" A wealth of information..."

"1169 And Counting is a wealth of information on our Republican past and present , and demonstrates how the Irish political landscape , like that of any nation, will never be a black and white issue..."
(From the ‘e-Thursday’ section of the ‘Business Week’ supplement of the ‘Irish Independent’ , 21st August 2008.)

Wednesday, December 10, 2014



Garda to appear in court on assault charges this month. By Liz Walsh, from 'Magill' magazine, October 1998.

Another internal garda inquiry is still ongoing into the handling of a murder investigation in which a Dublin man confessed to two murders he did not commit. Dean Lyons, a 24-year-old heroin addict and drifter, originally from Tallaght in Dublin, was arrested for questioning about the murder of two psychiatric patients, Mary Callinan and Sylvia Shields, in Grangegorman in Dublin in 1997. During questioning in the Bridewell garda barracks in Dublin, Dean Lyons told detectives , on video, that he killed the two women but, within a month , another man admitted to the murders.

The internal inquiry, led by Assistant Commissioner Jim McHugh, subsequently exonerated Dean Lyons and he was released from custody last March. However, the separate question of how the confession of an unreliable and vulnerable character such as Lyons led to him being charged with murder has not yet been resolved.

A European human rights organisation recently visited six garda stations and three prisons during its 10-day Irish visit - the 'European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment' (CPT) visited six of the eight garda stations suggested by the 'ICCL', which was concerned that the Pearse Street, Fitzgibbon Street and Finglas stations in Dublin and the Immigration Service and garda station both in Shannon and Henry Street in Limerick are not equipped to hold prisoners detained for extended periods under anti-terrorist or drugs legislation. (MORE LATER).




At 9.30 on the morning of Saturday 19th April this year a car containing five armed and masked men drew up outside the home of a farmer not far from the South Armagh village of Crossmaglen. The men got out of the car and went into the house where the farmer and his family were just finishing breakfast. They demanded and got the keys to his tipper lorry parked outside and while two of the men stayed with the farmer's family the other three men drove the lorry back, where they had come from, across the border.

Two miles across the southern side of the border along the windy roads of county Monaghan the lorry drove into a farmyard and stopped. The men got out and were joined by several others who had been waiting nervously for them in a number of outbuildings. Over the next two hours the farmyard was a scene of intense activity as the men screwed into position on the back of the lorry ten long mortar tubes, which were then loaded with home made mortar bombs, each containing five lbs of commercial explosives packed into beer gas cylinders.

The mortars were improvised IRA devices, called Mark 10's by British Army technical experts who had learned to fear them since exactly a year before when a shower of Mark 10's had devastated Newtownhamilton RUC barracks , killing a British soldier in the process. After the complicated firing mechanism for the mortars had been set, the lorry was driven to Caulfielf Place in Newry, about 100 yards from the town's RUC station, and parked. Five minutes later the first of the mortars went off......


On this date (10th December) 94 years ago, Westminster declared martial law in four Irish counties : Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary.

In May 1920 the British Foreign Secretary, 'Lord' Curzon, proposed vigorous 'Indian measures' to suppress the rebellion in Ireland and he and other British imperialist 'gentlemen' formulated a policy with that objective in mind. On the 9th August 1920, the British 'Lords Commissioners' announced that 'Royal Assent' had been granted for the following 14 items -

1. Overseas Trade (Credit and Insurance) Act, 1920.

2. Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920.

3. Restoration of Order in Ireland Act, 1920.*

4. Aberdeen Corporation Order Confirmation Act, 1920.

5. Pilotage Orders Confirmation (No. 3) Act, 1920.

6. Local Government Board (Ireland) Provisional Orders Confirmation (No. 3) Act, 1920.

7. Ministry of Health Provisional Order Confirmation (Chesterfield Extension) Act, 1920.

8. Mid-Glamorgan Water Act, 1920.

9. Wallasey Corporation Act, 1920.

10. Life Association of Scotland Act, 1920.

11. Uxbridge and Wycombe District Gas Act, 1920.

12. Exmouth Urban District Council Act, 1920.

13. North British and Mercantile Insurance Company's Act, 1920.

14. Lever Brothers, Limited (Wharves and Railway) Act, 1920.

On the 19th October, 1920, the British 'Chief Secretary for Ireland' , Lieutenant-Colonel 'Sir' Hamar Greenwood (who later threatened to resign his position if Westminster agreed to a ceasefire with Irish republicans before they had surrendered their weapons!) stated, re the British 'law and order' campaign in Ireland - "The outrages against the police and military forces since the 1st January last, which I regret to say include the loss of no less than 118 lives, are as follows: police killed -100, military killed -18, police wounded -160, military wounded -66. There have been 667 attacks on police barracks, resulting in most cases in their complete destruction. There has been an organised attempt to boycott and intimidate the police, their wives and relations. The hon. Member will realise that I cannot publish the steps that are being taken to cope with the campaign of murder, outrage and intimidation, but I can assure him that the means available to the Government for protecting all servants of the Crown in the discharge of their duties, and for bringing to justice those who commit or connive at outrages, are steadily improving. The Royal Irish Constabulary is rapidly increasing in numbers owing mainly to the flow of recruits from ex-officers and ex-service men who served in the Army or Navy during the War. The effective strength of the Force is now higher than it has been for the last 15 years. In the last three weeks alone there have been 194 trials by Court Martial under the 'Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920', and 159 convictions. The Forces of the Crown are now effectively grappling with the organised, paid and brutal campaign of murder in Ireland...."

*The 'Restoration of Order in Ireland Act' was a 'legal' item through which the British could authorise, in Ireland, '....the issue of Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 1914, for effecting the restoration and maintenance of order in Ireland where it appears to His Majesty in Council that, owing to the existence of a state of disorder, the ordinary law is inadequate for the prevention and punishment of crime, or the maintenance of order.The Regulations have been rendered necessary by the abnormal conditions which at present prevail in certain parts of Ireland, where an organised campaign of violence and intimidation has resulted in the partial breakdown of the machinery of the ordinary law and in the non-performance by public bodies and officials of their statuary obligations. In particular it has been found that criminals are protected from arrest, that trial by jury cannot be obtained because of the intimidation of witnesses and jurors, and the Local Authorities and their officers stand in fear of injury to their persons or property if they carry out their statuary duties.

The Order in Council provides among other things - 1)For the putting into operation of many of the existing Defence of the Realm Regulations for the purpose of the restoration or maintenance of order. 2)For the trial of crimes by Courts Martial or by specially constituted Civil Courts, and for the investment of those Courts with the necessary powers. 3)For the withholding from Local Authorities who refuse to discharge the obligations imposed upon them by Statute of grants which otherwise would be payable to them from public funds and for the application of the grants so withheld to the discharge of the obligations which the Local Authority has failed to fulfil. 4)For the holding of Sittings of Courts elsewhere than in ordinary Courthouses, where these Courthouses have been destroyed or otherwise made unavailable. Although the Regulations are not, in terms, restricted to any particular part or parts of Ireland, it is the Government`s intention that they shall not be applied in substitution for the provisions of the ordinary law in places where the judicial and administrative machinery of the ordinary law are available, and are not obstructed in their operations by the methods of violence and intimidation above mentioned.

For instance, under the Regulations an ordinary crime can only be tried by a Courts Martial or by a specially constituted Civil Court, if the case is referred to the Competent Naval or Military Authority. Instructions will be issued by the Irish Executive to ensure that such cases will not be referred to the Competent Naval or Military Authority except where the prevalence of actual threatened violence or intimidation has produced conditions rendering it impracticable for them to be dealt with by due process of ordinary law...'

