Wednesday, September 23, 2020



Lucy Caroline O'Brien (nee Gabbett)
(pictured) was born on the 23rd of September, 1811 - 209 years ago on this date - in Limerick, to Joseph Gabbett and Lucy Maunsell. At 21 years young she married William Smith O'Brien, who was then 29 years of age, and they had seven children (five boys and two girls).

Most of the information that we could find in relation to Lucy was based on her marriage to William Smith O'Brien, a man we had mentioned before in regards to his endeavours in fighting against the British military and political presence in Ireland.

But there was another side to him as well, which would have added to the pressures on his poor wife : "..admittedly, he had earlier entertained so passionate an affection for a young woman in London that he had got her pregnant. Because she was not considered suitable for marriage to the son of a substantial Anglo-Irish landowner, the girl was bought off with an annuity of £50 a year by his older brother and their the time he became one of the leaders of Young Ireland, in the middle of the 19th century, William Smith O’Brien was married to Lucy and had fathered several children.." (from here.)

He was held in captivity in Van Diemen's Land for five years and this 'garden seat incident' with a young girl was recorded, in writing, by his British captors who, it must be borne in mind, had (and still have) 'form' in inventing 'private lives' for those they wish to belittle. However, it does seem that Lucy's husband might have been prone to putting his own hand out to be slapped -

"Mary Ann Wilton bore, in 1830, a son William by him. The boy was baptised in fashionable St Margaret’s, Westminster, London, on 6 January 1832. The child’s sister, Mary Wilton O’Brien, born 1831, was baptised at the same ceremony. Note that Wilton, her mother’s family name, was given as her Christian name. The birth certificate records Mary Ann Wilton as their mother and William Smith O’Brien as their father. Nine months later, the latter married Lucy Caroline Gabbett..." (from here.)

Lucy Caroline O'Brien died on the 13th June, 1861, in Limerick, Ireland, only 41 years of age, and he himself passed away three years later, in his 61st year, in Bangor, Wales, and is buried in Rathronan Churchyard in Limerick. The inscription on the family mausoleum reads - 'Lucy Caroline O'Brien, Born 1811, Died 18 June 1861 ; William Smith O'Brien, Born 17 October 1803, Died 18 June 1861 and Here Lies Edward William, Eldest Son of William Smith O'Brien, A Just Man, Lover of His People. Born 24 Jan 1837, Died 21 Jan 1909.'

'William Smith O’Brien married Lucy Caroline Gabbett, daughter of Mayor William Gabbett, in 1832. She was born in 1811 and died on the 13 June 1861.(from here.)

Trying to make ends meet and raise seven children is a full-time job in itself. Attempting to do that and have to worry about an absent husband gives an indication of the strength of the woman.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

With the advent of each successive generation of party politicians it becomes ever more important for republicans to set out clearly the principles of their Movement. The fundamental principle of republicanism is 'Freedom' and Wolfe Tone, the founder of Irish republicanism, has spoken clearly on its objective - "To break the connection with England."

Ireland is denied her freedom by England and by England's minions, hence it is that today Irish republicans reiterate the words of their founder - "break the connection with England." Wolfe Tone found it necessary 150 years ago to clarify the issues at stake in Ireland in his day, so also do we find it incumbent upon us to remove any doubts as to what are the issues at stake in our day.

This clarification is necessary in Ulster, which is predominantly Protestant, and in the other three Provinces, which are predominantly Catholic ; this letter is for Ulstermen. It has always been an extraordinary feature of the Irish Republican Movement that it was and is attacked with equal harshness by Protestants and Catholics, or rather by politicians of both religious denominations. Unfortunately the people, following the example of their various party political leaders, criticise the Republican Movement and, in doing so, they put forward criticisms which of themselves are contradictory... (MORE LATER.)


Ireland, 1970's : turmoil in the country, due to the then-as-now unwanted political and military interference here by Westminster. The Leinster House administration was headed-up at the time by Fine Gael's Liam Cosgrave (pictured), and among the many harsh laws introduced, enforced and 'improved on' by the Blueshirts was a censorship act, 'Section 31'.

The then Free State President was a Fianna Fail man, Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh , said to be a compromise candidate by the powers-that-be at the time, as he fitted the requirements dictated by the 'establishment' (ie 'a safe pair of hands') - he was previously the Free State Attorney General and Chief Justice of the FS Supreme Court, and was given the Office, unopposed, in 1974, following the death of Erskine Hamilton Childers.

But it was that legal training which raised a red flag with him in relation to a piece of legislation which the Blueshirt Leinster House administration wanted him to 'rubber stamp' - the 'Emergency Powers Act', and the fact that Ó Dálaigh and Cosgrave didn't agree with each other, socially or politically, came into play : Ó Dálaigh refused to simply 'sign off' on the 'EPA' without first testing its constitutionally.

On the 23rd of September, 1976 - 44 years ago on this date - Ó Dálaigh (pictured) spent four hours consulting with a bunch of posh suits known as the Free State 'Council of State' on whether or not it would be best practice to refer the legislation to the Free State Supreme Court to test its constitutionality before he could declare it to be 'the law' and it was decided that that would be the best thing to do, a decision which annoyed the Blueshirt administration.

Just over three weeks later (ie on the 15th October 1976) the FS Supreme Court declared that the 'EPA' was a legitimate piece of legislation and it was only then that Ó Dálaigh deemed it necessary to sign-off on it, which he did, reluctantly (or so it was alluded at the time) but that 'victory' wasn't enough for Cosgrave and his people - they considered themselves to have been disrespected by the actions of Ó Dálaigh and, three days later (ie on the 18th October 1976) , they could contain themselves no longer : it was on that date that the Free State Minister of Defence, Paddy Donegan, was opening a new Free State army barracks in Mullingar, County Westmeath (having, seemingly, forgot that Ó Dálaigh was the Commander-In-Chief of said army!) that he made a remark (he was concussed at the time, he later claimed!) which was to haunt him for the rest of his life.

He 'kicked himself up the transom' , if you like, which wouldn't have caused as much damage as firing a shotgun over dwellings in which people lived - more about that 'eccentric' (!) Free State politician can be read here...


By Mairead Carey.

From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.

Meanwhile, patients with acute psychiatric problems and violent tendencies are being betrayed by a system which doggedly and deliberately fails to recognise their needs. Psychiatric care in Ireland is stumbling from crisis to crisis.

Unless this unglamorous aspect of healthcare is given a significantly higher status when the government meets to attribute the 'new and improved' health budget, we can confidently expect another tragedy of the magnitude of the Riney case. Or perhaps even worse.

(END of 'Why Are We Turning A Blind Eye To Psychiatric Patients Who Have A Propensity For Violence?' ; NEXT - 'Is It Time To Ask Questions Of The Legal Profession?', from the same source.)


'At 1.15 am Captain Geoffrey Thomas Baggallay, a one-legged courts-martial officer, had phoned Dublin Castle telling of John Lynch’s presence at the Exchange Hotel. A group of 12 British soldiers entered the Exchange Hotel, wearing military caps and long black Burberry coats. They held the hotel porter, William Barrett, at gunpoint. After consulting the register they went to the bedroom of John Lynch (pictured). It was number 6 on the third floor, where John Lynch had been staying since 12 Sept.

They shot him and the soldiers left ; the British soldiers claimed Lynch had fired a shot at them when they attempted to arrest him. The military reported a death at the hotel at 2.15 am. The RIC arrived after the military reported the death to them. The coroners verdict was that Lynch was shot by a soldier in self-defence. No evidence was given by any soldiers at the inquiry.

The IRA believed that the actual murder was carried out by Henry James Angliss and Charles Ratsch Peel working undercover. The group of khaki-clad men who shot Lynch numbered about 12, and the IRA certainly believed that Angliss and Peel were among them from the inside information that they received from “Lt G” at Dublin castle. Lt G is believed to be Lily Mernin who worked as a typist at army headquarters. Michael Collins believed that many of the British officers that were later killed on ‘Bloody Sunday’ shot John Lynch in the Exchange Hotel. Lynch was the local Sinn Féin organiser of a loan and was in Dublin to hand over £23,000 in subscriptions to Collins. Altogether £370,163 was raised in the loan effort in Ireland by September 1920 when it closed down.

