - and the premises was put under observation by the IRA. And that (empty) premises was then raided by the British Army.
Also, he was left alone with IRA documents which stated that an ex-Lord Mayor of Dublin was secretly working for them (the man was actually very much opposed to everything that Irish republicanism stood for!) and that political figure then had his house raided and he himself was pulled-in for questioning.
Collins then decided that he should be dealt with as the spy he was, and at least five 'Squad' members - Joe O'Reilly, Joe Dolan, Paddy O'Daly, Tom Kilcoyne and Ben Barrett - were tasked with putting the operation together.
Joe O'Reilly arranged for it that he should be in the same place as the spy and, when they met, Mr Byrne/Jameson told him that he had to go to London on business and would like to meet Michael Collins again, before he left for that engagement.
The meeting was arranged for about 6pm on the afternoon of Tuesday, the 2nd March (1920) - 102 years ago on this date - and three Squad members met with him outside the hotel he was staying in, the Granville Hotel, in Dublin, at about 4.30pm. Another two Volunteers had left for the 'meeting spot' on bicycles beforehand and other Volunteers searched his hotel room after he had left, finding documents of use to their Intelligence Department.
The four men then took a tram to Glasnevin, where they disembarked, and walked towards the Model Farm area. When they arrived at the 'meeting place', the other two IRA men were already there. Paddy O'Daly told Mr Byrne/Jameson that his game was up, they knew he was a spy and that he should say his final prayers as he was about to be executed. He protested to the very last minute that he was innocent of that charge and described himself as "one of the best friends that Ireland ever had".
Presumably because they had no reason not to do so, the IRA men put their evidence to him and, finally accepting that he was done for, he stood to attention and, looking at his executioners, declared "That is right. God bless the King. I would love to die for him. We are only doing our duty and I have done mine..."
He saluted his captors and was then shot twice at close range, in the heart and the head, and the Volunteers left the scene and travelled on the mail boat back to their base.
A farm worker discovered the body at around 5.45pm and his remains were taken to the Mater Hospital in Dublin city centre. His wife, Daisy, was brought to Dublin to identify the body and was said to be so shocked that she became permanently deaf. Until that point, she had been adamant that he worked as a commercial traveller for a well known London firm of music publishers.
She travelled back to England with him for burial, and he was interred at Romford cemetery in Essex, where the twelve mourners in attendance were all family. He left a widow and three children, and was 34 years of age when he died.
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 151 YEARS AGO : BRITISH PM ACKNOWLEDGES 'HOME RULE' ISSUE RE IRELAND.
"Nothing that is morally wrong can be politically right" - William Ewart Gladstone (pictured) , British Prime Minister for four terms : 1868 to 1874, 1880 to 1885, six months in 1886 and then from 1892 to 1894.
On the 2nd March 1871 - 151 years ago on this date - William Ewart Gladstone, the British Prime Minister, publicly acknowledged for the first time, during a speech in the 'House of Commons', the high levels of support in Ireland for those who were questioning the position of Ireland within the then 'British Empire' but his colleagues in the British 'Liberal Party' let it be known they were uneasy about such a proposition being highlighted. Regardless, Gladstone continued to put out 'feelers' re that issue and is on record for declaring that it was his mission "to pacify Ireland".
In May 1882 he appointed his nephew, 'Lord' Frederick Cavendish, as the new 'British Chief Secretary' in Ireland and Cavendish, in turn, appointed Thomas Henry Burke as his 'Under-Secretary' and perhaps it was because both men were put to death by the Irish 'Invincibles' on their arrival in Ireland that Gladstone was encouraged to deal with his 'Irish problem' : he persevered with attempting 'to solve the Irish problem' and four years later (ie in 1886) , in a three-hour speech, he presented, to the British 'House of Commons', a 'Home Rule' bill for Ireland which sought an Irish Parliament to be established in Dublin but with Westminster retaining control of matters to do with defence, foreign affairs, customs and excise, trade, postal services, currency and the appointment of law judges.
The proposed 'Irish Parliament' would consist of one chamber which would house those elected by the people and those placed within by the Crown ('peer/nobleman'), and an 'Irish MP' would not be entitled to sit at Westminster. Irish commentators were disappointed that 'Irish MP's' should be excluded from Westminster and also voiced caution in relation to the powers that Westminster retained re defence, foreign affairs etc and, once again, Gladstone's own colleagues in the 'British Liberal Party' felt that too much power was being given to Ireland - 93 of them actually voted against it, splitting the party and defeating the bill.
A lesson should have been learned then, in 1886, that a limited form of 'granted' jurisdictional control and sovereignty from Westminster re Ireland is, in the words of William Ewart Gladstone, "morally wrong" and will not be accepted by Irish republicans as "politically right".
THE NOT SO IRISH NEWS...
Rita Smyth examines the editorials of the Northern newspaper, 'The Irish News', for the first six months of 1987.
Her analysis shows how the paper reflects the political attitudes of the Stormont Castle Catholics (who dominate the SDLP*) and the conservative values of the Catholic Hierarchy, especially Bishop Cahal Daly.
(From 'Iris' magazine, October 1987.)
('1169' comment - *...and who now fill the ranks of other Stoop-like political parties in Stormont and Leinster House.)
Similar frustration is expressed in a comment on the removal of funds from the MacAirt Nursery - Irish education is "..meant to be encouraged and protected under the Anglo-Irish Agreement and will have to be seen to be so if the Accord is to have any meaning to the people it is trying to help" (January 21st).
This dilemma was posed again in regard to police tactics at the funerals of Laurence Marley and Finbarr McKenna and the massacre of IRA Volunteers at Loughgall. In these cases, the editors reverted to their usual form, being critical of the police, not so much for their brutality and blatant sectarianism, but for proving republican arguments true.