Greenwood stated the above, as mentioned, on Tuesday, 19th October 1920 and, the following day, a young (19 years old) IRA Volunteer, from Fleet Street in Dublin, Kevin Barry, became the first person to be tried by court martial under the new 'Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920' which,among its other trappings,allowed for the suspension of the courts system in Ireland (bad and all as that system was) and the establishment of military courts with powers to enforce the death penalty and internment without trial. On the 10th December 1920 martial law was proclaimed in Counties Cork, Kerry, Limerick, and Tipperary and, in January 1921, this order was extended to include Clare and Waterford. The 'ROIA' was widely used by the British against Irish republicans and, indeed, was used as a 'tool' to impose censorship on the media of the day, an imposition which was challenged, sometimes succesfully so - 'In 1921 a ROIA court-martial convicted the proprietors and editor of a Dublin newspaper for violating ROIA press regulations. At the end of the trial, a military detachment acting without a written order from the military court arrested the defendants and conveyed them to a civil prison. The prisoners petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus on the ground that a transfer from military to civil custody based merely on oral statements of anonymous soldiers was unlawful. The Crown argued that since the defendants were subject to military law, they could be moved from military to civil confinement without a written order. Finding this contention to be "quite untenable," the King’s Bench put on record its desire "in the clearest way possible to repudiate" the doctrine that a civil prison could detain a king’s subject without proper written authority: "To sanction such a course would be to strike a deadly blow at the doctrine of personal liberty, which is part of the first rudiments of the constitution." Moreover, the court-martial’s failure to issue an order left the civil jailer "without the protection of any written mandate" and therefore exposed to the risk of a lawsuit. Declaring that there was "no vinculum or bond of union between the military and the civil custody," the King’s Bench issued the writ of habeas corpus. Ostensibly protecting the liberty of civilians against overreaching by the Army, the court equally protected a civil institution from subordination to military command....' (from page 443, here.)

And today, more than ninty years after the introduction of the 'ROIA', the British and their political colleagues in Stormont and Leinster House, are still attempting to use 'laws' of that nature, and media censorship, to destroy Irish republicanism. But it didn't work then and won't work for them today, either - we are in this for the long haul!


It seems unbelievable that any political administration/department could introduce/enforce a writ whereby said body could seek to control, for tax purposes, how people might benefit from rainfall, yet that is precisely what is being instructed in the 'Harvesting Rainwater' notification from the 'Irish Water' company, below -

'All rainwater harvesting systems must be approved in advance. If you would like to discuss your options for rainwater harvesting system(s) please contact Irish Water....'

With that in mind, there is an indication here of where exactly this '..must be approved in advance...' edict will lead to because, despite the many differences between Oregon and this 26-county State, the political class are the same : self-serving careerists who are aware that they have a short 'window of opportunity' in which to financially secure their future and, even though they themselves are not fit to earn an honest living via an honest job, they find themselves - for a short time, anyway - in a position whereby they can 'lawfully' molest, financially, those that are not as powerful as they are. Rainwater falls the same no matter where you live and equally as predictable is the conduct of political establishments worldwide - get 'caught out' by either and your health will suffer.


Interesting figures came to light three days ago (in 'The Sunday Times' newspaper) in relation to how much some of the political parties in Leinster House are given by the State administrative system, from taxpayers money, to keep themselves in operation. The figures relate to the amount taken by each party in the last eight years, and show that Fine Gael paid itself, on average, €9234 a week over that period (and quoted that Party as stating that it employs 30 staff in its "national office") , Fianna Fáil took €8296 a week from taxpayers in the same period (and employs a staff of 24) , the Labour Party granted itself €5169 a week (and has a staff of 34) and Provisional Sinn Féin raided the State coffers for €2567 a week, every week, for the last eight years (and has a staff of "more than 92" , none of whom "are paid more than €60,000" a year) !

You have to ask yourself why any of the above-mentioned political parties, each of which claim they want 'to change the system', would want to change a system which is so financially favourable to them?


As a mother of three, I know only too well how expensive and nerve-wrecking Christmas can be, but it always seems to sort itself out in the end, empty purse and frayed nerves notwithstanding! And, as much as I'd like to see it revert to a less commercial holiday (if indeed it ever was such!) I wouldn't altogether (!) agree with the steps that the then communist political leadership took in Hungary on the 10th of December 1951 - they banned Santa Claus and associated images and attempted to propagate the idea (as far I can decipher, anyway) that farm workers/workers in general should celebrate that time of year, as a reward for their labour, to the extent that the sleigh was visually replaced by the image of a tractor!

And while there won't be a sleigh or a tractor on site on the day, Santa himself will be present, as usual. And let's not forget another republican steadfast gig that will have its last outing for 2014 this month : the 650-ticket raffle, which will be held this coming Sunday, 14th December, in a venue on the Dublin/Kildare border and at which tickets for the first such 2015 gig will be distributed. And, it being East Kildare, a tractor or two could very well be in the vicinity, too!


The Dublin-based O'Connell Sands Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin are once again doing a collection this month for the homeless and have asked us to mention to our readers that they can make a donation of clothes or foodstuff etc to this worthy effort by getting in contact with an RSF/cumann rep on 018729747 or 0851457286. Arrangements will be made with each caller for the collection of whatever it is they can spare. 'There but for the grace of God...'. Go raibh maith agat.


At the time of writing, it's not looking like we'll be able to post here next Wednesday, 17th, as time will not allow - our usual routine has been upset by raffle work usually carried out by two others that are on holidays, meaning that myself and another '1169...' crew member will be out collecting ticket returns and cash on Thursday and Friday evenings and then most of Saturday is spoke for with associated paperwork and more stub collections, then the actual raffle itself on Sunday afternoon, then the usual Monday evening raffle meeting in Dublin city centre. And somewhere, in between that lot, will be a hangover from one too many pints of cider at the gig! We will get another post in before Wednesday the 24th , so do check back with us before then!

Thanks for reading, Sharon.

Wednesday, December 03, 2014



Garda to appear in court on assault charges this month. By Liz Walsh, from 'Magill' magazine, October 1998.

A former garda is due in court later this month, charged with assaulting a prisoner in his custody in the Bridewell Garda Station in Dublin last February. The 25-year-old garda was on probation when the alleged assault took place - he was dismissed from the force on 10th September and will appear in Dublin District Court on 28th October. According to an informed source, the garda was observed by two prison officers, allegedly beating the prisoner in a cell in the Bridewell station. The prisoner was being held there while waiting to appear in the nearby district court on charges.

The two prison officers reported the incident to the garda authorities who then began a criminal investigation. This resulted in the probationary garda being charged with assault and, according to sources close to the case, the alleged victim is considering taking a civil action for damages against the individual garda and the garda authorities.

Meanwhile, an internal garda investigation is underway into the recent death of a man in custody in Tallaght garda station : 24-year-old Francis Brooks from Fettercairn in Tallaght was arrested in a stolen car on 18th September and was placed in a cell in Tallaght Garda Station where he was found dead some hours later. The garda authorities are awaiting the results of the post-mortem and, in the interim, they appointed Detective Superintendent Cormac Gordon from Fitzgibbon Street to investigate the circumstances surrounding the death.


By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.

Gibraltar is a very small town. Carmen Proetta's stepbrother is the Police Commissioner. Stephen Bullock, a lawyer, was one of the main eyewitnesses and the firm he is employed by was retained by Kenneth Asquez to represent him when he took the stand to retract his alleged eyewitness account. As with a lot of other small towns its people do not have much time for the niceties of law.

The official from the coroner's office may well have fingered a pulse when he distinguished between the moral and legal position outlined in the quote by Cardinal Hume. Most Gibraltarians welcomed the verdict.

The taxi driver who drove a 'Magill' reporter to the frontier was delighted with the verdict and, asked why, if there had been an intention only to make arrests, Seán Savage had been shot sixteen times, he replied - "Probably because the soldier who shot him ran out of bullets". [END of 'THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS' . NEXT - 'THE IRA' , FROM 'MAGILL' , 1980.]


A not unusually large crowd of interested individuals gather outside the Mansion House, in Dublin, in 1921, waiting for word on the discussions being held within regarding the British-imposed 'Treaty of Surrender'.



(a) Mr.Griffith in favour of Treaty. Refused to break on question of Crown and thereby hand to Ulster the position from which she had been driven.

(b) Mr.Barton of opinion that England's last word had not been reached and that she could not declare war on question of Allegiance. The Treaty would not give Dominion Status nor any guarantee re Ulster. Would vote against acceptance.