It is not possible to know who the 12 men on the raiding party were who shot Lynch, however, apparently Lt. Angliss, under the influence of drink, divulged his participation in the shooting to a girl who passed this information on to an IIS (the republican intelligence department) informant. Peel escaped death on ‘Bloody Sunday’ by barracading himself in his room. George Osbert Smyth (on attachment to avenge his brother (Gerald’s death, shot by the IRA after a speech he gave in Listowel, Co Kerry) is understood to have been part of the raiding party, from information given to his family on a visit home. Osbert Smyth was shot dead in October 1920 while trying to arrest IRA suspects Dan Breen and Sean Treacy at a house in Drumcondra...' (from here.)

Like Liam Lynch, John Lynch had made his preference known in relation to how to deal with the unwanted British presence in Ireland - he was for a military solution ie to 'fight fire with fire'. This was known to the enemy in Westminster, so much so that they instructed their 'Cairo Gang' mercenaries to concentrate on admired soldiers like (Liam) Lynch and, in their rush to do so, the Sinn Féin councillor, John Lynch, was shot dead by 'Cairo' member Lieutenant Angliss (aka 'McMahon'- he had been recalled from spy work in Russia for the 'Cairo Gang' job in Dublin).

The British assassin is said to have believed that John Lynch was Liam Lynch, or related to him, but expressed no remorse when his mistake was pointed out to him. The Ciaro man was playing billiard's in Dublin after he killed John Lynch when the IRA shot him, but he was only wounded. He wanted revenge - and his position in the 'Cairo Gang' gave him that opportunity, or so he thought. But, in November, 1920, he was in lodgings at 22 Lower Mount Street in Dublin when two of the 'Twelve Apostles' entered his room. He reached for his revolver but was shot dead before he could get to it.

Sinn Féin County Councillor John Aloysius Lynch of Kilmallock, County Limerick was murdered at the Exchange Hotel in Dublin by a British agent on September 23rd, 1920 - 100 years ago on this date. The British mercenary who murdered him has been named over the years as a Captain John Fitzgerald (a native of Cappawhite, County Tipperary, who was later assassinated by the IRA), and Henry James Angliss and Charles Ratsch Peel were also named as the murderer. Whatever the case, justice was served afterwards.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.

"A Chara,

The following statement has been released for publication. Please publish it in full or not at all...

This official reiteration is now released for publication on behalf of Óglaigh na h-Éireann and on behalf of Sinn Féin. Its release at this juncture is considered necessary for the reasons stated above, and because of a recent approach made to ascertain if some kind of compromise agreement or understanding could be reached between the Republican Movement and Fianna Uladh, the most recent splinter party to enter the arena of party politics ('1169' Comment - "We in Fianna Uladh recognise the Constitution of the Republic of Ireland under which this State operates and we are prepared to work within its framework to extend its operation to the whole of Ireland..." - from here.).

The Republican Movement accepts and endorses the axiom that, to complete the task of freeing Ireland, the greatest possible measure of unity amongst our people is essential. Achievement of such measure of unity as a means to an end is a main aim of, and a principal plank in, the platform of the Movement. Republicans go further by fostering and endorsing the fundamental principle that the basis upon which unity rests is of greater national importance than mere achievement of a facade of unity behind which the politicians would manoeuvre for tactical positions in a game of political party stunting.

No useful purpose would be served through alignment of the Republican Movement with political splinter parties, whose national outlook is coloured by party interests and whose national endeavour is circumscribed by the personal ambitions of party leaders. Such alignment would at once bring the Republican Movement within the ambit of party politics, deprive it of any claim to national status, and reduce it to a level of yet another political party..." (MORE LATER.)

Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.

Sunday, September 20, 2020



' 'Monday, 21st September 2020, 9.35pm - RTÉ Investigates Whistleblowers: 'Fighting to be Heard' ; Barry O'Kelly reports on the importance of whistleblowers to society and the price they often pay for speaking out..'

...and there is a 'price' for speaking out, but it's a price worth paying.

We have mentioned this local act of in-house vandalism (to put it mildly) a few times already on the blog and are availing of the above-mentioned RTE programme to do so again, in the hope that it may offer warning signs to look out for if you or yours find yourself in such an unfortunate position. It's in connection with a family here in the Clondalkin, Dublin, area who are splintered beyond repair because of the unbelievable actions of two family members and their families, due to their own greediness.

The elderly husband and wife, both deceased now, God Bless them, were a truly beautiful couple and were well known in the Clondalkin area, for their friendly, chatty, helpful nature, and were much loved and respected by all who had the pleasure to know them. The greed that was publicly displayed by two of their daughters, and their families, knocked everyone here in the area for six and, even now - nine years after the Gentleman passed away and three years after his Lady wife was re-united with him beyond the stars - tensions between the 'evil' and the decent side of the families involved are still raw, and all because of the little money, and their bungalow, that the couple actually had left when they passed.

About €73,000 - the couple's life savings - was spent by the two daughters on themselves over a four-year period, €3,500 was taken from the couple's Credit Union (and spent in Boston, on a holiday, by one of the daughters and her family), household bills were left unpaid etc etc ; it was harrowing to hear about it and to witness, in public, the very real anger of the wrongdoers when they realised they had been caught and then copped-on to the fact that there would be no going back to the 'old', money-no-object ways, for them. Their anger exploded on the streets and in the pubs of the area, blood and drink was spilt, the cops were involved and legal offices were brought into play. But the decent side of the family won out in the end, 100%, over the nasty side of that same family, but they had to fight for their victory, legally and physically, although morally they had already won.

If you're reading this, and you have an elderly parent or parents, and you have siblings, please remember that it won't always be strangers from outside the family that pose the potential threat.

"...after my Nana died (in February 2017) it transpired that my two robbing Aunties and one of their daughters, 'EM' had, in 2014, taken my poor Nana to a solicitor where she was instructed to sign and date some legal papers, which she did 'cause she "didn't want to make a fuss". Those legal papers turned out to be a Will, which Nana didn't know anything about and was never given a copy of for herself (neither was either of my Uncles, who knew nothing about it at the time) and in that Will one of my Aunties, 'M', had named herself as the sole executor of my Nana's property, including the bungalow that Nana and my Grandad lived in. My two Uncles had always been named as joint executors in the Will(s) that my Nana and Grandad had made up to that point.

But that so-called 2014 Will troubled my Nana to the extent that she asked my Uncle 'S' to take her to a different solicitor, which he did, and she made a proper Will, in which the two robbing Aunties were left less than anyone else and my two Uncles were again named as joint executors. All this only became known after my Nana died and my two Aunties (and their families) are very very sore about it and that robbing side of the family actually started a fist fight with one of my two Uncles at a 60th birthday party that they all happened to be at. The robbers lost that fight, just as they had lost out in their plan to take over my Nana's and Grandad's bungalow and property and, on another occasion, an attempt was made to physically prevent one of my Uncles from leaving his late Dad and Mam's house, and that resulted in another punch-up, which the thieving side of the family also lost...."

This is the blog in question ; it's a heart-breaking read, but it may just save other blogs like it having to be written in the future.

Thanks for reading,


We'll be back here on Wednesday, 23rd September 2020.

Wednesday, September 16, 2020




'The story of the Glenanne Gang details how members of the RUC and UDR were centrally involved in the murder of over 120 innocent civilians. Now known as the Glenanne Gang, the group of killers rampaged through Counties Tyrone and Armagh and across into the Irish Republic in a campaign that lasted from July 1972 to the end of 1978...' (from here.)

