ON THIS DATE (15TH SEPTEMBER) 156 YEARS AGO : FENIAN NEWSPAPER CLOSED DOWN.
The Fenian Brotherhood was founded in Dublin on Saint Patrick’s Day in 1858 and, by 1863, had grown to such an extent that its leadership were in agreement that it was in a position to publish its own newspaper on a weekly basis.
On Saturday, 28th November 1863, the first edition of 'The Irish People' newspaper appeared on newsstands throughout Ireland, with copies of it having being dispatched to supporters overseas.
At first, the British and their despicable minions in this country were of the opinion that the newspaper wouldn't be a success and would not be a threat to their misrule ; indeed, their 'Number One' man in Dublin, Daniel Ryan (who was actually in charge of the raiding party on the 15th September 1865), who was the Superintendent of 'G Division' of the 'Dublin Metropolitan Police', reported back to his Westminster-based paymasters in December 1863 that the newspaper was doomed and would not attain good circulation in this country.
Mr. Ryan had managed to have one of his informers, Pierce Nagle, placed in the newspaper office but the tout misread the true situation.
Those involved with the newspaper were known to the British as being 'Irish dissidents' and included Charles Kickham, Thomas Clarke Luby, Denis Dowling Mulcahy, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, James O'Connor, John Haltigan and John O'Leary (Editor), all of whom were on a British 'Watch List'.
The newspaper, operating from within the shadows of Dublin Castle - at 12 Parliament Street - prospered and, as expected, was considered to be a 'seditious publication' by the British 'authorities' so much so that, on the 15th September, 1865 - 156 years ago on this date - they raided the newspaper office and closed it down.
It was not the first Irish newspaper to be censored by the British, nor would it be the last - indeed, one of the 'Pillars of the Establishment' in London, 'The Times' newspaper, voiced opposition to that policy ; '‘A right of interference would be sustainable if the Press were used as an instrument of crime – but not otherwise. We do not regard the advocacy of any political opinion as included in this definition, and we consider that the Press has an indefensible right to report faithfully the happenings of all events whether welcome to the Executive or not...' (from here, and more of same can re found here.)
One Irish republican newspaper survives to this day, and subscriptions for same can be accessed here. If you haven't already done so, please consider subscribing now - your financial help would be appreciated. For obvious reasons, we are NOT State funded!
'A TONIC...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
See the immediate reaction of the imperialist press ; 'The Irish Times' and 'The Belfast Telegraph' each carried the headline 'A Challenge To Both Governments', and proceeded to insist that the Dublin and Belfast governments must unite in taking action against the "wild men" who carried out the raid, and their cry was taken up in chorus by the other pro-British newspapers.
In other words , England expects her Irish dupes to do their duty. And their duty apparently is to rally to the defence of the British occupation forces in Ireland. This is very significant, and it is essential that its significance should be brought home to the Irish people, for it must be clear that all talk about partition, about national unity, about political or economic independence for our country - every issue of any importance - hinges on one cardinal factor ; the continued presence of British troops in Ireland.
Those troops still represent the threat of "immediate and terrible war" which forced the acceptance of the Treaty in 1921 and which forced the other acts of submission since.
Their continued presence is intended to ensure that we will remain submissive. If we are to make any progress, whether in the political, social or economic sphere, we must first get the invaders out. That is the fundamental issue, the first step to be taken. If the Armagh Raid has made that point clear - and we are convinced that it has - then if there had not been a single gun captured, it would still have been a wonderful success.
(END of 'A Tonic' ; NEXT - 'Get England OUT!', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (15TH SEPTEMBER) 155 YEARS AGO : 'NATION' FOUNDER DIES.
John Blake Dillon (pictured) was born in Dillon House on the Market Square in Ballaghaderreen, Co. Roscommon, on 5th May 1814. He was educated at St. Patrick's College Maynooth and Trinity College Dublin. He trained as a barrister and was called to the Irish Bar in 1841.