Referring to the Laurence Marley family, anger is expressed at the RUC tactics because they "...allowed the Provos to create havoc while blaming the RUC. The RUC walked into a trap.." (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 29 YEARS AGO : WESTMINSTER CONFIRMS IT IS "NOT INDIFFERENT, NOT NEUTRAL" RE THE SIX IRISH COUNTIES IT OCCUPIES.
"The (British) government will, as I said in December, warmly, solemnly and steadfastly uphold Northern Irelands (sic) status. We are not indifferent, we are not neutral". - the words of then British 'Direct Ruler' for the Six Counties, Patrick Mayhew, on 2nd March 1993 (pictured).
Irish republicans have always dismissed the propaganda lie from Westminster and its allies here in this State that it was a 'peace-keeping force' in Ireland and we welcome confirmation of that fact from the source itself.
All that's required now is that they clear off altogether, perhaps to one of the many other 'trouble spots' they are associated with. Or perhaps they can find a new location in which to hone their 'peace keeping' skills but, either way, they should realise this is the 21st century and their 'empire' is finished. Go on home...
'SINN FÉIN NOTES...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
BRIAN DILLON CUMANN, CORK :
A very instructive lecture entitled 'The Primary Objectives of Sinn Féin' was given by Liam Earley (Ard Comhairle and MacCurtain Cumann) at a meeting of the above-named Cumann on February 22nd last, and a lively discussion followed. The members went home with a much clearer concept of the republican programme.
PUBLICITY :
Cumann secretaries are requested to send reports of special activities for inclusion in this column before the 20th of each month.
EASTER LILIES :
An Ard Comhairle urges all cumainn to secure their supply of Easter Lilies without delay. Easter Lilies may be had from the Secretary, National Commemoration Committee, 9 North Frederick Street, Dublin.
('1169' comment - the 'National Commemoration Committee' ['Coiste Cuimhneachán Náisiúnta'] still exists and can be contacted at 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, telephone : +353-1-8729747 and email : sfp1916@gmail.com)
(END of 'Sinn Féin Notes' ; NEXT - 'United Irishmen', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 27 YEARS AGO : PSF LEADERSHIP DECLARE "PARTITION UNRAVELLING"!
On Saturday 25th February 1995, the Provisional Sinn Féin political party held its Ard Fheis in the Mansion House in Dublin and a report on same was carried in that party's newspaper, 'AP/RN', on the 2nd March 1995 - 27 years ago on this date. The Chairperson of their 'Women's Department' and an EEC/EU election candidate for them for a seat in Brussels and a UNISON official, Anne Speed, practically received a standing ovation when she took to the stage and declared - "Partition is unravelling before our eyes."
Interestingly, less than a decade before she took an interest in partition, Anne had 'unravelled' herself from a Trotskyist support group - 'From 1982 on, a number of ('Peoples Democracy') activists left them and joined Sinn Féin. At a PD national conference in 1986, a group including Anne Speed proposed the dissolution of the group and that the members all join SF as individuals. This position was defeated by 19 votes to five. A few weeks later the minority of five resigned from PD followed by their supporters and joined Sinn Féin...' (from here.)
Anne's colleague, Gerry Adams, standing with the partitioned Ireland he has assisted in maintaining.
That was, as stated, 27 years ago, which was three years before Anne Speed and her colleagues in the leadership of that party actually played a leading role in securing the partition of this country by promoting and signing the 1998 Stormont Treaty which, like a previous effort, was sold to almost* all and sundry as a start in removing the British political and military presence from this country whereas what both actually delivered was an attempted unravelling of republicanism but, both in 1921 and 1998, the attempt only weakened Irish republicanism rather than unravel it. (*Those with a proper understanding of republicanism warned against so-called 'stepping stones' and have been proved right re same.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) IN...
...1847 :
Alexander Somerville visited Ballinamuck in County Longford on the 2nd March 1847, when Westminster was attempting a genocide of the Irish people.
He found an empty village and wrote "...the place where Ballinamuck once stood is now the site of a police barrack, filled with armed men, and no other living being but the armed men, is seen there, and they are kept there at the expense of the English tax-payers.."
A Reverend Martin O'Beirne stated — "In Ballinamuck and Clunglish there has been an eviction of a great number of tenants on what has been considered political grounds alone. In Ballinamuck, the entire houses were levelled. In Drumore, in the parish of Clunglish, there was an ejectment of nearly all the tenants in the year 1834.
I was very intimately acquainted with the entire of those tenants. They were persons of uncommonly peaceable good habits, very industrious, and solvent punctual tenants. It was college land. A new proprietor (a middleman) succeeded to the land and to the houses, and the tenants were all removed except Patrick Lynn ; he died before they got him out. Baron Lefroy became the lessee of the property in that year. He purchased the lease, and took legal proceedings and removed the families.
Under what circumstances did he remove them? On the ground, as it was understood by the people themselves, that they were Roman Catholics..."
Incidentally, the film 'Black 47' will be shown on an Irish television station, 'Virgin Media One', on Friday night, 4th March 2022, at 9pm. It's a two-hour film, with every minute guaranteed to keep you pinned to your seat. Watch it if you can - it will be two hours well spent.
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...1916 :
It was reported in 'The Irish Independent' newspaper/propaganda sheet on the 2nd March, 1916, that a British Army Private, Michael Martin, had been killed in action at the start of 'World War 1'.
Private Martin was born in Monasterevan in County Kildare and was a member of the RIC, stationed in Greenmount in County Cork. He obviously found a better calling for his 'skills' in the British Army and was one of the first gunmen to leave a British 'police force' for the British Army for that particular conflict.
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...1920 :
On the 2nd March, 1920, RIC members discovered a body in a coffin near Ennistymon Bog in County Clare. The body had a bullet hole in the head and those members of that British 'police force' believed the remains to be those of an IRA man named Martin Devitt (25), the Vice Commandant of the Mid Clare Brigade IRA.