'The Glenanne gang was based at a farm in Glenanne, County Armagh, in the 1970s. Its members are suspected of involvement in about 90 attacks during the Troubles, including the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings, which killed 33 people, and the 1975 Miami Showband Massacre targeting one of Ireland's best known showbands...' (from here.)

Collusion between pro-British elements in Ireland and the forces of Westminster - political and/or military collusion, that is - has always been a part of the British occupation of Ireland, going back over 800 years ; we have, unfortunately, never had a decade in all that time when some political or military tout didn't make his/her presence felt, and the same is true today, except those operatives are more 'in-your-face' than they were in the past.

Since this State was spawned almost 100 years ago, those in political and military power have been pro-partition and have enforced that writ from a Westminster-imposed institution in Kildare Street in Dublin. They continue to benefit, financially, from being 'big fish in a small pond' and have no desire to change that position by having to work for a living in the changed political landscape that re-unification will bring, and if maintaining their position entails supporting overt and covert political and military manoeuvres by Westminster, anywhere in Ireland, then so be it.

Anyway - if it is broadcast as stated, it will be worth watching : RTE One television, tonight (Wednesday 16th September 2020), 9.35pm. It will hopefully be 90 minutes well spent!


'Davis, Thomas Osborne (pictured), poet and politician, was born at Mallow (Cork), 14th October 1814. From his very earliest years he was noted for his passionate love of Ireland. In 1835 he graduated with distinction at the University of Dublin, mathematics and modern history being his favourite studies. In the debates of the College Historical Society he was distinguished more for talents and learning than for eloquence. Although called to the Bar in his twenty-fourth year he afterwards evinced little taste for following up the profession of the law. He travelled on the Continent, and collected a good library...

In 1840 he contributed a series of articles on the state of Europe to the Dublin Morning Register — contending that a crisis was approaching in which Ireland would be able to obtain her legislative independence. He became an active member of the Repeal Association, where his ability and the sincerity of his character soon obtained for him an effective and influential position. At times he did not shrink from opposing O'Connell, for whom he had the greatest veneration.

In 1842, with a few other persons desirous of strengthening the spirit of nationality in Ireland, he started the Nation newspaper...' (from here.)

Thomas Osbourne Davis was a revolutionary Irish writer and was one of the leaders of the 'Young Ireland' movement. He was well educated, having studied in Trinity College, from which institution he received an Arts Degree and, at 24 years young, he was 'called to the Irish Bar'.

In 1842, Thomas Davis and two of his colleagues, Charles Gavan Duffy and John Blake Dillon, were walking together in the Phoenix Park in Dublin discussing, among other issues, no doubt, the 'Hughes/Armagh Assizes' case, an infamous case of its day, and the manner in which it was being reported on. The three politically like-minded men made a decision there and then to start their own (weekly) newspaper which would present the news in a manner which would not be slanted towards the Westminster point-of-view. 'The Nation' newspaper was born that day.

The first copies of the newspaper were printed from a premises in Trinity Street in Dublin but later moved to a more suitable location in D'Olier Street, before finding a permanent home in Middle Abbey Street, Dublin. It was well received by Irish society, at home and abroad. In 1900, it merged with 'The Irish Weekly Independent' - 'There has never been published in this, or any other country, a journal, which was imbued with higher ideals of nationality, which attracted such a brilliant band of writers in prose and verse, which inspired such widespread enthusiasm, or which exercised a greater influence over all classes of its readers, which after a time included every section of the community.

'The Nation' preached a nobler and more self-sacrificing Gospel of Nationality than Irishmen and women had been accustomed to hear for many years. It sought, not only to disinfect the political life of the country, but to raise the whole standard of national self-respect based on the inalienable right of people to guard their own destinies ; to inculcate a sentiment of pride in Ireland and everything Irish - in our history, legends, language and literature ; in our music and in our art ; in our magnificent contributions to the culture and civilisation of other countries ; in our sacred ruins scattered throughout the land and in lonely islands off our coasts, silently preaching silent sermons on Irish sanctity, learning and foreign rapacity ; in our heroic struggle for freedom throughout the ages ; in the brilliant achievements of our soldiers on the continent of Europe and in America, where they helped the oppressed colonists to achieve their independence – and it strove to regenerate the motherland intellectually, spiritually, socially and nationally...' (from here.)

On the 16th September, 1845 - 175 years ago on this date - Thomas Osborne Davis, at only 30 years of age, died in Dublin from scarlet fever. He is buried in Mount Jerome Cemetery, in Dublin.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Principles, Methods and Subjects...

11. Elements of philosophy.

12. Theoretical and practical elements of art, science and music. Non-formal as well as formal study, with special attention to the creative faculty.

13. Development of manual work and craftmanship. Exclusion of competition and sense of time.

14. Elements of money.

As we have stated, the above is but an indication of some methods and subjects which could be adopted. To develop any such work, it will be necessary to obtain the co-operation of any member, or reader, who can assist in any way. We would therefore be glad to hear from those interested with a view to having a meeting in the near future.

(END of 'Education'. NEXT - 'Ulster Letter', from the same source.)


'16th September 1920 : British double agent John Henry Gooding aka F. Digby Hardy (pictured) offers to betray his superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. It is unknown if the offer was genuine or part of a trap for Michael Collins ; exposed by Irish press as an ex-convict, forger and bigamist, 'Gooding' admits his past and scores a propaganda victory for the IRA; he is allowed to flee Ireland unharmed and dies of natural causes in 1930...'

'John Henry Gooding, alias Frank Digby Hardy was an English naval writer, journalist, soldier, career criminal and would-be spy during the Irish War of Independence. Born in Devonport, Plymouth to a middle-class family, he was educated in London before gaining notoriety in his native Devon as a bigamist and a cheque forger. Imprisoned numerous times throughout his life, he was enlisted by British intelligence to capture Irish Republican Army leader Michael Collins in 1920...his enlistment into the British intelligence services came at a time when membership of the organisation was low and a recruitment drive had been initiated by its leadership for the purposes of action in Ireland during the Irish War of Independence...'

'A convicted forger serving a 5 year sentence in a London prison, one F. Digby Hardy, offered his services as a spy. Hardy was to travel to Ireland and establish contact with the IIS (the Irish Republican Intelligence agency). Hardy's letter, however, had been intercepted and transmitted to IIS Headquarters, where Irish operatives began to amass a dossier of incriminating information concerning Hardy's past. Collins actually got a copy of the letter Gooding wrote offering his services.

Collins permitted Hardy to make contact with the IIS, and shortly there after arranged what Hardy had been led to believe was a conference with IIS officers. Those present were in fact American and British journalists anticipating the scoop that Hardy was shortly to provide. During this meeting the leaders of the IIS confronted Hardy with his criminal past, and his mission to penetrate the IIS. When Hardy learned the true identity and purpose of his host, he made a full confession, hoping thereby to obtain leniency from his inquisitors. Because of Hardy's cooperation, the IIS spared his life and gave him until the next morning to be out of Ireland. The story made international news headlines, and the BIS suffered a humiliating reversal before world opinion...'

The paragraphs above were taken from various sources as, indeed, was the subject matter - a hired mercenary, spawned, like all mercenaries, from a half-successful coupling between a couple, one of whom - or both - lacked the moral fibre to do it right.

Your manifest perfections never cease

To drive the day-long terrors out of mind

They are the lights the darkness hides behind

Allowing satisfaction its increase

Beyond the petty boundaries designed

To keep us well aware the world's unkind

And still your eyes proclaim a reign of peace...
(from here.)

John Henry Gooding, alias Frank Digby Hardy, infected this world from the 5th April, 1868, until the 28th October 1930. He was 52 years of age when he died. From natural causes. He did good to make it that far.


By Mairead Carey.

From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.

The West-Dublin area covers a population of over 350,000. As such, it is supposed to have 175 acute beds available to psychiatric patients. It has 50.