(c) Mr.Gavan Duffy agreed with Mr.Barton that England was bluffing and that the Irish proposals, with small reservations on Defence etc, could be obtained. Would like the Treaty to be rejected by An Dail and sent back amended. Said 'No' definitely to Treaty.

(d) Mr.Duggan agreed with Mr.Griffith. Believed Treaty to be England's last word and would not take responsibility of saying 'No'.

(e) Mr.Collins was in substantial agreement with Messrs. Griffith and Duggan. The non-acceptance of a Treaty would be a gamble as England could arrange a war in Ireland within a week. Sacrifices to N.E. Ulster made for sake of essential unity and justified. With pressure further concessions could be obtained on Trade and Defence. Oath Allegiance would not come into force for 12 months - question was, therefore, would it be worth while taking that 12 months and seeing how it would work. Would recommend that Dail go to country on Treaty, but would recommend non-acceptance of Oath.

(f) Mr.Childers of opinion that Par. 6 of Treaty would give Ireland no national status. Sec. 7 (b) was important also as it meant that when England went to war she would bring Ireland with her. (g) In reply to a question by Minister of Defence as to who was responsible for the splitting of the Delegation so that two Members (Messrs. Griffith and Collins) did most of the work and that the other members were not in possession of full information it was stated that the British Government was responsible for the arrangement but it had the approval of the whole delegation. The Minister of Defence here remarked that the British Government selected its men. On the motion of Mr. Griffith this remark was withdrawn.....'
(from here.)

On the 3rd December 1921, in a heated all-day debate in the Mansion House in Dublin, the then Irish republican delegation was once again at odds regarding the treaty which Westminster sought to impose on Ireland : the Irish Minister for Defence, Cathal Brugha, just managed to stop short of describing two of his then colleagues, Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith, as traitors ("...the British government selected its men..") whilst de Valera declared he himself might have been flexible on either one of the descriptive terms 'Irish unity/unconditional independence' but did not believe that compromise should be accepted on both ("...you got neither this nor that..") and, indeed, such was the falling out that three of them (Barton, Childers and Duffy) travelled to London that night from the North Wall and the other three (Collins, Griffith and Duggan) left for London via Dun Laoghaire ['Kingstown', as it was known then].

Collins and Griffith (both pro-Treaty) pressurised their colleague, Richard Barton (the Irish Minister for Economic Affairs) to accept the Treaty of Surrender, telling him that if he did not sign then he would be responsible for "Irish homes (being) laid waste and the youth of Ireland (being) butchered" and, at about 11pm on Monday, 5th December 1921, Barton signed the document. Ten days later (ie on the 15th December) he had this to say in relation to that eventful day - "I want first of all to say we were eight and a half hours on that Monday in conference with the English representatives and the strain of an eight and a half hours conference and the struggle of it is a pretty severe one. One, when I am asked a question like that, "Was it or was it not?", I cannot give you an answer. But as regards particular aspects of that question, which I cannot take on oath, I can only give you my impression. It is in my notes that the answer is given, and it is there because it was my impression of that conference. It did appear to me that Mr. Lloyd George spoke to me and I had an impression that he actually mentioned my name; but I could not swear on oath that he mentioned my name, or actually addressed me when he spoke. It appeared to me that he spoke to me. What he did say was that the signature and the recommendation of every member of the delegation was necessary, or war would follow immediately and that the responsibility for that war must rest directly upon those who refused to sign the Treaty..."

The Treaty was signed in London at about 2.20am on Tuesday, 6th December 1921 (Lloyd George, the then British Prime Minster, had threatened "war, immediate and terrible", if they did not sign it) and, on the 7th January 1922,the political institution in Leinster House voted to accept it, leading to a walk-out by then-principled members who, in effect, were refusing to assist in the setting-up of a British-sponsored 'parliament' in the newly-created Irish Free State. The British so-called 'House of Commons' (401 for, 58 against) and its 'House of Lords' (166 for, 47 against) both ascribed 'legitimacy' to the new State on the 16th December 1921 - the IRA, however, at an army convention held on the 26th March 1922 (at which 52 out of the 73 IRA Brigades were present,despite said gathering having been forbidden by the Leinster House institution!) rejected the Treaty of Surrender, stating that Leinster House had betrayed the Irish republican ideal.

On the 11th July 1924, the Treaty was registered at the 'League of Nations' by the Free State authorities which, in my opinion, would have been the ideal occasion for a legal challenge to it, based on the fact that, when Michael Collins and his supporters were attempting to 'sell' it to their own side, they made a big deal of the Boundary Commission clause and in particular the part of it which stated that the 'border' could be adjusted '....in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..', which is precisely why Westminster 'took' only six of the nine Ulster counties ; a built-in 'majority'. Also, the British actually took it on themselves to amend the 1921 Treaty to allow themselves (ie Westminster) to unilaterally appoint a representative to speak on behalf of the Stormont 'Parliament'. That Boundary Commission clause ('Article 12') was not properly adhered to by the signatories of the 1921 Treaty thereby , legally , negating the Treaty itself but deep pockets would be required to take such an action. And the only grouping in this State in a position to mount a challenge like that is the same (Free State) grouping which benefited then and continues to benefit today from that Clause and that which spawned it.

Finally, although the above post is centered around the political happenings on this date (3rd December) 93 years ago, repercussions from those events are still being felt today and will continue to be felt until Westminster withdraws completely, militarily and politically, from Ireland. And there is no 'clause' required to guarantee that fact.



Cork IRA Volunteers, pictured in the 1920's : it was men like these, and the organisation and objective they fought for, that Westminster wanted to kill.

'In November 1920 two soldiers from the Essex Regiment dressed in civilian clothes were arrested by the I.R.A. in West Cork. The pair claimed they were deserters who wanted help to get back to Britain. One of the soldiers claimed that his brother was a sergeant in the Essex Regiment stationed at Bandon Barracks who was also eager to desert and would be willing to supply intelligence information which could be useful for a raid on the barracks. When arrangements were made for three I.R.A. officers, Captain John Galvin, Lieutenant Jim Donohue and Section-Commander Joe Begley to meet this sergeant on December 3rd they were surprised by soldiers from the Essex regiment and shot dead. According to the local I.R.A. leader Tom Barry his comrades had been killed in a trap which the two deserters had set- "Of course, the two pseudo-deserters were spies. Acting under instructions to treat them as such, their I.R.A. escort had lodged them under guard, not in friendly houses but in British loyalist homes. Despite the vigilance of the guards , one of them dropped a note giving the particulars of the Brigade Column Commander’s appointment near Bandon. This was conveyed by the loyalists to the enemy and hence the deaths of the three Bandon Volunteers. Some time after the two British spies were brought to Kilbree, Clonakilty and there they were executed...." (from here.)

In his book 'Guerrilla Days in Ireland', Tom Barry says he interviewed the two British Army 'deserters' on the 25th November 1920 as he, and his IRA column, wanted to get into the British barracks in Bandon and remove all the weapons. He set up the meeting with the Essex sergeant, said to be the brother of one of the 'deserters'. Barry later stated - "One of the oldest ruses in war is to send spies, posing as deserters into enemy lines. The classic example is, I think, the American Civil War, when hundreds of these pseudo-deserters were discovered as spies by both armies and dealt with as such....."

And "dealt with as such" they should be ; in those days spies,informers and turncoats had to be weeded out as they attempted to blend-in with their enemy and tried to appear to be on the same side as those they secretly conspired against. But not so today - they openly present themselves in public and, indeed, are lauded by the political establishments that employ them. We need more 'Guerrilla Days' in this whole country....


"(Our) past was as the nationalist historical narrative told it. Anciently, it had owned its entire land in freedom; spoken and written its own language; was illustrious for its learning and art and saints and missionaries. Then for long centuries it was blocked by an external intrusion against which it struggled repeatedly, and under which it suffered much and in great part abandoned its native ways and language....." (from here.)