An inquest was held at which 'police and military representative Mr. M. Morrissey' stated that on March 2nd himself and others "went to a bog in Clooney South and found the body about six inches from the surface. Over this there was a small clamp of turf and some bog mould (and) on the coffin was the inscription 'Martin Devitt died February 24th, 1920, aged 25 R.I.P'.
On that date - the 24th February 1920 - Martin Devitt had been killed in action during an attack on an RIC patrol at Crow's Bridge in Inagh, County Clare, and Patrick Devitt identified the body as that of his brother.
A jury was convened and later delivered its verdict : "Martin Devitt of Cahersherkin, Co. Clare, died on 24th February 1920 from a bullet wounded received while fighting for the freedom of his country, which freedom is prevented by mis-government, and we tender our sympathy to the relatives of the deceased."
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...1921 :
On the 2nd March 1921 - during a British imposed curfew - a Mr Denis O'Brien was walking home when he was challenged by a British Army curfew patrol : he was shot dead by them, and was buried in a pauper's grave. On the 2nd June that year, his death was raised in the British 'House of Commons' and the following confirmation was given -
"I am informed by the Commander-in-Chief that the Court of Inquiry in this case found that the deceased man, Denis O'Brien, was out in a street in Cork City during curfew hours, that he was challenged several times by the curfew patrol and, failing to answer or to stop, was shot. It is most unfortunate that this man should have been exposed to the risk incurred in disregarding the curfew restrictions, but no blame for the unhappy result can attach to the man who fired.."
There are thousands of such "unhappy results" here due to the continuing and unwanted British military and political presence in this country.
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...1921 :
A Mr Casey was in his house on the night of the 2nd March, 1921, when a bullet was fired through his house window from outside, badly wounding him. He was taken to hospital but died that night from the wound. ================================================
...1921 :
On Tuesday, 1st March 1921, the republican Chairman of Charleville Rural District Council, Seán O'Brien (30), was working in his business premises when two men called to the building at about 8.30pm, stating that they belonged to the (British) military, and told him to open the door. As he started to do so, two shots were fired at him, hitting him in the shoulder. He managed to close over the door but then a hand grenade was thrown into the premises, wounding him again. He died from his wounds in the early hours of Wednesday, 2nd March, 1921.
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...1921 :
A Private TJC Geoghegan, attached to the 'Royal Scots Regiment', was found dead with a gunshot wound to his head. Suicide was not ruled out.
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...1921 :
On the 7th February 1921, an RIC member from Ardnaree, in County Mayo, James Nixon (34) ('Service Number 64718') was in a Crossley Tender truck in the Mount Talbot area of County Roscommon with his colleagues when one of them, who was sitting behind 'Constable' Nixon, discharged his carbine rifle. The round hit RIC man Nixon in the hip and he died from the wound on the 2nd March 1921.
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...1921 :
British Army Private Maurice Robins ('Service Number 5373574') was wounded during an IRA operation on the 18th November in 1920 and died from those wounds on the 2nd March 1921.
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...1922 :
On the 2nd March 1922, weapons for the IRA, from Bremerhaven in Germany, were landed at Helvick Head in County Waterford, from a schooner called 'The Hannah'. The operation had been organised by Robert Briscoe and Charlie McGuinness, two men with interesting backgrounds, to put it mildly...!
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...1922 :
On the 2nd March, 1922, an RIC Sergeant, John Cotter (37) - a twenty-year veteran of that grouping - was living in Cabra Park in Dublin with his wife (a school teacher) and three children.
He was born in Kilmihil, a village in the Barony of Clonderlaw in County Clare, and was operating in the North Tipperary area, where he was in command of about one dozen RIC members in Roskeen RIC Barracks ; he was credited with fending off an IRA attack on that RIC Barracks on the 7th April, 1920, following which he and his family moved to Dublin, operating then from the Depot in the Phoenix Park.
Sergeant Cotter was walking in a laneway which connected Cabra Park with St Peters Road at around 3pm on the afternoon of the 2nd March 1922 when three shots were fired at him by a number of IRA men and he was wounded in the neck and the stomach. He died in the Mater Misericordie Hospital from those wounds at about 7.20pm that night.
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...1922 :
A verbal disagreement between two men in a pub on the 2nd March 1922 developed into a fistfight which was taken onto the street outside the pub in Ship Street, in Dublin city centre.
One of the men, a British Army soldier attached to the 'Lancashire Fusiliers', was apparently losing the fight as he could not get the better of his opponent, Edward Reed. So the British Army man pulled out his service revolver and fired at least two shots into Mr Reed, who died from his wounds the next day.
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Thanks for the visit, and for reading ; and don't forget - 'Black 47', Friday night, 9pm, 4th March 2022, VM1 TV.
Sharon and the team.
On the 2nd March 1914 - 108 years ago on this date - Patrick Henry Pearse, 37 years of age, delivered the following address to a packed venue, the 'Academy of Music' in Brooklyn, New York. Robert Emmet was born in Dublin on the 4th March, 1778 :
"We who speak here tonight are the voice of one of the ancient indestructible things of the world. We are the voice of an idea which is older than any empire and will outlast every empire. We and ours, the inheritors of that idea, have been at age-long war with one of the most powerful empires that have ever been built up upon the earth; and that empire will pass before we pass. We are older than England and we are stronger than England.
In every generation we have renewed the struggle, and so it shall be unto the end. When England thinks she has trampled out our battle in blood, some brave man rises and rallies us again; when England thinks she has purchased us with a bribe, some good man redeems us by a sacrifice. Wherever England goes on her mission of empire we meet her and we strike at her: yesterday it was on the South African veldt, today it is in the Senate House at Washington, tomorrow it may be in the streets of Dublin. We pursue her like a sleuth-hound; we lie in wait for her and come upon her like a thief in the night: and some day we will overwhelm her with the wrath of God.