The promised 'step-down units' - which were to be built when they closed the acute admission unit at St. Loman's in Palmerstown - never materialised. The general admission unit at St. Loman's services the largest catchment area in the country. In one 22-bed unit in the last six months alone, there have been eight assaults on staff and six on patients, one of them leading to very serious injuries. Five psychiatric nurses have retired prematurely because of injuries suffered at work in the last five years, three more are in the process of retiring and another four are on long-term sick leave.

The nurses at St. Loman's were in industrial dispute in 1993, 1995 and 1997, and have returned to the Labour Relations Commission twice in the past month. The issues are the same as they were in the early 1990's - a shortage of staff and a dangerous shortage of facilities. The incidence of attacks on nurses is growing, and there is no compensation for them when serious attacks take place... (MORE LATER.)


Charles James Haughey was born in Castlebar, County Mayo, on the 16th September 1925 (95 years ago on this date) and died on the 13th June, 2006 ; he was 'Taoiseach' of the Free State on three occasions. His father was in the IRA but then fought against his old colleagues, as a member of the Free State Army.

"He hid in plain sight. Was it a failure of journalism (not to investigate that fully)? He refused point blank to explain where his wealth came from...his wealth was vastly beyond anything he could accrue from a salary...he represented everything that people were refusing to speak about until then : sex, money and power. There was an oppressive relationship about all of those topics. He had all three of those, and a lifestyle way beyond the meagre existence of the 1960's..something happened. He became crooked and began behaving in an unethical and corrupt way..." (from here.)

However, despite his own taxpayer-funded luxury lifestyle, he had no hesitation in attempting to convince the State taxpayers whom he used to sustain himself that they were 'living beyond their means' - "As a community we are living away beyond our means. I don't mean that everyone in the community is living too well, clearly many are not and have barely enough to get by, but taking us all together we have been living at a rate which is simply not justified by the amount of goods and services we are producing..." (from here.)

'Evidence emerged yesterday that substantial cheques made out to Fianna Fail and sent to party Headquarters in Upper Mount Street, Dublin, ended up in the party leader's account which Mr Charles Haughey ran from his office in Leinster House. It also emerged that Mr Haughey was able to make withdrawals from this account for reasons that had nothing to do with politics. In February 1991, when he was Taoiseach, a cheque for £8,332 was written on the account and used to buy a draft in French francs. The draft was used to pay Chevret, Paris, an expensive shirtmaker used by Mr Haughey. In September of that same year a further £7,500 was used for the same purpose...' (from here.) He liked socialising with poets and painters, although not all of the latter profession got on with him (!) and Irish republicans certainly didn't -

'Taoiseach Charles Haughey speaks out strongly against the H Block activists who attempt to disrupt his election campaign : RTÉ News reports on the Taoiseach Charles Haughey, leader of the Fianna Fáil party, as he campaigns throughout the country (sic) in advance on the 1981 general election. In the border counties of Donegal, Monaghan and Cavan , supporters of the hunger strikers in the H Block prison attempt to disrupt the campaign...the National H-Blocks Committees had announced that they would harass the Taoiseach during all public appearances during the election campaign because, they claimed, he had not done enough to end the hunger strike in the Maze Prison...' (from here.)

'Maintain the Border, Haughey - you're Maggie's little boy ;

You bolster up what Irishmen still suffer to destroy.

Our constitution claims its right, but you in breach bear stain -

You expend the people's millions, the Border to maintain..'

He was the driving force behind the founding of the politically-motivated 'Special Criminal Court' (staffed at that time by personnel from the Free State Army, as opposed to just Free State sympathisers, as it is today) and developed a reputation for organising party nights within the State for what became known as 'the men in mohair suits', a breed of Free State 'politician' which one of Haughey's pals, Martin Mansergh, described as "..not holding much store by political correctness and (who) did not retire early to bed..". Another of his political pals, George Colley, equated Haughey with "low standards in high places".

He had what is known as 'a whiff of sulphur' off him and used that 'wink wink' codology to make a name and a political career for himself, just as other Leinster House reps did before him, and are still doing to this day.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.

'A Chara,

The following statement has been released for publication. Please publish it in full or not at all.

On a number of occasions within recent years, individuals acting on their own behalf or on behalf of some organised group, have made approaches to the Republican Movement. It is assumed that the motives prompting such individuals contain some measure of sincerity and that there is present, in some degree, genuine concern for the welfare of the national interest which the Republican Movement exists to serve.

Invariably, such approaches have had one thing in common ; the purpose was to ascertain how far members of the Republican Movement are prepared to compromise on issues having a fundamental bearing on Ireland's struggle for full freedom, in order to reach some measure of unified effort between republicans and one or other of the political parties in which the individuals concerned have an interest.

To the individuals making the approaches and irrespective of what interests they serve, or what motives prompt their approach, the reasons have been fully explained why the Republican Movement rejects compromise agreements or understandings which, if entered into, could only lead to a facade of unity lacking any element of intrinsic value. Lest those reasons may have been imperfectly understood or that there might be deliberate misrepresentation of the republican attitude, it is considered advisable to reiterate, officially and publicly, the reasons already given...' (MORE LATER.)

Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.

Wednesday, September 09, 2020



An election was held in the 26-County so-called 'Free State' on the 16th of June, 1922, in which the Staters won 58 seats and republicans won 35 seats. On the 9th September 1922 - 98 years ago on this date - a political assembly was held in Leinster House in Dublin which described itself as 'the Third Dáil Éireann' and which was boycotted by republicans. Within weeks, that political assembly adopted a 'Constitution of an Irish Free State' and defined itself as comprising 'an Oireachtas, a Dáil, a Seanad and a King' as its constituent parts.

The 'King' it made itself available, answerable and subservient to was 'King' George V, aka George Frederick Ernest Albert, who was listed in the 'Who's Who' of its day as 'King of the United Kingdom and the British Dominions, and Emperor of India.' This was the first Leinster House/Free State political institution of which, to date, thirty-one have been spawned. It is not the '33rd Dáil', as it is sometimes mistakenly described, as the two political institutions which were up to then in place were 32-County bodies.

The Leinster House assembly is, in fact, a product of Westminster - assembled, promoted and supported by that London institution to assist in implementing British political and military policy in Ireland, similar to its sister administration in our occupied six counties, the 'Stormont Parliament' ; it is one of three institutions of 'Government' (Westminster, Stormont and Leinster House) which, working hand-in-hand, purport to legislate for an Ireland forcibly partitioned by an alien power. Irish republicans have unfinished business in relation to that subject.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Principles, Methods and Subjects...

6. Methods of Learning, Reading and Studying ; exhaustive analyses of subjects or objects carried out individually.

7. Training in memory, concentration and sense observation.

8. Re-approach to history and geography as one - not as a sequence of names and dates, but as a living record of race movements, characteristics and achievements, their cultures and customs.

9. Study of native and continental languages by non-grammatical methods during early stages.

10. Study of nature ; animal, vegetative and geological forces. (MORE LATER.)


The title, 'Clonagh Affair', is in reference to the 'Irish Industrial Explosives' factory, Clonagh, Enfield, Co Meath (pictured), in relation to which questions were asked if explosives from within this State were used in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings?

' an interview with ‘Magill’ magazine, Garrett Fitzgerald said he personally had no knowledge of Captain (Patrick) Walshe's efforts to stem the flow of explosives to subversive elements. He was unaware that a fellow minister had been apprised of the situation in mid-April 1974 pertaining to the Clonagh factory and that the Taoiseach of the day, Liam Cosgrave, was personally aware of the situation at the factory by at least 9th September 1974.

He expressed surprise at learning that Colonel (James K) Cogan had felt the need to seek an urgent meeting with Cosgrave to discuss the deteriorating situation at the factory – "You would have thought," Garrett Fitzgerald said, "the government, having been informed, would have done something about it." While expressing the opinion that this was an interesting line of inquiry and should be pursued he did not, however, accept that the Irish government (sic) knew about the situation at Clonagh before the British Army. He said – "They may or may not have reacted adequately to concerns about security but that doesn't mean that they knew or believed that explosives were actually leaking out. You wouldn't expect any government to allow that to happen if they thought that..."