Desmond Fennell was born in Belfast in 1929, and learned Latin and Greek in Dublin, and excelled, also, in French and German. He entered UCD with a scholarship in classical languages and there, and in Trinity College, he studied history, economics and languages and, in Bonn University, he researched his MA thesis in modern history. He was awarded a D. Litt in humanities by the National University of Ireland in 1991 and, during his years living and working in Spain, Germany, Sweden, the USA and Italy, he learned three more languages!

He lived in Conamara for about ten years (from the late 1960's) and was very active in the Irish language movement, and taught history and politics in UCG from the early 1980's to the early 1990's, during which time he was involved with English writing classes at DIT. He has this to say in relation to the 'Éire Nua' republican proposal :

"Now a structure of government for all Ireland, I will remind you straight away, you probably all have seen this. That’s was the first bit, the restricting of Ulster, 9 county Ulster, a region of Ireland. Now I would like to give you the background to it, then came Connacht and then came Munster, maps like that were distributed. The whole point was to make the offer being put forward by Sinn Féin, Sinn Féin desired to have a United Ireland practical and attractive to the Ulster British as I call them, the Ulster Protestants in the North, to show them that they could have joined in the government of Ireland on dignified terms. Now I must give you some of the background of these times, the early '70s and already in Ireland, I was not a member of Sinn Féin. I was one of a number of people who were pressing within the Republic for decentralised government because since the foundation of this state in 1922 we have had the most centralised government in all of Europe.

Some of you have noticed maybe on the continent in Italy or in Spain or in Germany when you travel that you can be in a town that has its own local government. Recently we had the appalling thing of 105 town councils being abolished. Now I was living for ten years in a town in Italy with 15000 inhabitants and it had its own local government where you dealt with many of the affairs of the state but through it. It handled the state’s business in that town. So people who wanted this type of remodelling of Irish government in the Republic, Charles McCarthy was the first to come out "Regionalise the Republic". The father of it all was Tom Barrington, a dear friend who was director of the Institute of Public Administration in Dublin, he wrote books and he was a passionate pusher out of government from the centre to the regions and I was involved in that. I was living at that time in the Connemara Gaeltacht on an island called Muínis, joined by a bridge to the mainland at Carna and I was involved in that because added to that the Gaeltacht revolution was in full throttle and the Gaeltacht wanted self-government for the Gaeltacht, not only in Connemara which was the core of the revolution. When I say revolution I mean the popular movement that brought about Raidió na Gaeltachta. That got Udaras na Gaeilge from Dublin to Connemara, that’s to say the body that looked after industrial development in the Gaeltacht shifted from Dublin to Connemara and also got Oireachtas na Gaeilge instead of being always in Dublin it was moved to a different Gaeltacht district each year.

This was going on as well as the thing for the entire Republic. That was a movement of a few people whose names I have mentioned. So it was in that context that Ruairí Ó Brádaigh came to me in Connemara and said will you help us in this. Dáithí Ó Conaill was the source in Sinn Féin of the whole plan under the influence of him having lived in Switzerland and in Switzerland as you probably know it’s a country of Cantons. These Cantons are self-governing units within the country so that inspired Daithi to press for a similar proposal for Ireland. The first product of it was this document called 'New Ulster', which shows Ulster divided into West Ulster, East Ulster and South Ulster. Three regions and again within that district councils looking after districts and Belfast was to be reorganised like that with borough councils in different parts of the city instead of just one government. The general spirit of the thing was to give everyone a share. In this East Ulster would have been largely, I’m not going to say Unionist as that word would have lost meaning, I’m going to say what I call an Ulster British part of Ulster, largely Protestant.

Now Ruairí came many times to our house in Muinis and sometimes he was accompanied by Dáithí and became a good friend of mine and at that time we were working out a similar map and plan for Connacht. Leaflets were brought out for Connacht, the same kind as for Ulster but I haven’t one of them here. Maybe some of you still have it but I later put out this booklet 'Sketches of the New Ireland', of a series of maps which I incorporated the plan for New Connacht and New Connacht would have had North Connacht and South Connacht as its two regions and they would have been self-governing regions within the four provinces of Ireland. I and my children have very good memories of him. Indeed my wife used to go swimming in Muinis Strand, she being a great swimmer and he not a bad one. Nollaig O Gaira, probably some of you knew Nollaig O Gaira, he was involved in this Connacht end of planning Éire Nua and my wife became chairperson of Comhairle Connacht when it was set up. Now Comhairle Connacht like Comhairle Uladh was a preparatory body that went around and held public meetings in different places to prepare the ground for to convince the people that this was a good idea. The same that was going on in Ulster was now going on under my wife Mary’s chairmanship in Connacht. It was a very exciting time politically. This was all while the struggle was going on in the North. Our aim was to provide a convincing blueprint of what the Ireland would be when the goal was achieved, a British withdrawal and a united Ireland. I went once with a northern MP, Frank McManus, as some of you probably remember and we went to meet Desmond Bull a prominent unionist lawyer who had an open mind on the Ireland question and we presented the Éire Nua thing to him and he found it very sensible and said that he would consider it but it was part of this general persuasion attempt that was going on at the different levels and at different ways into the unionist camp.

I was particularly gratified when during Ruairí's visits to us he got to know Matt Mylet who was a prominent publican in Cearna village. Now Matt Mylet was a Fine Gaeler and he was the centre of Fine Gael power in the village and he had the hotel there, Mongan’s Hotel that some of you might have heard of in the old days, which was a very prominent hotel. Prominent people from all over Ireland came there to end their summer holidays. Matt was delighted to meet Ruairí and took him into a back room to find out what was really going on and when Ruairí was gone I said "You are a Fine Gaeler, why did you find so much in common with Ruairí, because the two of you fairly cloistered yourselves for a few hours there to get to the bottom of it all", and he said "Well you must not forget in Fine Gael there are what we call 'Collins men'". Interesting discovery, 'Collins men', a term obviously used among themselves inside Fine Gael.

So that really outlines my connection with Éire Nua and how it was promoted and it’s during that time that I became a close friend of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh."

It's heartening to see someone of the calibre of Desmond Fennell take an interest in the 'Éire Nua' document as it might bring the issue to the attention of those who would not otherwise be bothered to inquire into the subject. One can only hope.




This annual republican event has been given a boost by this decision - at the time of writing, four swimmers, all sponsored, have been confirmed (subject, as usual, to a 'health check' immediately beforehand) and Mr Claus will be on site. The 'lemonade' from Donegal has already arrived and is safely tucked away in a secure storage area (!) and all seems to be shaping-up nicely. Two table loads of 'goodies' have been collected locally from the pubs and shops etc (a big 'Thank You' to Bernard and the lads and lassies for that!) and turf , logs and other firewood is being held for Cabhair in a near-by yard. We will post more updates re the swim on this blog as we receive same - if you can make it on the day you will be most welcome and if you can't get there, you might consider sponsoring one of the swimmers or simply dropping a small envelope (with a few bob in it!) into 223 Parnell Street in Dublin. Your support will be appreciated, thanks!


Nationalist Six County 'Policing Board' member (and one of the leaders of Provisional Sinn Féin) Gerry Kelly once again showed his 'establishment' credentials in a recent interview and, even though he didn't say anything new ("...I am not against the use of informants and I’ve never said that...of course police services operate on the basis that they gain information...(I have called for)people to bring forward information so it would be a complete contradiction for me to say I am against people giving information...whether you are a covert human intelligent source or otherwise...") , for one reason or another it proved a bridge too far for one of his fellow nationalists (and party member) Frank McGirr (Colm's brother) who stated that he was.... "...so annoyed with Gerry Kelly. I am a member of Sinn Féin no longer from today. I don’t support informers. Informers are low lives. Thirty-one years ago my youngest brother Colm was murdered by the SAS on December 4 at Clonoe and that was due to police informers..." (from here.)

Where the hell has Frank been living for the last 28 years? Kelly and his Provo teammates have been singing an anti-republican tune of one type or another, albeit sometimes in a lower key, since 1986, to such an extent that anyone with a republican pulse would know to avoid them. Perhaps in another 28 years Frank will come to the conclusion that 'Kelly's Heroes' are not, in fact, attempting to achieve the same objective that his brother died for. Perhaps...

