Wednesday, February 08, 2006

THE DUBLIN COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS - founded on March 3rd , 1886 : 120 years ago this year .......
First published in 'AP/RN' , 27th February 1986 .

In recent years the DCTU has spearheaded the campaign against the PAYE taxation system - the peak of the campaign came in 1979 when the DCTU organised a 100,000-strong demonstration to Leinster House , undoubtedly one of the largest demonstrations ever seen in Dublin .

And the DCTU has'nt ignored its obligations towards the city's unemployed workers either ; Jerry Shanahan , Vice-President of the DCTU , says that four years of hard work will shortly bear fruit when Unemployed Centres will be set up in Tallaght , Bonnybrook and the North Inner City to act as a focus for local jobs campaigns and to provide 'drop-in' facilities , advice and assistance for the unemployed .

The history of the Dublin Council Of Trade Unions clearly shows that , while taking a leading role in defence of working-class economic interests , they never have lost sight of the importance of national liberation as part of the equation for social liberation .


On 30 January 1972 , 14 civilians were shot dead by the British Army . They had been taking part in a civil rights march in Derry , protesting against internment without trial .
British 'Lord' Widgery was highly selective in the 'evidence' he used in his 'official' report on the matter - and some of the accounts he chose to include were highly suspect. The victims' families have campaigned for justice ever since . Their case is too strong to ignore any longer .
First published in 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Eamonn McCann .

British 'Lord' Widgery hinted at his underlying approach to an inquiry into Bloody Sunday by his deadpan observation that "...there was no reason why they (British soldiers) should have begun to shoot unless they had come under fire themselves . " The same approach led to other crucial findings by Widgery , including that "... on the balance of probabilities .. " Gerald Donaghey , 17 , 'had four nail bombs in his pockets' when shot in Glenfada Park !

Much has been made of this 'case' by defenders of the Bloody Sunday operation and by those arguing there was 'blame on both sides' - it was the only case in which a 'weapon' of any kind had allegedly been 'found' on the body of a victim : all other 'weapons' had been 'spirited away' ... : the 'nail-bomb evidence' came from a British bomb-disposal Officer , 'Soldier 127' , who told 'Lord' Widgery that shortly after the shooting he had been called to Craigavon Bridge to examine a car containing a body .

'British Soldier 127' stated that he noted two nail-bombs protruding from the jeans pockets , and two from the jacket pockets of a dead youth : each of the nail-bombs , he said , was "...about the size of a cocoa tin .. " . He summounded an RUC photographer and a reporter from 'The Times' newspaper to note the nail-bombs : both gave 'evidence' confirming that the nail-bombs 'were in Donaghey's pockets' when they arrived at the car .......


INFORMERS : The RUC's Psychological War .......
From 'IRIS' magazine , March 1983.
By Sean Delaney.

In at least one important respect , the treachery of a 23-year-old Andersontown taxi driver , James Kennedy , (subs required) provided a closer parallel than the Stephen McWilliams affair with the RUC's subsequent deployment of informers .

Kennedy , as well as receiving immunity from prosecution for his alleged role in providing a car for moving IRA Volunteers and arms on a number of occasions , was required to testify in court against 12 republicans on major charges , and a number of others on lesser charges , after being promised £25,000 .

It was this readiness - undoubtedly decided on at a senior political level - to provide relatively (and later , extremely) large sums of money , along with immunity , that hallmarked the way the British would subsequently convince informers , who had first been psychologically 'broken' during interrogation and incriminated themselves , to go through with their 'evidence' in court .

RUC propaganda , on the other hand , and prosecution counsels , would try to suggest that the motivation of informers was not self-interested and was based on a 'moral' disillusionment with the activities they were allegedly involved in .......!