The above paragraph is from an article entitled 'The Clonagh Affair', a report on which starts here. Free State Army officer, Colonel James K Cogan, described in a 1984 affidavit what he described as "..a scandalous and criminal lack of security.." at the factory and it was also Cogan who described the Clonagh affair as "..the greatest scandal in the history of the Irish state.."

Fear was expressed "..that the State's neglect, and in particular the loss and destruction of large amounts of documentation relating to the investigation of the bombings, reflected an active cover-up of the crimes...not merely (was) a large amount of documentation lost or destroyed but it is not even possible to discover what these documents were. This extreme carelessness makes it very difficult for the State to criticise, as it should, the failure of the British authorities.." (from here.)

As usual in this corrupt and gombeen-ran State, satisfaction has not been obtained and justice has not been served.


No. 25 Parnell Square (pictured ; known then as Rutland Square) - the headquarters of the 'Gaelic League' (or Conradh na Gaeilge, founded in 1893 by Douglas Hyde) and the 'seat' of the 1916 Rising. On the 9th September 1914, a top-level meeting was held there, in the library, by republican representatives at which a decision was made to challenge the British writ in Ireland.

"Tom Clarke, Pádraig Pearse and Seán Tobin represented both the Volunteers and the IRB, which Pearse had recently joined. Griffith represented Sinn Féin, Jim Connolly represented the Labour movement and the Citizen Army, and I was there as a volunteer and also as Gaelic League Secretary. This was the first decisive arrangement between the Citizen Army and the Volunteers, for instance, and one of the decisions we took at the meeting was that each of us would undertake to do our utmost to strengthen both of these organisations" - the words of one of those in attendance at that historic meeting, Seán T Ó Ceallaigh. Amongst others present was Tom Clarke, Seán Mac Diarmada, Joseph Plunkett, Pádraig Mac Piarais, Thomas MacDonagh, Éamonn Ceannt, James Connolly, Arthur Griffith and William O'Brien.

Speaking in New York in 1926, Ó Ceallaigh declared that the Rising was "a coldly and deliberately planned affair" and he points to this meeting as the moment when the intention to rise during the War was first agreed upon by a group representing "all shades of advanced nationalist political thought in Ireland who pledged themselves and their organisations to do all in their power to carry on the agreement arrived at and to prepare the public mind for the great event that was to that meeting it was decided that a Rising should take place in Ireland if the German army invaded Ireland ; secondly, if England attempted to enforce conscription on Ireland and thirdly if the war were coming to an end and the Rising had not already taken place, we should rise in revolt, declare war on England and when the conference was held to settle the terms of peace, we should claim to be represented as a belligerent nation..."

In 1964, Ó Ceallaigh stated re that meeting - "It was Tom Clarke who proposed the meeting to me and who asked me to fix a safe house to hold it in. The Castle detectives were very active at this time. Virtually every speech I ever made, for instance, since I became a member of Dublin Corporation in 1906, was carefully noted, as I learned later following the Rising. Every member of Sinn Féin, the Volunteers , the Gaelic League, the Fianna, was followed by G-men. We were all quite used to it and, of course, took much pleasure in 'ditching' our shadows when we most wanted to."

Had such a meeting took place today in that venue, the 'G-Men' and 'shadows' would have found it even easier to spy and tout on republicans as representatives of Leinster House and British rule in Ireland now have two offices in that Square....


By Mairead Carey.

From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.

"Man Sought To Limit Time In Hell By Killing" was the headline over a report explaining how a paranoid schizophrenic killed a 13-year-old girl under the delusion that "...he had to kill three people to get three sections of 12 minutes off a 36-minute torture session in hell." The young girl died on 14th April 1996. Three months earlier, her killer had been released from St. Columba's Psychiatric Hospital in Sligo.

The face of Brendan O'Donnell stands out from the others. The young County Clare man who killed Imelda Riney, her three-year-old-son Liam, and Father Joe Walsh (believing that the priest was going to christen the devil's baby son) was found guilty of their murders but ended his days in the Central Mental Hospital. He died from an overdose of an anti-psychotic drug being taken for the mental illness the jury found he did not have ; his was in fact a 'personality disorder' which should have required long-term care and rehabilitation. But this would have been expensive.

"We turned our backs on Brendan O'Donnell," says the head of the Psychiatric Nurses Association, Des Kavanagh. "We discharged him from hospital on the grounds that nothing else could be done. He went into the woods in County Clare and stayed there until he killed people. The system turns its back on people like him. We wait for them to offend, and let the courts deal with them."

A full ten years before Brendan O'Donnell emerged from the woods around Mountshannon to kidnap Imelda Riney and her young child, the then Health Minister Barry Desmond launched a major report into the future of mental health care. Institutions were to be closed, and the focus was to shift from custodial to community care. There were two great advantages from the politician's point of view - it made progress on the liberal agenda while at the same time making huge savings. As a consequence, there are 2,000 fewer nurses working in psychiatric care today. Bed numbers have been cut dramatically. Patients are now forced to queue in Accident and Emergency wards, and in some units a patient must die before a bed becomes available... (MORE LATER.)


'The lorries full of armed men tore down the road from Renmore and the shooting began. The first shots sounded like machine gun fire followed by dreadful screaming. This was when Sergeant Fox shot young Seamus Quirke. Quirke was taken from his lodgings in the New Dock and shot through the stomach eleven times. He crawled on his hands and knees from the lamppost on the quay where he was shot to the door of his house. The screaming was the background to all the horrors of the next five hours until the poor boy died at dawn. Fr. Griffin was sent for and stayed with him until he died...' (from here.)

Ireland, Galway, 1920 : IRA Volunteer Seamus Quirke (christened James Augustine Quirke), a Cork man, was staying at a house in the docks area in Galway and was active in the on-going fight against the Black and Tans. The day before he was tortured to death by an RIC Sergeant named Fox, who operated from the RIC barracks in Eglinton Street in Galway (that is, on September 8th 1920) a driver for the Tans, a man named Edward Krumm, had visited the houses of the few friends he had in the area and drank as much alcohol as was offered to him in each house, before going for a nightcap in a near-by pub.

He was boasting about how handy he was with a weapon and, as proof, he started shooting at bottles he had placed on a wall - '..reports that the constable (Krumm) pulled his gun from its holster and ran amok, forcing the (IRA) volunteers to intervene in order to stop him killing or injuring nearby civilians. In the record there is one witness report that suggested Krumm had intentionally opened fire on civilians, which would cause an incident that would give the ‘Black and Tans’ a pretext for bloody reprisals on the Irish population of the city...' (from here.)

This activity caused alarm to local IRA men as they had made plans for that night which didn't include an armed and drunk Tan drawing attention to them, and action was taken against him :

'...Tom Hynes, the local IRA Intelligence Officer, heard of this and sent his brother Michael to warn any IRA Volunteers that an armed man seemed to be preparing to create trouble. The Volunteers were in the habit of going to the local train station every night to meet the train, watch the British troop movement, collect dispatches and meet Volunteers from other districts, and this night they were also going to collect arms from the Longford area. Krumm and a companion went on to the platform by the gate on the arrivals side. The Volunteers warned the men arriving with the Longford guns, and the train stopped for a moment outside the station while they went out by the signal box with the guns. The train came into the station and as the passengers started to go out the gate Krumm drew his gun and made as if to shoot into the crowd...' (more here.)

It should be noted that Father Michael Griffin (mentioned, above) was himself, within weeks, to fall victim to the same thugs that had butchered Seamus Quirke -
- '..about midnight on Sunday 14th November 1920, Fr Griffin was lured from the presbytery by British forces directly, or someone aiding them. He was taken to Lenaboy Castle where he was questioned. After being interrogated, he was shot through the head and his body was taken away by lorry and buried in an unmarked grave at Cloghscoltia, near Barna...on 20th November 1920 his remains were discovered by a local man, William Duffy, while he was attending cattle...' (from here.)