Thanks for reading, Sharon.

Wednesday, November 26, 2014



Michael Noonan (left), the Fine Gael spokesperson on Finance and former (State) Minister for Health, spoke on the export credit insurance issue. His remarks were based largely on John Bruton's speech (in Leinster House) in September 1994. From 'Magill' magazine, October 1997.

"From this series of decisions, it can be seen that Deputy Albert Reynolds flagrantly overrode the Government decision he sought in Cabinet that morning. He did so in the absence of civil servants and, therefore, no minutes of the meeting were taken and there is no record of the decisions made. Deputy Reynolds played favourites in issuing export credit insurance. He favoured the Goodman companies, Hibernia Meats and Master Meats to the exclusion of other beef companies. He also provided exclusive advance information about future Government plans for export credit to the Goodman Group, which gave it the inside track and amounts, in effect, to insider dealing. The Goodman Group knew the price it could charge in Iraq because it knew it would receive cover. This is plain from the written evidence presented to the beef tribunal.

Other aspects of Deputy Reynolds' decision in respect of export credit insurance have been debated in the Dáil on a number of occasions. However, in light of the findings of the McCracken tribunal and if in pursuit of the money trail a personal money link is established between the favoured meat companies and the then Taoiseach, Mr. Haughey, the issue of export credit insurance already investigated by the beef tribunal would have to be re-investigated by the new tribunal. I believe that the infamous package in respect of the Goodman Group of companies forced on the IDA by the then Government will also have to be re-investigated.

The beef tribunal report shows that while Deputy Reynolds was the Minister responsible for protecting the statutory independence of the Industrial Development Authority he allowed the then Taoiseach to pre-empt the role of the IDA by meeting the Goodman Group in connection with details of its negotiations with the IDA without the knowledge of the authority. Deputy Reynolds allowed a press conference to be called in respect of the Goodman beef project before the grant agreement was signed and before the authority had met to decide whether to accept his decision. This completely compromised the statutory independence of the IDA, an independence which, as Minister for Industry and Commerce under the 1986 Act, the Deputy had overall statutory responsibility to protect. Before that he allowed the Goodman package to go straight before Cabinet over a weekend. This allowed the Department of Finance one working day to examine the package worth £120 million."

[END of 'Meat Exporters and Insurance' : NEXT - 'Garda Investigations' , from 'Magill' magazine, October 1998.]


By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.

Crown Counsel John Laws was in perky form. Throughout the inquest he had made no secret of his dislike for the media and, at one point when a witness remarked that he had read about a particular point he had made in evidence in the newspapers, John Laws remarked as an aside - "Somebody has to read them, I suppose". At the end of Paddy McGrory's summing up, the coroner had requested the media not to print or broadcast any of the material contained in it lest the jury read it before retiring to consider a verdict. Within an hour the material was broadcast in part by BBC Radio 4 and John Laws was on the attack, criticising the BBC but, he said, he did not want to make an issue of it as he had no wish to give this "dishonest and dishonourable spat" more attention than it deserved.

Now, as the court waited for those fifteen minutes to pass, John Laws turned to the press gallery, waved and smilingly said - "Have a nice day". He seemed confident about which way the verdict was going and, when the verdict was announced, there was an immediate rush from the press gallery. Felix Pizzarello had requested a policeman to go and get forms on which the jury were to formally record their verdict but, because of the noise of the press stampede, nobody remaining in the gallery had heard Pizzarello make this request. It was five minutes before the policeman returned and, in the interval, nobody in the court spoke a word. There was total silence. Nobody - at least nobody remaining in the press gallery - knew what they were waiting for in the middle of this long silence. It was as if a moment had been frozen in time. (MORE LATER).


The Film Centre cinema, O'Connell Bridge House, Dublin - it first opened for business in October 1966 and not only paved the way for other cinemas in Dublin, but was such a success that it also payed the way for a sister cinema in Dublin, the Cameo, 52 Middle Abbey Street, which opened in 1976 but closed its doors in 1990. Its 'parent', the Film Centre, went out of business in 1984.

On Sunday night, 26th November 1972, the Film Centre cinema in O'Connell Bridge House in Dublin was packed with about 156 customers, with 3 staff members on duty. Probably the last thing on the minds of any of those 159 people would have been the 'hot topic' of the day, which was being loudly debated in Leinster House and in the media - the 'Offences Against the State' Act, which sought to concern itself with the so-called 'Troubles' in the occupied six counties in the north-east of Ireland and which one particular 'cleric', Ian Paisley, was using to make a name for himself by creating fear and hatred in the minds of those who listened to him.

Paisley's fellow loyalists were not, however, content to just verbalise against those they considered the 'enemy' and, on that night and in the early hours of the following day, they planted an explosive device outside the rear exit door of the cinema, in a laneway which connected Burgh Quay to Leinster Market. The bomb exploded shortly afterwards, injuring about 40 of those inside the building, although, luckily, no one was killed. A lady injured in the explosion, Jacqueline Howlin, gave this account at the time : "Sometime between 1.30 a.m. and 2 a.m. on the 26th November 1972 there was a colossal bang on the right side of the hall quite close to where we were sitting. The force of the explosion lifted us out of the seats. I was thrown out onto the floor in front of where I had been sitting. I put my hands up to my face and screamed. I found blood oozing from my face and forehead. I had been wearing spectacles and the glass was broken and shattered. When I stood up I found my right leg numb from the knee down. My boyfriend Paddy shouted at us to get out quickly. Paddy helped me part of the way to the foyer and I think it was a Fire Brigade officer or Gardaí put me sitting on a table. I was taken straight away to the Mater Hospital where I was detained and treated for my injuries. My forehead was cut and my eyelids were also cut. All my face was marked either by the glass from my spectacles or flying splinters of wood. My right leg from the knee down was badly cut and opened. There was a piece of flesh missing from the lower calf. I had thirty stitches inserted in my leg at the Mater Hospital that morning...."

More details on this loyalist bombing in Dublin, on the 26th November 1972, can be read here (on page 22).


Our picture (left) should show Fine Gael MEP Brian Hayes and it would, too, but he seems to be camera shy lately.....!

Brian Hayes operates, politically, in the Tallaght area of Dublin, just across the Naas Road from our base in Clondalkin and, as such, he would be as familiar to us as any of the other local and/or near-by career politicians, whether right-wing or not, and perhaps more so, as he is a bit more 'colourful' than most of them.

Hayes flirted, politically, with the 'Workers Party' at one stage in his career, and is known to have been impressed by Proinsias de Rossa and Eoghan Harris, and at one stage observers thought he was going to join the 'Democratic Left' grouping which was formed by some of the 'WP' membership. He is in favour of a 'Big Brother'-type of society even though he has divorced himself from 'the man on the street' to the extent that he believes he is suffering, financially,on an MEP's wage of just over €2000 a week, as much as everyone else, despite the fact that he is no stranger to the political 'big spenders' list!

Anyway - as he is a local politician, we occasionally receive 'flyers' and other self-serving leaflets from him and others, and one of which we received in the last few days - from his colleague, Emer Higgins - caught our attention because it featured a group photograph of the local Fine Gael 'team' - Emer herself, Kenneth Egan , Francis Fitzgerald, Derek Keating and Brian Hayes. Except, as per our 'pic' (top left) -

- Brian Hayes, although captioned as being present, was absent! The pictured 'team' would be advised to hold their next photo op on a payday, as Brian might just drop-by on that occasion....

SOMETIME AROUND THIS MONTH 221 YEARS AGO.....(or 'Wrong Dates re le Calendrier Républicain' !)

'This Day in History for 26th November...Historical Events....1793 - Republican calendar replaces Gregorian calendar in France.....' and 'Timelines of History.....Today in History - November 26....1793...Republican calendar replaced the Gregorian calendar in France.......' or 'The French Revolutionary Calendar (or Republican Calendar) was officially adopted in France on October 24, 1793.....'