It is not that we are apostles of hate. Who like us has carried Christ's word of charity about the earth? But the Christ that said, "My peace I leave you, My peace I give you," is the same Christ that said "I bring not peace, but a sword." There can be no peace between the right and wrong, between the truth and falsehood, between justice and oppression, between freedom and tyranny. Between them it is eternal war until the wrong is righted, until the true thing is established, until justice is accomplished, until freedom is won.
So when England talks of peace we know our answer: 'Peace with you? Peace while your one hand is at our throat and your other hand is in our pocket? Peace with a footpad? Peace with a pickpocket? Peace with the leech that is sucking our body dry of blood? Peace with the many-armed monster whose tentacles envelop us while its system emits an inky fluid that shrouds its work of murder from the eyes of men? The time has not yet come to talk of peace.'
But England, we are told, offers us terms. She holds out to us the hand of friendship. She gives us a Parliament with an Executive responsible to it. Within two years the Home Rule Senate meets in College Green and King George comes to Dublin to declare its sessions open. In anticipation of that happy event our leaders have proffered England our loyalty. Mr. Redmond accepts Home Rule as a "final settlement between the two nations"; Mr. O'Brien in the fullness of his heart cries "God Save the King"; Colonel Lynch offers England his sword in case she is attacked by a foreign power.
And so this settlement is to be a final settlement. Would Wolfe Tone have accepted it as a final settlement? Would Robert Emmet have accepted it as a final settlement? Either we are heirs to their principles or we are not. If we are, we can accept no settlement as final which does not "break the connection with England, the never-failing source of all our political evils"; if we are not, how dare we go on an annual pilgrimage to Bodenstown, how dare we gather here or anywhere to commemorate the faith and sacrifice of Emmet?
Did, then, those dead heroic men live in vain? Has Ireland learned a truer philosophy than the philosophy of '98, and a nobler way of salvation than the way of 1803? Is Wolfe Tone's definition superseded, and do we discharge our duty to Emmet's memory by according him annually our pity? To do the English justice, I do not think they are satisfied that Ireland will accept Home Rule as a final settlement. I think they are a little anxious today. If their minds were tranquil on the subject of Irish loyalty they would hardly have proclaimed the importation of arms into Ireland the moment the Irish Volunteers had begun to organise themselves.
They had given the Ulster faction which is used as a catspaw by one of the English parties two years to organise and arm against that Home Rule Bill which they profess themselves so anxious to pass: to the nationalists of Ireland they did not give two weeks. Of course, we can arm in spite of them: today we are organising and training the men and we have ways and means of getting arms when the men are ready for the arms. The contention I make now, and I ask you to note it well, is that England does not trust Ireland with guns; that under Home Rule or in the absence of Home Rule England declares that we Irish must remain an unarmed people; and England is right. England is right in suspecting Irish loyalty, and those Irishmen who promise Irish loyalty to England are wrong.
I believe them honest* ; but they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland, the ancient stubborn thing that forbids, as if with the voice of fate, any loyalty from Ireland to England, any union between us and them, any surrender of one jot or shred of our claim to freedom even in return for all the blessings of the British peace. I have called that old faith an indestructible thing. I have said that it is more powerful than empires. If you would understand its might you must consider how it has made all the generations of Ireland heroic.
Having its root in all gentleness, in a man's love for the place where his mother bore him, for the breast that gave him suck, for the voices of children that sounded in a house now silent, for the faces that glowed around a fireside now cold, for the story told by lips that will not speak again, having its root, I say, in all gentleness, it is yet a terrible thing urging the generations to perilous bloody attempts, nerving men to give up life for the death-in-life of dungeons, teaching little boys to die with laughing lips, giving courage to young girls to bare their backs to the lashes of a soldiery.
It is easy to imagine how the spirit of Irish patriotism called to the gallant and adventurous spirit of Tone or moved the wrathful spirit of Mitchell. In them deep called unto deep : heroic effort claimed the heroic man. But consider how the call was made to a spirit of different, yet not less noble mould; and how it was answered. In Emmet it called to a dreamer and he awoke a man of action; it called to a student and a recluse and he stood forth a leader of men ; it called to one who loved the ways of peace and he became a revolutionary. I wish I could help you to realise, I wish I could myself adequately realise, the humanity, the gentle and grave humanity, of Emmet.
We are so dominated by the memory of that splendid death of his, by the memory of that young figure, serene and smiling, climbing to the gallows above that sea of silent men in Thomas Street, that we forget the life of which that death was only the necessary completion: and the life has perhaps a nearer meaning for us than the death.
For Emmet, finely gifted though he was, was just a young man with the same limitations, the same self-questionings, the same falterings, the same kindly human emotions surging up sometimes in such strength as almost to drown a heroic purpose, as many a young man we have known. And his task was just such a task as many of us have undertaken: he had to go through the same repellent routine of work, to deal with the hard, uncongenial details of correspondence and conference and committee meetings; he had the same sordid difficulties that we have, yea, even the vulgar difficulty of want of funds. And he had the same poor human material to work with, men who misunderstood, men who bungled, men who talked too much, men who failed at the last moment.
Yes, the task we take up again is just Emmet's task of silent unattractive work, the routine of correspondence and committees and organising. We must face it as bravely and as quietly as he faced it, working on in patience as he worked on, hoping as he hoped: cherishing in our secret hearts the mighty hope that to us, though so unworthy, it may be given to bring to accomplishment the thing he left unaccomplished, but working on even when that hope dies within us. I would ask you to consider now how the call I have spoken of was made to the spirit of a woman, and how, equally, it was responded to.