'The Irish Times' newspaper, issue dated 17th November 1920, published the following piece - 'Responding apparently to a 'sick call', the Rev. Michael Griffin, junior Roman Catholic curate for the parishes of Bushy Park and Barna, Galway, went out on Sunday night in the company of three men, who are said to have worn trench coats. He disappeared as completely as if the earth had swallowed him. All efforts to trace his whereabouts have so far proved futile. A civilian search party is putting forward every effort to find some trace of the missing clergyman...' and, on the 27th November 1920, the same newspaper reported - '..later in the night, by the light of a lantern, the water-logged soil was dug up. Beneath two feet of the peaty soil the dead body of Father Griffin was found. He had a bullet wound on the right temple...'

Whether they murder, kill or execute an IRA Volunteer or a priest, the British government and its armed or unarmed representatives are not welcome in Ireland and never will be.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.

'The Irish Press' newspaper replies to the published 'Letter To the Editor' from John Lucy, Lieut. Col. OBE, The Royal Ulster Rifles, Roynane's Court, Rochestown, Cork.

'Irish Press, 20-10-1954...

The fact that there are British forces of occupation on Irish soil is an act of aggression, an act of war, by England, on the Irish Nation. Any Irishman who joins England's forces is a deserter and a traitor to the Irish Nation.

That is quite logical, simple, easily understood. Whether that deserter serves England in Egypt, Kenya, Palestine or elsewhere is beside the point ; in effect he (sic) relieves another of England's soldiers for service in Ireland against the Irish people and therefore he is directly responsible for, and partner to, England's crimes against the Irish Nation.

Let us face the facts squarely : let us not get lost in maudlin sympathy. These young Irishmen (sic) serving in England's forces, whether active or reserve, are merely hired bandits in the pay of the greatest gangster organisation this world has seen and whether they are shot in India, in Egypt, in Kenya or in Ireland, they are entitled to no sympathy and should get none."

('1169' Comment - Oh to have a voice like that in what passes for 'newspapers' today, instead of the 'polite/PC' political garbage that they print. So-called 'journalists' today are honest in that, when bought by the political 'establishment', they stay bought.)

(END of 'He Objects'. NEXT - 'The Republican Position ; Statement issued by Óglaigh na h-Éireann and Sinn Féin', from the same source.)


"...the people of Fermoy lived on the (British) military. Otherwise they would live by taking in each other's washing.." - part of the excuse uttered by anti-republican elements in an attempt to gloss over the thug-behaviour of British forces regarding the incident in question, as reported in 'The Auckland Star' newspaper (pictured, left) on the 11th of September, 1919.

This particular incident began days previous to the date mentioned in our headline - on Sunday, 7th September , 1919, the date usually recognised for the first planned, organised and co-ordinated IRA attack against British forces in Ireland since the 1916 Rising. During the Black and Tan war (which started on the 21st January, 1919) IRA units attacked Royal Irish Constabulary (the RIC - a British 'police force' in Ireland) barracks on a regular basis to 'relieve' them of their weapons, which were then used against them.

The commander of an IRA Brigade, Liam Lynch (Cork No. 2 Brigade) , realised that he could use the frequency of IRA attacks on the RIC to his advantage ; by mounting a surprise attack on those that were endeavouring to protect the RIC - the British Army. He contacted IRA General Head Quarters to seek approval for this as yet untried 'twist' to an old plan, but the leadership thought it unwise to proceed with the action and turned him down ; at the time, the IRA attacks on RIC barracks' were obtaining the desired results - extra weapons for the IRA with a minimum of casualties : 'if its not broke , don't fix it', was the thinking behind the refusal.

But Lynch persisted ; the other IRA Volunteer in charge of the Cork No.2 Brigade, Michael Fitzgerald, was convinced that Lynch's idea was sound, so both men put together a plan of attack which they intended to take back to GHQ. On the strength of that plan and with both Lynch and Fitzgerald insisting that it would work, they got the go-ahead for the operation.

It had been observed that a party of up to twenty armed British soldiers, stationed in Fermoy Barracks in Cork , marched to Mass each Sunday morning to the local Wesleyan Church, about half a mile from their barracks. At that time, Fermoy was a stronghold for the British Army and one of the last places where the British would expect an attack. The IRA plan was to carry-out just such an operation. A number of sites in which to dump the liberated weapons would be needed and these were sourced and secured ; two cars would be required to transport the goods out of the area quickly and that, too, was arranged. Finally, a method to stop those in pursuit of the escaping cars was required and obtained and, on Sunday, 7th September, 1919, the plan was put into action ; twenty-five IRA Volunteers, including Liam Lynch and Michael Fitzgerald, took up position around the Wesleyan Church gates in Fermoy.

The IRA men mingled with the people at the church gates and in the grounds. At the same time, other IRA men were preparing to topple two trees across the road at Carrickbrack, outside Fermoy, the agreed route of escape for the IRA cars. The IRA unit at the Church received word at about 10.45am on that Sunday morning that fifteen armed British soldiers, led by a Corporal, had minutes beforehand left their barracks and were marching towards the Church for 11AM Mass, as per usual ; as the British marched from the road onto the footpath to enter the Church grounds they were surrounded by the IRA Unit, most of whom were armed - some of the Volunteers were only there to load the captured weapons into the cars. Liam Lynch shouted at the British patrol to surrender, telling them that it was just the weapons that they were after this time, and not the soldiers. The British were stunned and surprised to find themselves in that position, and a number of them went to fire their rifles but the IRA men fired first and, in a brief but bloody gun-battle, four British soldiers fell to the ground - one was dead, the other three were badly wounded.

The shooting ended there - the British surrendered and were relieved of their rifles - fifteen in all - which were loaded into two waiting cars. The Volunteers loading the rifles into the cars got in themselves and both vehicles sped off towards the Lismore Road. Their comrades who were covering the now-disarmed British patrol inched away and withdrew from the area. Within fifteen minutes the British had filled two trucks with armed troops and were driving at top speed on the Lismore Road, minutes behind the two cars they were chasing. When the two IRA vehicles passed the town of Carrickbrick, the IRA men at the side of the road toppled the two trees which they had weakened earlier that morning. The trees fell across the road, blocking it, and the IRA lumberjacks made off across the fields. The two British Army trucks skidded to a halt at the road-block and spent a number of minutes trying to move the trees, but couldn't, so they drove back to try and find a side-road which would take them around the blockage and back out onto the Lismore Road ; they failed there, too! By this time, the rifles had been stashed in the pre-arranged dumps. The operation was successful.

For the rest of that day (Sunday, 7th September, 1919) , and up until evening fell on the following day, hundreds of British troops, in trucks and on foot, raided the nearest towns and practically imposed martial law on the population in their search for the rifles and the IRA men responsible for the operation. Shops, houses and other buildings were searched, and people were stopped, searched and questioned as to their knowledge of events.

No-one knew anything, and the British went back to barracks on early Monday evening (8th September, 1919) , empty-handed. However, that was not the end of the matter ; at about 8pm that Monday, hundreds of British troops stationed in the area were sent into Fermoy town-centre to make the locals pay for their silence. People on the street were pistol-whipped, shops were broken in to and looted and pubs were thrashed. The British troops spent at least two hours on the wrecking spree and then went back to base, having threatened all and sundry that unless they received the information they were looking for by end of business on the following day - Tuesday, 9th September, 101 years ago on this date - - they would 'call' again, on Wednesday 10th, to make more 'inquiries'. But not one person contacted them with information on the IRA attack so, not convinced that they had made their point, the British officers sent the same number of their troops out on that Wednesday (10th September, 1919) to terrorise the population again.