- disagreement, as you can see, regarding the date as to when that republican calendar was introduced : '...this calendar was used for twelve years, from 24 October 1793 to 31 December 1805. (An attempt was made in 1871 to reinstate it, but this attempt failed.) However, it was back-dated to have begun on 22 September, 1792....' (from here) and then there's this - '...leap years were retained at the same frequency as in the Gregorian calendar, but it was enacted that the first leap year should be year 3, not year 4 as it would have been if the Gregorian calendar had been followed precisely in this respect. Each four-year period was to be known as a Franciade. The seven-day week was abandoned, and each 30-day month was divided into three periods of 10 days called décades, the last day of a décade being a rest day. It was also agreed that each day should be divided into decimal parts, but this was not popular in practice and was allowed to fall into disuse....' (from here).

However - no mistakes or wrong dates with this republican calendar -

- available from 223 Parnell Street in Dublin, 229 Falls Road in Belfast or any RSF member, for a fiver. Any republican would appreciate one as a Christmas present!

Thanks for reading, Sharon.

Wednesday, November 19, 2014



Michael Noonan (left), the Fine Gael spokesperson on Finance and former (State) Minister for Health, spoke on the export credit insurance issue. His remarks were based largely on John Bruton's speech (in Leinster House) in September 1994. From 'Magill' magazine, October 1997.

"No additional jobs would result from the gift of £2.74 million to the Goodman organisation, because the Goodman group had the deal which was going to create the jobs in the bag for the previous two months. The Minister's actions were a clear and deliberate breach of a Cabinet decision and this has never been fully explained. The way in which Deputy Reynolds dealt with granting export credit to other companies was arbitrary and unfair. At the meeting on 8th September between Deputy Reynolds and Mr Paschal Phelan, the owner of 'Master Meats'. Mr Oliver Murphy, the owner of Hibernia Meats, was also present. Mr Murphy had been making representations, directly and indirectly, to Deputy Reynolds to no avail.

He was trying to get a piece of the action on export credit insurance cover which, until then, had been made exclusively available to the Goodman organisation. The difficulty was that Hibernia Meats was owed money by Iraq and the Minister had made it clear up to then that any company owed money by that country would not receive cover. However, at this remarkable meeting, to which no officials from the Minister's Department were invited to attend, out of the blue and without explanation, Deputy Reynolds did an about-face on the question of issuing export credit insurance cover to Hibernia Meats. Suddenly the Cabinet decision did not matter and Deputy Reynolds, at a meeting attended by himself and two others, but not by officials from the Department of Industry and Commerce or a representative of the insurance company ICI, decided to issue export credit insurance to Hibernia Meats.

At that meeting, Deputy Reynolds also agreed to give £10 million export credit insurance cover to Master Meats, the company of his friend, Paschal Phelan, who was also present. This was an amazing decision because there was no record of Master Meats having applied to the Minister or to the Department of Industry and Commerce or to ICI for export credit insurance cover in respect of Iraq. Master Meats had no contract to export beef to Iraq when it was offered the £10 million cover, and subsequently made little attempt to negotiate a contract. It must be remembered that, shortly after , a host of beef exporting companies which had negotiated contracts with Iraq were refused insurance cover. Master Meats did not use the cover provided by Deputy Reynolds , but transferred it to Hibernia Meats , and we do not know whether this was done at no cost or for a commercial consideration. However, the worth of what was transferred to Hibernia Meats in terms of cover in the marketplace amounted to £1.7 million. Master Meats never applied for cover however due to the attendance of its principal officer at the meeting in question it received such cover."


By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.

For a month, coroner Felix Pizzarello had demonstrated that patience was not just his virtue but his trademark. There was tortuous examination and re-examination of witnesses to make sure that even the smallest of details was clarified before a witness was allowed leave the box. At times it was tedious, but Felix Pizzarello, in the minds of everybody attending the inquest, showed a determination to be thorough and the time it took to do this was - quite correctly - irrelevant. Some of the witnesses had been in the box longer than the jury were out considering their verdict. The jury had to evaluate the evidence of over ninty witnesses and now Pizzarello, after five-and-a-half-hours (which included an hour's break for lunch) was telling them to hurry up. From this point on it was a stopwatch verdict.

Some inkling of what was going through Pizzarello's mind might well be gleaned from a conversation a senior official from the coroner's office had with a couple of journalists earlier that afternnon , during which the official seemed to favour a quick result. He quoted Cardinal Hume who once said that in matters of judgement it is well to have second thoughts but in matters of conscience there must be none.

The court resumed at 7pm - the pressure exerted on them had worked. They sent a message down to say they hoped to bring in a verdict in fifteen minutes. The stopwatch had run its course and it was now into extra time. The pressure which had been imposed on them favoured a lawful killing verdict. Two hours previously, the jury had been in favour of a lawful verdict by seven to four but, with the clock running, it was a lot easier to change the minds of two people in order to get a verdict of lawful killing than to change the minds of five others to get a verdict of unlawful killing. The packed court waited as the tension rose.... (MORE LATER).


Martina Anderson : 'Northern Ireland' description for the partitioned six-county area of Ireland is now acceptable to these 'republicans',apparently.

For any so-called 'republican' to allow the term 'Northern Ireland' to go unchallenged, in reference to the occupied six counties of Ireland, is just as unforgivable as referring to that same area as a "country" , which is what Martina's nemesis, Mike Nesbitt done in the same comment in which he highlighted her acceptance of the term 'Northern Ireland' in relation to the six north-eastern Irish counties under discussion.

If perchance one of her own attempts to reprimand her over her 'Northern Ireland' blunder she should ask why it's ok to describe Leinster House as "the Dáil" but not ok to describe the occupied six counties as 'Northern Ireland'. In for a cent, in for a pound, eh, Martina?


"...they persecute the most poor people and benefit the richest institutions..."

He has his demons, as have we all and, although I wouldn't be a fan of his (to the extent that I don't even know anyone that thinks he's 'cool') but, to be honest, he makes more sense re the proposed/enforced double-water tax in this State in these ten minutes than the political clowns in Leinster House that are trying to introduce the double tax. Also, his views on voting ("I have never voted. Like most people I am utterly disenchanted by politics. Like most people I regard politicians as frauds and liars and the current political system as nothing more than a bureaucratic means for furthering the augmentation and advantages of economic elites..") would be close enough to my own 'NOTA' viewpoint and, as such, I would be inclined to at least listen to the man when he speaks about issues like that. But there's no way I'd vote for him!


Born in Dublin on the 20th June 1763, he died in that same city 35 years later, on the 19th November 1798.

In September 1798, Wolfe Tone, a fighter for Irish emancipation, a leader of the 'United Irishmen' group, and a soldier in the French army, was taken prisoner by the British at Lough Swilly , Donegal and, at his 'trial' by court-martial in Dublin, on the 8th November 1798, he was found guilty of treason and was sentenced to be hanged as a traitor.

More so to state his reasons for his activity than in an attempt to place himself at the 'mercy' of that British 'court' (he was well aware that a death sentence awaited him) he stated - "I entered into the service of the French republic with the sole view of being useful to my country. To contend against British Tyranny, I have braved the fatigues and terrors of the field of battle; I have sacrificed my comfort, have courted poverty, have left my wife unprotected, and my children without a father. After all I have done for a sacred cause, death is no sacrifice. In such enterprises, everything depends on success: Washington succeeded – Kosciusko failed. I know my fate, but I neither ask for pardon nor do I complain. I admit openly all I have said, written, and done, and am prepared to meet the consequences. As, however, I occupy a high grade in the French army, I would request that the court, if they can, grant me the favour that I may die the death of a soldier......I have laboured to abolish the infernal spirit of religious persecution, by uniting the Catholics and Dissenters. To the former I owe more than ever can be repaid. The service I was so fortunate as to render them they rewarded munificently; but they did more: when the public cry was raised against me—when the friends of my youth swarmed off and left me alone—the Catholics did not desert me; they had the virtue even to sacrifice their own interests to a rigid principle of honour; they refused, though strongly urged, to disgrace a man who, whatever his conduct towards the Government might have been, had faithfully and conscientiously discharged his duty towards them; and in so doing, though it was in my own case, I will say they showed an instance of public virtue of which I know not whether there exists another example."