Wherever Emmet is commemorated let Anne Devlin not be forgotten. Bryan Devlin had a dairy farm in Butterfield Lane; his fields are still green there. Five sons of his fought in '98. Anne was his daughter, and she went to keep house for Emmet when he moved into Butterfield House. You know how she kept vigil there on the night of the rising. When all was lost and Emmet came out in his hurried retreat through Rathfarnham to the mountains, her greeting was — according to tradition, it was spoken in Irish, and Emmet must have replied in Irish — "Musha, bad welcome to you! Is Ireland lost by you, cowards that you are, to lead the people to destruction and then to leave them?" "Don’t blame me, Anne ; the fault is not mine", said Emmet. And she was sorry for the pain her words had inflicted, spoken in the pain of her own disappointment. She would have tended him like a mother could he have tarried there, but his path lay to Kilmashogue, and hers was to be a harder duty.
When Sirr came out with his soldiery she was still keeping her vigil. "Where is Emmet?" "I have nothing to tell you," she replied. To all their questions she had but one answer: "I have nothing to say ; I have nothing to tell you." They swung her up to a cart and half-hanged her several times ; after each half-hanging she was revived and questioned : still the same answer. They pricked her breast with their bayonets until the blood spurted out in their faces. They dragged her to prison and tortured her for days. Not one word did they extract from that steadfast woman.
And when Emmet was sold, he was sold, not by a woman, but by a man — by the friend that he had trusted — by the counsel that, having sold him, was to go through the ghastly mockery of defending him at the bar. The fathers and mothers of Ireland should often tell their children that story of Robert Emmet and that story of Anne Devlin. To the Irish mothers who hear me I would say that when at night you kiss your children and in your hearts call down a benediction, you could wish for your boys no higher thing than that, should the need come they may be given the strength to make Emmet's sacrifice, and for your girls no greater gift from God than such fidelity as Anne Devlin's.
It is more than a hundred years since these things were suffered ; and they were suffered in vain if nothing of the spirit of Emmet and Anne Devlin survives in the young men and young women of Ireland. Does anything of that spirit survive? I think I can speak for my own generation. I think I can speak for my contemporaries in the Gaelic League, an organisation which has not yet concerned itself with politics, but whose younger spirits are accepting the full national idea and are bringing into the national struggle the passion and the practical-ness which marked the early stages of the language movement. I think I can speak for the young men of the Volunteers.
So far, they have no programme beyond learning the trade of arms; a trade which no man of Ireland could learn for over a hundred years past unless he took the English shilling. It is a good programme; and we may almost commit the future of Ireland to the keeping of the Volunteers. I think I can speak for a younger generation still: for some of the young men that are entering the National University, for my own pupils at St. Enda's College, for the boys of the Fianna Eireann.
To the grey-haired men whom I see on this platform, John Devoy and Richard Burke, I bring, then, this message from Ireland that their seed-sowing of forty years ago has not been without its harvest, that there are young men and little boys in Ireland today who remember what they taught and who, with God's blessing, will one day take, or make, an opportunity of putting their teaching into practice."
*"... they have spent so much of their lives parleying with the English, they have sat so often and so long at English feasts, that they have lost communion with the ancient unpurchasable faith of Ireland.." Indeed they have, but it is questionable whether they ever had that faith in the first place, morally and physically so, rather than just verbally?
'LONDON CEREMONY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
The Wolfe Tone Cumann, Sinn Féin, London, held a commemoration in honour of Wolfe Tone on Sunday 13th June (1954), consisting of a parade from Paddington Green right through the heart of London to Trafalgar Square where a public meeting was held.
Principal speakers were Tomás O Dubhghaill, Uachtarán Sinn Féin, Eamon Thomas, Micheál MacCártaigh and Seamus MacEalla was the Chairman, while Nora Ní Rea, Secretary of the cumann, was also on the platform.
The first speaker, Eamonn Thomas, gave a brief historical survey of the life and work of Wolfe Tone and the unbroken progression from the United Irishmen through Robert Emmet and the '48 men* and the men* of 1916 down to the present day. He was followed by Tomás O Dubhghaill who said :"The slogan which Wolfe Tone gave us has echoed down the years - 'Break the Connection with England'.
That slogan summarises briefly and concisely the objective of the Republican Movement, to throw off the domination of the invader, and to build up the independence of our nation, politically, socially and economically.
Quite simply, we deny the 'right' and we oppose the will of the English Government to rule Ireland or any portion of Ireland..."
(*...and women.)
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 102 YEARS AGO : DOUBLE-AGENT EXECUTED.
John Charles Byrne (aka 'John Jameson' - pictured) : "The best Secret Service man we had..", according to Walter Long, the first British 'Lord of the Admiralty'.
John Charles Byrne was born in June 1885 at Barfett Street, Queen's Park in London and, after leaving school, he worked in the plumbing trade as a young teenager and lived with his family in a flat at Number 11 Woodfield Place, in London, before he moved to 34 Laurel Bank, May Road, Romford, in Essex. He joined the 'Essex Volunteer Artillery' unit of the British Army and, at 23 years of age, enlisted with the 'Royal Artillery Territorials'.
He operated in Salonika, in Greece, for over a year before being 'discharged' in 1918 on 'medical grounds' ; his 'discharge' could very well have been pre-arranged as he was soon working for the British Special Branch and was linked to military intelligence and was placed within the Bolshevik grouping in England, reporting his findings back to his handlers in Westminster.
He also found himself rubbing shoulders with Irish socialists in England and he and his handlers decided to use those connections to infiltrate the Republican Movement in Ireland and, in about 1920, he was relocated to Dublin, where he used his Bolshevik associations to introduce himself to Sinn Féin members and supporters, to whom he 'sympathised' with, politically, and let it be known that he was in a position to assist the struggle with cash and equipment. He had two handlers in Dublin - Alan Bell and a Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Isham.