But this time the IRA were monitoring the situation, and hundreds of civilians, armed with shovels, hammers, sticks and stones etc, were waiting in Emmet Street for the British troops. Following many skirmishes and standoffs, the British troops returned early to base, having been pushed back by people-power, and had to accept the fact that not only were they not getting the information they demanded but that they were not wanted in the area nor, indeed, in the rest of the country. And they remain unwanted here today.

Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.

Wednesday, September 02, 2020



Pictured ; the grave of 19-years-young Irish republican Joe Whitty, who died on hunger-strike on the 2nd September 1923 - 97 years ago on this date - and was buried in Ballymore cemetery, Killinick, Co. Wexford.

Joseph Whitty came from Connolly Street in Wexford town. He was a volunteer in the IRA's South Wexford Brigade and was arrested and imprisoned in late 1922, after the counter-revolution had begun. Prior to his imprisonment, he was among the many Republicans in County Wexford to suffer at the hands of Britain's occupation forces and later at the hands of the Free State traitors.

In February 1923, members of Cumann na mBan had gone on hunger strike in protest against ongoing internment and successfully secured their release. By May the Civil War had officially ended, but thousands of republicans remained imprisoned, often in very poor conditions. This resulted in further hunger strikes during 1923. The Free State government had since passed a motion outlawing the release of prisoners on hunger strike, and this was to have dire consequences for Joseph Whitty and others. He died in Newbridge Internment Camp, on September 2nd, 1923, at the age of 19. He was the fifth Republican to die on hunger strike since 1917, and was laid to rest in Ballymore Cemetery, Killinick with full military honours.

'At a public meeting held in New Ross on Sunday July 22nd 1923, Miss Dorothy MacArdle read a letter from Newbridge prison camp. She did not think it had passed through the hands of the censor. The letter referred to the condition of 19 year old Óglach Joseph Whitty, William Street, Wexford. She asserted that he was not in the organisation at all and that he was being punished as revenge for the activities of his brothers. He signed the undertaking reluctantly on the advice of a friend but despite the boasting of the government that signing meant release, he was still in gaol and dying.

The first time his mother went to visit him the authorities refused to allow to do so. The second time when they allowed her to see her son he was unable to recognise her.

The meeting should demand that he be released before he died, said Miss MacArdle. Professor Caffery proposed a resolution demanding the immediate release of Joseph Whitty and the other prisoners in Ireland and Britain and suggested that a telegram should be sent to the pope. Miss Nellie O'Ryan seconded the resolution which was put to the meeting. All present signified assent by raising their right hands. Unfortunately, the free state government failed to release Joseph Whitty (pictured). On Thursday September 2nd, 1923, he died in the Newbridge military hospital. He had been arrested about a year earlier. Interment took place in Ballymore the following Sunday before a large crowd. When the remains were laid to rest his comrades fired three volleys over them and recited a decade of the rosary in Irish....'
(from '')

Joe Whitty is one of twenty-two Irish republicans to die on hunger-strike between 1917 and 1981, all of whom are remembered each year by the Republican Movement.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Principles, Methods and Subjects -

1. Most people think that some higher education, or years of study, are necessary to understand advanced subjects such as science, music, philosophy, art etc but, as a person at the age of reason, or thereabouts, can intelligently accept the greatest of all principles - God and the Holy Trinity - then an intelligent student should be able to understand all lesser principles when broadly explained. Thus, each and every subject may be quickly brought within the students grasp so that he (sic) may realise its significance as a universal value.

2. The purpose of education in relation to God, man, nature and country, so that the student clearly understands the reason for his (sic) actions and his (sic) work.

3. The development of human attributes ; the spiritual and intellectual in union with the individual and physical aspects of man. The development of feeling, thinking and willing.

4. The development of the individual creative faculty.

5. Approach to subjects by forming immediate associations and statement of Great Principles involved. Also, where possible, to go back on one's own furrow, so to speak. (MORE LATER.)


'Thomas Maxwell Roche, an old man, about sixty years of age, and by trade a slater, was the next brought to trial, September 1. The evidence afforded nothing new, or materially differing from that adduced on the trial of Kearney; like him, Roche was found in arms in Thomas street, by Lieutenant Brady, and the party of the 21st regiment under his command. Some time before this hoary malefactor left the gaol for execution, he persisted in declaring he was not guilty, but it appeared equivocation; for on being exhorted in a most becoming manner, by a reverend gentleman present, not to be dissembling in the presence of the Supreme Being, adding to his crime, he at length declared at the place of execution, that he was guilty of the crime for which he suffered. From a discharge which he produced as to his character, it appeared that he also, in his life time, had been addicted to inebriety, that demon of destruction to the lower class. He suffered also in Thomas-street...' (from here.)

Owen Kirwan, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 1.

Maxwell Roach, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 2.

Denis Lambert Redmond, hanged at Coal Quay (now Wood Quay), Dublin, September 8.

John Killeen, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 10.

John McCann, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 10.

Felix Rourke, hanged outside his own home, Rathcoole, September 10.

Thomas Keenan, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 11.

John Hayes, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 17.

Michael Kelly, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 17.

James Byrne, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 17.

John Begg, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 17.

Thomas Donnelly, hanged at Palmerstown, Dublin, September 17.

Nicholas Tyrrell, hanged at Palmerstown, Dublin, September 17.

Robert Emmet, hanged in Thomas Street, Dublin, September 20.

Henry Howley, hanged at Kilmainham Jail, Dublin, September 28.

John McIntosh, hanged in Patrick Street, Dublin, October 3.

Thomas Russell, hanged at Downpatrick, Co. Down, October 21.

James Corry, hanged at Downpatrick, Co. Down, October 22.

James Drake, hanged at Downpatrick, Co. Down, October 22.

Andrew Hunter, hanged at Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim, October 26.

David Porter, hanged at Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim, October 26.

Tradesmen were prominent in Robert Emmet's movement in Dublin. Edward Kearney, John Killeen, Thomas Keenan, John Hayes, Michael Kelly, Henry Howley and John McIntosh were carpenters; Owen Kirwan and John Begg were tailors; Thomas Donnelly and Nicholas Tyrrell were factory workers; Maxwell Roach was a slater; Denis Lambert Redmond was a coal factor; John McCann was a shoemaker; Felix Rourke was a farm labourer and James Byrne was a baker. (Source: Bold Robert Emmet (1778-1803) by Seán Ó Brádaigh.) [from here.]

it was not only college-educated men and women like Robert Emmet (ie those who might be perceived as being 'upper class') who decided to challenge Westminster's interference in Irish affairs in 1803 : so-called 'working class' men and women also acknowledged the need for such resistance. And the same can be said for today.


By Mairead Carey.

From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.

The real tragedy is that Gerry Connell's situation is not unique ; hundreds of parents around the country face years of "absolute hell" from children with severe psychiatric problems and a tendency to violence. For many, there is simply nowhere to go for help.

As of now, if you live in Kildare, Wicklow, South or West Dublin, there are no secure beds available for violent psychiatric patients. St. Brendan's Hospital, which caters for patients who are a danger to themselves and others, is closed to admissions and, last month, the psychiatric unit 'Vergemount', in Clonskeagh, was forced to close for the weekend because a patient became violent and there was no place to put him.

Some are familiar with the situation. The boardroom table of the 'Psychiatric Nurses Association' is covered with newspaper clippings highlighting the failures of the health system to deal with the violently disturbed : 'Schoolboy tortured and killed by psychiatric patient' is the headline on a piece about an 11-year-old from Strabane who was battered to death on the day 21-year-old Brian Doherty discharged himself from a psychiatric hospital... (MORE LATER.)


Tom Williams, pictured (Tomás Mac Uilliam) ; born 12th May, 1923, murdered by Westminster - he was hanged in Crumlin Road Jail in Belfast on Wednesday 2nd September 1942 - 78 years ago on this date. The executioner was the 'official' English hangman, Thomas Pierrepoint, who was assisted by his nephew, Albert Pierrepoint.