His speech/request from the dock, although listened to and commented on by the British judges,was not however acted on by them : two days later he was pronounced guilty and told he would be hanged in two days time. At that time in our history, suicide was considered by all the churches in Ireland to be a 'mortal sin' and a crime under common law, for which the punishment was that the person who killed themselves would be buried, with a wooden stake through the heart, at a crossroads (to signify that the soul of the person would never arrive at its 'destination'?) and his/her's possessions would become the property of the (British) State.It should be noted that the then 'powers-that-be' did not impose this punishment on Tone or his family.

What is, in our opinion, a propaganda theory that 'Tone committed suicide' is an issue which we wrote about on this blog in the past (see 'Murder Most Foul', here,from March 9th to March 18th - each post can be read by clicking on the 'Newer Post' button) and we ask that our readers at least point this position out to those who state positively that Tone killed himself.


This is what happens when a political administration reluctantly attempts to 'honour' the men and women who took up arms to prevent its birth, thereby allowing a group, consisting of relatives of the 1916 men and women and those who sit in the above-mentioned administration and who are not opposed to the institutions which were spawned from the defeat of the 1916 ideals, to try and organise their own gig. It's a confusing enough scenario for those who live here and who might not be republican-minded or inclined to find the lie of the land, so to speak, in regards to the finer points of this subject, never mind expecting on-lookers from abroad to be able to figure out what the heck is going on here in relation to the centenary of the 1916 Rising!

But not to worry - in order to ensure you are not inadvertently standing shoulder-to-shoulder with any of the many pretenders who are trying to wrap themselves in the Irish flag for the day, this is all you need to know. The crowd of on-lookers will be smaller than the State-financed event, it will not receive as much publicity as the State-financed event and a British 'queen' will not be present (or, indeed, welcome!) but you will be in the company of genuine republican-minded people. And that, rather than the (false) pomp and ceremony, is what it's all about.


The 'Black and Tans' , but not as you know them - by which I mean not only are they mislabeled as "...an old Irish rebel group.." , but there's something else about them, too - "IN JUNE 1974 a group of men decided to band together and make their mark.... they would leave a footprint that would forever change the way service, leadership and brotherhood would be viewed....(they) didn’t have a uniform. An Englishman walked passed the group and said, “Look who’s here. It’s the Black and Tans!”.........they formally changed the name to The Regiment of the Black and Tans....It’s purpose and objectives are to “foster brotherhood and be of service to the community”.......former and active civil servants, firefighters, reservists, and military men make up a large number of it’s membership.....It is a part of the fabric of our local community......" (more here, and here!)

Anyway : Irish republicans wouldn't be at all surprised at the claim made by Ian Bailey in relation to the shirt that the State cops gave him to wear as it would have come straight out of their uniform store. Just ask any protester, water tax or otherwise, how those State cops treat them when they are being 'policed' by them on the street. But don't ask the cops themselves, as you won't like or agree with the answer you get.....

Thanks for reading, Sharon.

Sunday, November 16, 2014



On Wednesday, 19th November 2014, we will publish an exclusive report, complete with links to our sources, in relation to an up-to-now mostly unknown aspect of the Black and Tans - their fetishes regarding, amongst other issues, their uniforms, in which some of their members are directly quoted about how they interacted sexually with each other during events which they held over weekends when they were able to act out their "hot fantasies" and how those present were left "wet and drooling for more as they embraced their fetish"....!

Our piece will give access to pics [which we ourselves will not be directly posting - viewer discretion is advised] and, as stated, links to our sources, which we have established are genuine. All will be revealed (!) , here,on Wednesday 19th November 2014. Don't be the 'odd' one one - check back with us then!

Thanks for reading, Sharon.

Wednesday, November 05, 2014



Michael Noonan (left), the Fine Gael spokesperson on Finance and former (State) Minister for Health, spoke on the export credit insurance issue. His remarks were based largely on John Bruton's speech (in Leinster House) in September 1994. From 'Magill' magazine, October 1997.

"First, he had granted a credit period of 18 months, whereas the Government had decided that the maximum period was one year. Second, he had awarded cover to Hibernia Meats, a company from whom claims had arisen in Iraq, and in respect of which payments were still outstanding. Six days later, on 14 September, Deputy Reynolds, as Minister, broke even more of the conditions set by the Government on 8th September, this time for the benefit of the Goodman organisation.

He agreed to give Goodman 80 per cent cover, whereas the Government conditions specified 70 per cent. He cut the claims waiting period for Goodman to six months, not the year specified at Government. He cut the premium charged to Goodman on the Iraqi contract to one per cent, as against the four per cent specified by the Government. This premium concession constituted on its own a gift of £2.74 million from the taxpayer to the Goodman organisation. This cut rate premium of one per cent contrasted not only with the four per cent being charged to other exporters within the scheme, but with a market rate premium of between 15 per cent and 24 per cent, which Mr. Goodman would have had to pay if he had insured his contract for Iraq on the commercial market. The Goodman organisation was getting a clear cash benefit as a direct consequence of Deputy Reynolds breaking the terms of the Cabinet decision.

This special four per cent premium was advanced in the memorandum for Government as one of only three arguments in favour of giving Iraq a larger share of the total amount of export credit available, almost half of the total market. Yet that argument was ignored within hours of the decision being taken....."


By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.

Seán Savage was a few feet behind Diane Treacy and one of the SAS soldiers a few feet in front. After the soldier fired she turned and saw Savage fall to the ground. Treacy then fled. Pizzarello then pointed out that she had agreed that she had not seen any more shots fired while Seán Savage was on the ground and while this is correct it was unfair to tell the jury this without pointing out that at the point Diane Treacy fled she had heard only between three and five shots fired. That leaves up to a dozen shots unaccounted for from the time she ran when Savage was on the ground.

There were other disconcerting elements to the coroner's charge ; one of the most important witnesses who gave evidence was the pathologist Professor Watson, and the reason why his evidence was so important was that its conclusions are based on science-there is no incorrect information arising from bad recollection or a witness telling lies. The evidence that Watson gave was highly suggestive that Mairead Farrell had been shot while on the ground, and he was one of the first witnesses to give evidence. There had been many contradictory accounts furnished in the meantime. Watson's independent and uncoloured testimony would not have been fresh in the minds of the jury at the end of proceedings.

Yet the coroner, Felix Pizzarello, dismissed it in a couple of lines and did not detail the main points that Watson had made. He merely told the jury that the pathologist had given opinions and it was the jury's discretion as to whether they wanted to accept those opinions or not. The jury retired at 11.28am to consider a verdict and were recalled at 5pm, to be told that they were entitled to a reasonable amount of time but they were now "reaching the edge of that time" and, in response to questions to the jury, the court heard that they had reached a verdict but did not have a sufficient majority. The additional information that the verdict they had reached was the same in all three cases, except for a slight difference in the case of one, made it clear that they were leaning towards lawful killing. Pizzarello told them to return to discuss the matter further and asked them if possible to return with a verdict by 7pm. This was an extraordinary request by any standards, but coming from Feliz Pizzarello it was bizarre. (MORE LATER).


A Clondalkin, Dublin, RSF member pictured outside the County Council offices in Clondalkin on Saturday 1st November 2014 at the anti-double water tax protest which assembled at that location.

On a very wet and windy Saturday afternoon in November 2014, a crowd of at least 500 anti-double water tax protesters, including RSF members and supporters, made their way from Clondalkin Village to the Arc Bar in Liffey Valley, on the Clondalkin/Ballyfermot 'border', a distance of about four kilometers. By the time the Clondalkin Village group arrived at their destination, they had been joined along the route by sufficient numbers to ensure that between three and four thousand people were now assembled outside the Arc Bar in a sign of clear defiance against the Leinster House-enacted and enforced double tax on household water. There was a 'mixed bunch' present, ranging from those who, like RSF, are totally opposed to any idea, in any form, that a service should be paid for twice to those who are seen to campaign against this unjust double tax but have themselves paid it anyway (!) (a position which, incidentally, has seen them publicly disagree amongst themselves and left them open for others to expose their hypocrisy , even if they eventually 'see the light' and attempt to back peddle - and more back peddling here ,in the opposite direction but for the same reason as Mary Lou and her PSF colleagues did it ie to try and curry favour, even at this late stage, with their electorate) to those who, thanks to a corrupt media (where the lie that up to now, 'water has been free' is being propagated unrelentingly, and not only by the media outlets owned/controlled/'guided' by this man) would be inclined to believe that the main quibble should be to do with the manner in which payment 'should be made'.