Irish republicans were of course interested in the man and his offer, and arrangements were made for Mr Byrne/Jameson to meet with the then Irish rebel, Michael Collins ; the new 'benefactor' was blindfolded and taken to a premises near George's Street in Dublin city centre where he met Collins and other IRA members. Apparently, Collins was impressed by the man and wanted to take him up on his offer but 'Squad' members present weren't so enamoured by the man, so a few 'tests' were put in place ; Byrne/Jameson failed all of them.
The 'Bolshevik' was placed in a position where he 'discovered' an IRA arms dump which, once he had left the vicinity, was moved to a different location ; the other location was afterwards raided by the British Army. He was then 'indiscreetly' allowed to hear information concerning an up-coming meeting of the IRA leadership in Dublin - location, date, time - and the premises was put under observation by the IRA. And that (empty) premises was then raided by the British Army.
Also, he was left alone with IRA documents which stated that an ex-Lord Mayor of Dublin was secretly working for them (the man was actually very much opposed to everything that Irish republicanism stood for!) and that political figure then had his house raided and he himself was pulled-in for questioning.
Collins then decided that he should be dealt with as the spy he was, and at least five 'Squad' members - Joe O'Reilly, Joe Dolan, Paddy O'Daly, Tom Kilcoyne and Ben Barrett - were tasked with putting the operation together.
Joe O'Reilly arranged for it that he should be in the same place as the spy and, when they met, Mr Byrne/Jameson told him that he had to go to London on business and would like to meet Michael Collins again, before he left for that engagement.
The meeting was arranged for about 6pm on the afternoon of Tuesday, the 2nd March (1920) - 102 years ago on this date - and three Squad members met with him outside the hotel he was staying in, the Granville Hotel, in Dublin, at about 4.30pm. Another two Volunteers had left for the 'meeting spot' on bicycles beforehand and other Volunteers searched his hotel room after he had left, finding documents of use to their Intelligence Department.
The four men then took a tram to Glasnevin, where they disembarked, and walked towards the Model Farm area. When they arrived at the 'meeting place', the other two IRA men were already there. Paddy O'Daly told Mr Byrne/Jameson that his game was up, they knew he was a spy and that he should say his final prayers as he was about to be executed. He protested to the very last minute that he was innocent of that charge and described himself as "one of the best friends that Ireland ever had".
Presumably because they had no reason not to do so, the IRA men put their evidence to him and, finally accepting that he was done for, he stood to attention and, looking at his executioners, declared "That is right. God bless the King. I would love to die for him. We are only doing our duty and I have done mine..."
He saluted his captors and was then shot twice at close range, in the heart and the head, and the Volunteers left the scene and travelled on the mail boat back to their base.
A farm worker discovered the body at around 5.45pm and his remains were taken to the Mater Hospital in Dublin city centre. His wife, Daisy, was brought to Dublin to identify the body and was said to be so shocked that she became permanently deaf. Until that point, she had been adamant that he worked as a commercial traveller for a well known London firm of music publishers.
She travelled back to England with him for burial, and he was interred at Romford cemetery in Essex, where the twelve mourners in attendance were all family. He left a widow and three children, and was 34 years of age when he died.
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 151 YEARS AGO : BRITISH PM ACKNOWLEDGES 'HOME RULE' ISSUE RE IRELAND.
"Nothing that is morally wrong can be politically right" - William Ewart Gladstone (pictured) , British Prime Minister for four terms : 1868 to 1874, 1880 to 1885, six months in 1886 and then from 1892 to 1894.
On the 2nd March 1871 - 151 years ago on this date - William Ewart Gladstone, the British Prime Minister, publicly acknowledged for the first time, during a speech in the 'House of Commons', the high levels of support in Ireland for those who were questioning the position of Ireland within the then 'British Empire' but his colleagues in the British 'Liberal Party' let it be known they were uneasy about such a proposition being highlighted. Regardless, Gladstone continued to put out 'feelers' re that issue and is on record for declaring that it was his mission "to pacify Ireland".
In May 1882 he appointed his nephew, 'Lord' Frederick Cavendish, as the new 'British Chief Secretary' in Ireland and Cavendish, in turn, appointed Thomas Henry Burke as his 'Under-Secretary' and perhaps it was because both men were put to death by the Irish 'Invincibles' on their arrival in Ireland that Gladstone was encouraged to deal with his 'Irish problem' : he persevered with attempting 'to solve the Irish problem' and four years later (ie in 1886) , in a three-hour speech, he presented, to the British 'House of Commons', a 'Home Rule' bill for Ireland which sought an Irish Parliament to be established in Dublin but with Westminster retaining control of matters to do with defence, foreign affairs, customs and excise, trade, postal services, currency and the appointment of law judges.
The proposed 'Irish Parliament' would consist of one chamber which would house those elected by the people and those placed within by the Crown ('peer/nobleman'), and an 'Irish MP' would not be entitled to sit at Westminster. Irish commentators were disappointed that 'Irish MP's' should be excluded from Westminster and also voiced caution in relation to the powers that Westminster retained re defence, foreign affairs etc and, once again, Gladstone's own colleagues in the 'British Liberal Party' felt that too much power was being given to Ireland - 93 of them actually voted against it, splitting the party and defeating the bill.
A lesson should have been learned then, in 1886, that a limited form of 'granted' jurisdictional control and sovereignty from Westminster re Ireland is, in the words of William Ewart Gladstone, "morally wrong" and will not be accepted by Irish republicans as "politically right".
THE NOT SO IRISH NEWS...
Rita Smyth examines the editorials of the Northern newspaper, 'The Irish News', for the first six months of 1987.
Her analysis shows how the paper reflects the political attitudes of the Stormont Castle Catholics (who dominate the SDLP*) and the conservative values of the Catholic Hierarchy, especially Bishop Cahal Daly.
(From 'Iris' magazine, October 1987.)
('1169' comment - *...and who now fill the ranks of other Stoop-like political parties in Stormont and Leinster House.)