"I met the bravest of the brave this morning..."
Tom Williams, 12th May 1924 – 2nd September 1942.

"Williams was one of six IRA volunteers sentenced to death by hanging in 1942. A group of eight, including two women, had mounted a diversionary operation to take away attention from three republican parades held in Belfast to celebrate the 1916 Easter Rising. All such parades had been banned under the Stormont regime since the partition of Ireland and the introduction of the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act of 1922. A police (RUC) patrol managed to capture the group but not before an exchange of shots which resulted in the death of RUC constable Patrick Murphy. Although only 18 years old, Tom Williams was in charge of the unit and in a controversial statement to the police he assumed full responsibility for the shooting. Following a remarkable international reprieve campaign, the colonial Governor of Northern Ireland commuted five of the six death sentences to terms of penal servitude. But the British had decided that Tom Williams should hang..."(from here)

'Time goes by as years roll onwards
But in my memory fresh I'll keep
Of a night in Belfast Prison
Unshamefully I saw men weep

For the time was fast approaching
A lad lay sentenced for to die
And on the second of September
He goes to meet his god on high

Now he's walking to the scaffold
Head erect he shows no fear
For on his proud and gallant shoulders
Ireland's cross he holds so dear

Now the cruel blow has fallen
For Ireland he has fought and died
And we the countrymen who bore him
Will love and honour him with pride

Brave Tom Williams we salute you
And we never will forget
Those who planned your cruel murder
We vow to make them all regret

So come all you Irish rebels
If from the path you chance to stray
Bear in memory of the morn, when Irelands cross was proudly borne
By a lad who lay within these prison walls.'

(From here)
For Tom, and all the other brave men and women.


At a meeting in London on the 2nd September 1920 - 100 years ago on this date - the then 'Prime Minster' of Stormont, 'Sir' James Craig ("All I boast is that we are a Protestant Parliament and Protestant State...") demanded that a force of 'Special Constabulary' be established for 'Ulster' and, six days later - on the 8th September - Westminster agreed that a force of "loyal citizens" were needed, and insisted that the then pro-British paramilitary gang known as the 'Ulster Volunteer Force' should be made 'official' and employed as such. And, with a simple name change and the provision of a British uniform, a new State-sponsored paramilitary gang, the A,B and C Specials, was spawned.

The 'A' gang (about 3,500 of them in total) were full-time operatives who lived in the local RIC barracks and were used as re-inforcements for the RIC, and were armed and on a wage. Essentially, their presence allowed more 'police officers' free to leave their desks and assist their British colleagues in cracking nationalist skulls. The 'B' outfit (numbering 16,000 approximately) were armed but part-time and on 'expenses' only, and were usually to be found on street patrol and operating checkpoints and the 'C' grouping (about 1,000) were a reserve force with no specific duty as such but were 'on call' as an armed militia.

Nationalists knew the danger of such a move for them - the UVF/Specials were not by any means 'neutral' in the conflict. The then 'Daily News' newspaper stated, re the establishment of the 'Specials' - 'The official proposal to arm "well-disposed" citizens to "assist the authorities" in Belfast raised serious questions of the sanity of the government. It seems the most outrageous thing which they have ever done in Ireland. A citizen of Belfast who is "well-disposed" to the British government is, almost from the nature of the case, an Orangeman, or at any rate, a vehement anti-Sinn Feiner. These are the very same people who have been looting Catholic shops and driving thousands of Catholic women and children from their homes...' But all words of opposition, or even caution, were ignored.

The officer class in the 'Specials' were hired if they passed a civil service examination and were mostly upper and middle-class protestants with a moral connection to their 'mainland' (England) whereas the rank-and-file consisted of the thugs that once populated any anti-Irish paramilitary gang that would have them. The latter were not allowed 'serve' in their own county or that of a family member and were relocated on a fairly regular basis, living in the local barracks and single men were not allowed to leave same at night to socialise. 'Specials' who wanted to get married could only do so after they had been with the gang for seven years or more and even then only if their girlfriend was deemed 'suitable' by the officer class, a 'test' which included the nature of her job before and after the marriage. Any such 'Special' family were under orders not to take in lodgers, not to sell produce locally (ie eggs, vegetables etc) and the husband was not entitled to days off (no 'rest days' or annual holidays) and was not permitted to vote in elections!

After Westminster forcibly partitioned Ireland in 1921 the British wanted control over the new 'State' to be exercised by their own kind (as opposed to 'Paddies in British uniforms') and, in late 1925, they felt confident enough to declare that the 'Specials' should be wound-up and a kitty containing £1,200,000 was put on the table to secure their disbandment : their main man in that part of Ireland, 'Sir' James Craig - up to then a great friend and supporter of the Specials - was jobbed to pass on the bad news : on 10th December 1925, Craig told the 'A' and 'C' Specials that they were out of work (the 'B' gang were to be kept on) and offered each man two months pay. End of announcement - at least as far as Craig and Westminster were concerned, but the 'A' and 'C' Specials were not happy with the "disband" order and discontent in the ranks grew. The 'A' and 'C' Specials held meetings between themselves and, on 14th December 1925, they mutinied!

'A' and 'C' members in Derry 'arrested' their own Officers, as they did in Ballycastle - two days later (ie on 16th December 1925) a demand from the 'A' and 'C' 'rebels' was handed over to 'Sir' Richard Dawson Bates, the Stormont 'Minister for Home Affairs', a solicitor by trade, who was also Secretary of the 'Ulster Unionist Council', a position he had held since 1905. He was not impressed with their conduct. The 'A' and 'C' Specials were looking for more money ; they demanded a £200 tax-free 'bonus' for each member that was to be made redundant. Two days later (ie on 18th December 1925) 'Sir' Bates replied to the Special 'rebels' that not only would they not be getting the £200 'bonus' but if they didn't back down immediately they would loose whatever few bob they were entitled to for being made redundant and, on 19th December 1925, the 'rebels' all but apologised to Bates, released their hostages and signed on for the dole - the 'hard men' of the 'Specials' had been put in their place by a bigger thug than they were!

By Christmas Day, 1925, the 'A' and 'C' Sections of the 'Ulster (sic) Special Constabulary Association (the 'Specials') were disbanded. It was only in 1970 that the 'B' Special gang of thugs 'disbanded' (ie changed uniform into that of the 'Ulster Defence Regiment' (UDR) and carried-on with their mis-deeds). It was actually in September 1969 that the British 'Cameron Commission' described the 'B' Specials as "a partisan and paramilitary force..." while the October 1969 'Hunt Report' recommended that the 'B' Specials be disbanded.

Since then, the RUC, formed in 1922, have been amalgamated into the 'PSNI' but, even though the uniforms changed, the objective didn't - the preservation of British rule in Ireland.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.

'The Irish Press' newspaper replies to the published 'Letter To the Editor' from John Lucy, Lieut. Col. OBE, The Royal Ulster Rifles, Roynane's Court, Rochestown, Cork.

'Irish Press, 20-10-1954.

One aspect of the Omagh raid which has excited considerable comment was the fact that the most badly wounded of the British soldiers was a man from Sligo, while some of the others were also Irishmen.

The above letter represents one view of the position this creates and we publish it with the idea of clarifying the republican position on the points raised. First of all, we agree wholeheartedly that "young lads from the Twenty-Six Counties first loyalty is to their own nation." This applies equally to the young lads from the Six Counties - there is only one Irish Nation - embracing 32 Counties, and the loyalty of man and woman from within the four shores of Ireland is due to that nation and to that nation alone.

The writer goes on to imply that transferring these young Irish lads in the British Army to posts outside Ireland would meet the situation. Maybe it would, from England's point of view. Their places here would be taken by Scotchmen or Welshmen or possibly Englishmen and the Empire would be protected as before. But what of the Irish point of view? As we said, the loyalty of every Irishman is due to Ireland and Ireland only...' (MORE LATER.)

Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.