'Let them eat cake and drink rainwater' - Fine Gael's 'solution' to poverty.

However, diverse crowd notwithstanding, we distributed our 500 'leaflet packs' in less than fifteen minutes and had we had three or four times as many 'packs' we could have comfortably distributed them, too, a lesson which will be acted on, hopefully, in time for the next (similar) protest - the useless politicians in Leinster House are now about to tax the air that we breathe, and I await with interest Laura's opinion on what else we can breathe. Her political leader, Enda Kenny, meanwhile, is doing his bit, too, to help the great unwashed to get better value from water they have paid twice for. What a shower of contemptible wasters they are.


'Broad-shouldered' Churchill ("All I can give you..."), perhaps forecasting what he was going to inflict on the world.

On this date (5th November) 74 years ago, Britain's then top imperialist and war-monger in, for example, Ireland, Africa and India, and who also served as prime minster of that country, Winston Churchill, made a speech in the 'House of Commons' in which he spoke of his regret that Irish ports were no longer under the control of Westminster, but were now operated and controlled by Leinster House, his puppet parliament in Dublin (and had been so for the previous two years - a 'Bulldog' with a grudge, apparently!). He stated - "The fact that we cannot use the south and west coasts of Ireland to refuel our flotillas and aircraft and thus protect the trade by which Ireland as well as Great Britain lives, is a most heavy and grievous burden and one which should never have been placed on our shoulders, broad though they be..." Lest we forget (words hijacked by the British) , Churchill was the driving force behind the Black and Tans and was the 'father' of the hated Auxiliaries and, as well as overseeing the military damage caused here by his paramilitary gangs, he also arranged that, before handing the ports back to his minions in this State, more than £1,000,000 of State taxpayers money had to be spent to put the ports back in working order. A financial terrorist, too. You can read more about the man who placed such a heavy and grievous burden on the Irish on this link, which will give you a proper flavour of just how evil he was.


Born in Belfast on the 21st August 1861, died in his 92nd year on the 5th November 1952. His father, James, was a factory owner in Belfast (manufacturing starch) but Frederick struck out on his own, becoming an engineer with a shipping firm before taking to a military life, which brought him into the Boer War.

"From these settlers sprang a people, the Ulster-Scot, who have made themselves felt in the history of the British Empire and, in no small measure, in that of the United States of America....I am ashamed to call myself an Irishman. Thank God I am not one. I am an Ulsterman, a very different breed" - Crawford describing himself, echoing the misguided feelings of his friends in the UUC, UVF and the URC.

On the night of the 24th April, 1914, Frederick Crawford, the 'Director of Ordnance HQ Staff UVF' (who was cooperating re acquiring arms with, and for, the 'Ulster Unionist Council') and the main instigator in an operation in which over 25,000 guns were successfully smuggled into Ireland, witnessed his plans come to fruition - for at least the previous four years, he and some other members of the 'Ulster Reform Club' had been making serious inquiries about obtaining arms and ammunition to be used, as they saw it, for 'the protection of fellow Ulstermen'. Advertisements had been placed in newspapers in France, Belgium, Germany and Austrian newspapers seeking to purchase '10,000 second-hand rifles and two million rounds of ammunition...' and, indeed, between August 1913 and September 1914, it is known that Crawford and his colleagues in the UVF/URC/UUC obtained at least three million rounds of .303 ammunition and 500 rifles, including Martini Enfield carbines, Lee Metford rifles, Vetterlis and BSA .22 miniature rifles, all accompanied by their respective bayonets, and six Maxim machine guns (from the Vickers Company in London for £300 each).

The ads were placed and paid for by a 'H.Matthews, Ulster Reform Club' (Crawford's middle name was Hugh and his mother's maiden name was Matthews) an action which some members of the Club objected to, leading to Crawford resigning from that group (and describing the objectors as "a hindrance"): he described that period in his life as being "...so crowded with excitement and incidents that I can only remember some of them, and not always in the order in which they happened.." Crawford and his UVF/URC/UUC colleagues had ordered some munitions from a company in Hamburg, in Germany, and had paid a hefty deposit up front but, months later, as they had not heard from the company, Crawford was sent there to see what the delay was and discovered that the German boss , who was in Austria while Crawford was in Germany, had informed Westminster about the order and was asked by that institution not to proceed with same - the deposit would not be returned and the deal was off, as far as the company was concerned. Crawford tracked him down, in Austria, and called him and his company "swindlers" and was then told of a similar 'deal' involving that arms company regarding Mexican purchasers who also got swindled but, on that occasion, words and bullets were exchanged, the latter from gun barrels!

At 60 years of age (in 1921) he was named in the British 'Royal Honours List' as a 'CBE' (' Commander of the Order of the British Empire') and he wrote his memoirs in 1934 at 73 years of age. He died, in his 92nd year, in 1952 and is buried in the City Cemetery in the Falls Road in Belfast. The then British PM, 'Sir' Basil Brooke, described him as "...a fearless fighter in the historic fight to keep Ulster British.."

Whatever about his 'successes on the battlefield', he was apparently less successful in his family life - "What sort of man was my Father ? .....as a boy and as a man he was never very intelligent. He was an unconscious bully and for that reason unloved by his children. Each in turn left the home as soon as we became adults and were able to do so. The U.V.F rifles - I think about 15,000 were stored and kept in good condition in a shed in the grounds of Harland and Wolff where I once saw them. For legal reasons they were in my father’s name. After the retreat from Dunkirk Britain was desperately short of arms and wanted to purchase the U.V.F rifles. As you are now aware my father was not a very intelligent person and a hopeless business man. My father’s chartered accountant sent word to him to say that Sir Dawson Bates wanted to meet him about something important. Accordingly my father went to the accountant’s office where his old friend Sir Dawson Bates was waiting for him, “Ah Fred, so glad you’ve come”. The three, my Father, the accountant and Sir Dawson Bates sat down at a table.

There Sir Dawson carefully explained the desperate need Britain had for arms and asked my father, for patriotic reasons, to release the rifles – it would only be a simple matter of signing a prepared document. My father, in the presence of the Accountant and Sir Dawson Bates, for patriotic reasons, signed the document without reading it. It conveyed ownership of the rifles from my father to Sir Dawson Bates who sold them to the British Government for I believe £2 a barrel....an unholy Trio had been cheating him for years ; his Estate Agent who collected all revenues due to my father was keeping most of it. His Chartered Accountant was presenting false figures for income tax purposes and all this skulduggery was made legal by the co-operation of his trusted friend, his solicitor...." (from here.)

Colonel Frederick Crawford CBE proudly worked for, and aided and abetted, British imperialism only to be used, abused and cheated by that same system. A lesson (which will no doubt go unheeded) to be learned, even at this late stage, by those who, today, work that imperialist system in this country, north and south.


The reason why I don't wear yellow!

Yesterday (Tuesday 4th November 2014) the three of us began preparations for two major events that are taking place this coming weekend (Saturday 8th and Sunday 9th) for Irish republicans : the Republican Movement will be holding, in a Dublin venue, its (110th) Ard Fheis and, in Kildare, on Sunday, the Dublin Executive of RSF will be holding a 650-ticket fundraiser, for which all tickets have been sold. Each event takes at the very least days of preparation beforehand and, indeed, days of 'cleaning-up' afterwards and, while we have managed to do one or the other in the past without any serious adverse consequences on our other jobs, the fact that the two events have clashed means that we won't have the time to put a blog post together for next Wednesday, 12th November, but will be back here on Wednesday 19th, if not between both dates.

Thanks for reading, Sharon.