Similar frustration is expressed in a comment on the removal of funds from the MacAirt Nursery - Irish education is "..meant to be encouraged and protected under the Anglo-Irish Agreement and will have to be seen to be so if the Accord is to have any meaning to the people it is trying to help" (January 21st).
This dilemma was posed again in regard to police tactics at the funerals of Laurence Marley and Finbarr McKenna and the massacre of IRA Volunteers at Loughgall. In these cases, the editors reverted to their usual form, being critical of the police, not so much for their brutality and blatant sectarianism, but for proving republican arguments true.
Referring to the Laurence Marley family, anger is expressed at the RUC tactics because they "...allowed the Provos to create havoc while blaming the RUC. The RUC walked into a trap.." (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 29 YEARS AGO : WESTMINSTER CONFIRMS IT IS "NOT INDIFFERENT, NOT NEUTRAL" RE THE SIX IRISH COUNTIES IT OCCUPIES.
"The (British) government will, as I said in December, warmly, solemnly and steadfastly uphold Northern Irelands (sic) status. We are not indifferent, we are not neutral". - the words of then British 'Direct Ruler' for the Six Counties, Patrick Mayhew, on 2nd March 1993 (pictured).
Irish republicans have always dismissed the propaganda lie from Westminster and its allies here in this State that it was a 'peace-keeping force' in Ireland and we welcome confirmation of that fact from the source itself.
All that's required now is that they clear off altogether, perhaps to one of the many other 'trouble spots' they are associated with. Or perhaps they can find a new location in which to hone their 'peace keeping' skills but, either way, they should realise this is the 21st century and their 'empire' is finished. Go on home...
'SINN FÉIN NOTES...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
BRIAN DILLON CUMANN, CORK :
A very instructive lecture entitled 'The Primary Objectives of Sinn Féin' was given by Liam Earley (Ard Comhairle and MacCurtain Cumann) at a meeting of the above-named Cumann on February 22nd last, and a lively discussion followed. The members went home with a much clearer concept of the republican programme.
PUBLICITY :
Cumann secretaries are requested to send reports of special activities for inclusion in this column before the 20th of each month.
EASTER LILIES :
An Ard Comhairle urges all cumainn to secure their supply of Easter Lilies without delay. Easter Lilies may be had from the Secretary, National Commemoration Committee, 9 North Frederick Street, Dublin.
('1169' comment - the 'National Commemoration Committee' ['Coiste Cuimhneachán Náisiúnta'] still exists and can be contacted at 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, telephone : +353-1-8729747 and email : sfp1916@gmail.com)
(END of 'Sinn Féin Notes' ; NEXT - 'United Irishmen', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) 27 YEARS AGO : PSF LEADERSHIP DECLARE "PARTITION UNRAVELLING"!
On Saturday 25th February 1995, the Provisional Sinn Féin political party held its Ard Fheis in the Mansion House in Dublin and a report on same was carried in that party's newspaper, 'AP/RN', on the 2nd March 1995 - 27 years ago on this date. The Chairperson of their 'Women's Department' and an EEC/EU election candidate for them for a seat in Brussels and a UNISON official, Anne Speed, practically received a standing ovation when she took to the stage and declared - "Partition is unravelling before our eyes."
Interestingly, less than a decade before she took an interest in partition, Anne had 'unravelled' herself from a Trotskyist support group - 'From 1982 on, a number of ('Peoples Democracy') activists left them and joined Sinn Féin. At a PD national conference in 1986, a group including Anne Speed proposed the dissolution of the group and that the members all join SF as individuals. This position was defeated by 19 votes to five. A few weeks later the minority of five resigned from PD followed by their supporters and joined Sinn Féin...' (from here.)
Anne's colleague, Gerry Adams, standing with the partitioned Ireland he has assisted in maintaining.
That was, as stated, 27 years ago, which was three years before Anne Speed and her colleagues in the leadership of that party actually played a leading role in securing the partition of this country by promoting and signing the 1998 Stormont Treaty which, like a previous effort, was sold to almost* all and sundry as a start in removing the British political and military presence from this country whereas what both actually delivered was an attempted unravelling of republicanism but, both in 1921 and 1998, the attempt only weakened Irish republicanism rather than unravel it. (*Those with a proper understanding of republicanism warned against so-called 'stepping stones' and have been proved right re same.)
ON THIS DATE (2ND MARCH) IN...
...1847 :
Alexander Somerville visited Ballinamuck in County Longford on the 2nd March 1847, when Westminster was attempting a genocide of the Irish people.
He found an empty village and wrote "...the place where Ballinamuck once stood is now the site of a police barrack, filled with armed men, and no other living being but the armed men, is seen there, and they are kept there at the expense of the English tax-payers.."
A Reverend Martin O'Beirne stated — "In Ballinamuck and Clunglish there has been an eviction of a great number of tenants on what has been considered political grounds alone. In Ballinamuck, the entire houses were levelled. In Drumore, in the parish of Clunglish, there was an ejectment of nearly all the tenants in the year 1834.
I was very intimately acquainted with the entire of those tenants. They were persons of uncommonly peaceable good habits, very industrious, and solvent punctual tenants. It was college land. A new proprietor (a middleman) succeeded to the land and to the houses, and the tenants were all removed except Patrick Lynn ; he died before they got him out. Baron Lefroy became the lessee of the property in that year. He purchased the lease, and took legal proceedings and removed the families.
Under what circumstances did he remove them? On the ground, as it was understood by the people themselves, that they were Roman Catholics..."
Incidentally, the film 'Black 47' will be shown on an Irish television station, 'Virgin Media One', on Friday night, 4th March 2022, at 9pm. It's a two-hour film, with every minute guaranteed to keep you pinned to your seat. Watch it if you can - it will be two hours well spent.
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...1916 :
It was reported in 'The Irish Independent' newspaper/propaganda sheet on the 2nd March, 1916, that a British Army Private, Michael Martin, had been killed in action at the start of 'World War 1'.
Private Martin was born in Monasterevan in County Kildare and was a member of the RIC, stationed in Greenmount in County Cork. He obviously found a better calling for his 'skills' in the British Army and was one of the first gunmen to leave a British 'police force' for the British Army for that particular conflict.
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...1920 :
On the 2nd March, 1920, RIC members discovered a body in a coffin near Ennistymon Bog in County Clare. The body had a bullet hole in the head and those members of that British 'police force' believed the remains to be those of an IRA man named Martin Devitt (25), the Vice Commandant of the Mid Clare Brigade IRA.
An inquest was held at which 'police and military representative Mr. M. Morrissey' stated that on March 2nd himself and others "went to a bog in Clooney South and found the body about six inches from the surface. Over this there was a small clamp of turf and some bog mould (and) on the coffin was the inscription 'Martin Devitt died February 24th, 1920, aged 25 R.I.P'.
On that date - the 24th February 1920 - Martin Devitt had been killed in action during an attack on an RIC patrol at Crow's Bridge in Inagh, County Clare, and Patrick Devitt identified the body as that of his brother.
A jury was convened and later delivered its verdict : "Martin Devitt of Cahersherkin, Co. Clare, died on 24th February 1920 from a bullet wounded received while fighting for the freedom of his country, which freedom is prevented by mis-government, and we tender our sympathy to the relatives of the deceased."
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...1921 :
On the 2nd March 1921 - during a British imposed curfew - a Mr Denis O'Brien was walking home when he was challenged by a British Army curfew patrol : he was shot dead by them, and was buried in a pauper's grave. On the 2nd June that year, his death was raised in the British 'House of Commons' and the following confirmation was given -
"I am informed by the Commander-in-Chief that the Court of Inquiry in this case found that the deceased man, Denis O'Brien, was out in a street in Cork City during curfew hours, that he was challenged several times by the curfew patrol and, failing to answer or to stop, was shot. It is most unfortunate that this man should have been exposed to the risk incurred in disregarding the curfew restrictions, but no blame for the unhappy result can attach to the man who fired.."
There are thousands of such "unhappy results" here due to the continuing and unwanted British military and political presence in this country.
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...1921 :
A Mr Casey was in his house on the night of the 2nd March, 1921, when a bullet was fired through his house window from outside, badly wounding him. He was taken to hospital but died that night from the wound. ================================================
...1921 :
On Tuesday, 1st March 1921, the republican Chairman of Charleville Rural District Council, Seán O'Brien (30), was working in his business premises when two men called to the building at about 8.30pm, stating that they belonged to the (British) military, and told him to open the door. As he started to do so, two shots were fired at him, hitting him in the shoulder. He managed to close over the door but then a hand grenade was thrown into the premises, wounding him again. He died from his wounds in the early hours of Wednesday, 2nd March, 1921.
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...1921 :
A Private TJC Geoghegan, attached to the 'Royal Scots Regiment', was found dead with a gunshot wound to his head. Suicide was not ruled out.
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...1921 :
On the 7th February 1921, an RIC member from Ardnaree, in County Mayo, James Nixon (34) ('Service Number 64718') was in a Crossley Tender truck in the Mount Talbot area of County Roscommon with his colleagues when one of them, who was sitting behind 'Constable' Nixon, discharged his carbine rifle. The round hit RIC man Nixon in the hip and he died from the wound on the 2nd March 1921.
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...1921 :
British Army Private Maurice Robins ('Service Number 5373574') was wounded during an IRA operation on the 18th November in 1920 and died from those wounds on the 2nd March 1921.
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...1922 :
On the 2nd March 1922, weapons for the IRA, from Bremerhaven in Germany, were landed at Helvick Head in County Waterford, from a schooner called 'The Hannah'. The operation had been organised by Robert Briscoe and Charlie McGuinness, two men with interesting backgrounds, to put it mildly...!
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...1922 :
On the 2nd March, 1922, an RIC Sergeant, John Cotter (37) - a twenty-year veteran of that grouping - was living in Cabra Park in Dublin with his wife (a school teacher) and three children.
He was born in Kilmihil, a village in the Barony of Clonderlaw in County Clare, and was operating in the North Tipperary area, where he was in command of about one dozen RIC members in Roskeen RIC Barracks ; he was credited with fending off an IRA attack on that RIC Barracks on the 7th April, 1920, following which he and his family moved to Dublin, operating then from the Depot in the Phoenix Park.
Sergeant Cotter was walking in a laneway which connected Cabra Park with St Peters Road at around 3pm on the afternoon of the 2nd March 1922 when three shots were fired at him by a number of IRA men and he was wounded in the neck and the stomach. He died in the Mater Misericordie Hospital from those wounds at about 7.20pm that night.
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...1922 :
A verbal disagreement between two men in a pub on the 2nd March 1922 developed into a fistfight which was taken onto the street outside the pub in Ship Street, in Dublin city centre.
One of the men, a British Army soldier attached to the 'Lancashire Fusiliers', was apparently losing the fight as he could not get the better of his opponent, Edward Reed. So the British Army man pulled out his service revolver and fired at least two shots into Mr Reed, who died from his wounds the next day.
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Thanks for the visit, and for reading ; and don't forget - 'Black 47', Friday night, 9pm, 4th March 2022, VM1 TV.
Sharon and the team.
Labels:
Anne Speed,
Brian Dillon,
Charles Byrne,
Edward Reed,
Finbarr McKenna,
John Jameson,
Laurence Marley,
Micheál MacCártaigh,
Nora Ní Rea,
Patrick Lynn.,
Patrick Mayhew,
Seamus MacEalla,
Tomás O Dubhghaill
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