Dillon became well known as one of the founders of the 'Nation' journal. During this period, the newspapers available to the Irish public had a British bias. The Nation set out to teach people about their own country and its history (and) was first published on 15th October 1842. The print run of 12,000 copies was sold out on the first day. Dillon contributed an estimated fifty-one articles to the journal between the date of its first issue and May 1843.
After witnessing the devastation the Great Famine (sic) had on the country and in particular the poor, the group tried to gather an army to mount an insurrection. The attempted insurrection took place in 1848 but was a failure. Despite this, the cultural nationalism of the 'Young Ireland' movement had a strong influence on later movements that aimed for Irish independence, most notably the Fenians.
John Blake Dillon was a member of the Young Irelanders. This was originally a group of young men in Daniel O'Connell's Repeal Association. O'Connell's association advocated the repeal of the Act of Union and refused to resort to physical violence or armed rebellion. However, the Young Irelanders advocated the use of force in order to achieve their aims. Dillon had to flee the country after the failed uprising.
He was convicted of High Treason and sentenced to death (but) managed to escape to the United States, dressed as a priest. There he practiced law until he returned to Ireland under an amnesty in 1855. He was elected as an MP for Tipperary in 1865. A promising career as a politician came to an end when he died of cholera in 1866. He is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin...' (from here.)
As stated above, a section of Daniel O'Connell's 'Loyal National Repeal Association' walked-out of a meeting which was being held in the Conciliation Hall in Dublin on the 28th of July in 1846 and broke with the O’Connell-led 'Repeal Association' for good ; the so-called 'Uncrowned King of Ireland' objected to 'fighting fire with fire' ; even when Irish 'violence' was to be employed in self-defence, Daniel O'Connell's 'Loyal National Repeal Association' was against it.
This led to tension within that organisation, and a 'split' developed - those that left included William Smith O'Brien (a Member of the British Parliament, Harrow-educated, with an accent to match!), Thomas Francis Meagher and John Mitchel, and a new group was established - 'The Young Irelanders'. That new group's political position was outlined in their newspaper 'The United Irishman' : a call for immediate armed revolt against the British, and a 'War Council' was appointed, of which John Blake Dillon was a member.
Try as they might, John Blake Dillon and 'The Young Irelanders' were not successful in removing the British military and political presence from this country, but they succeeded in keeping the flame alive.
Although he later renounced the views he had held earlier (ie towards his final years he condemned those who adhered to the views he had expressed earlier regarding armed revolt against the British) his good deeds deserve to be highlighted. He died from cholera, at 52 years of age, in 1866, in Killiney, County Dublin, and is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery, in Dublin.
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES...'
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
The hunger-strikes campaign brought in a whole new generation of activists* and they and some of the older republicans have worked hard since 1981 to involve themselves in the day-to-day struggles of the working-class.
And they have had some definite successes, like in the 'Concerned Parents Against Drugs' movement in Dublin but, in the meantime, life has got a lot harder for the poor, especially in the last two years with the emergence of the new right-wing consensus between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, the PD's and the media about paying the international bankers out of the pockets of the poor.
With unemployment at at least 20%, with doctors' charges, hospital charges and 'voluntary contributions' in the schools all to be met, with dole and benefit cuts on the way, with soaring prices and every public service being cut to the bone, the struggle to exist has become so overwhelming in the South that most of the working-class cannot think about anything else. The North has become more and more remote to them and they judge Sinn Féin and anyone else on what they have to say - and what they have done -about working-class issues in the 26 Counties.
And that's where the burden of history comes in. Historically, Southern workers see Sinn Féin as a party that avoided domestic class issues by concentrating on the national question and copped out of awkward political battles by wrapping itself up in a cloak of sea-green abstentionist purity - remember the line used by a lot of republicans during the abortion referendum ; "We cannot take a position on amending the Constitution because we do not recognise the Constitution.."**
('1169' comment* - most of those new 'activists' were that in name only ; they were mostly 'political theorists' who had little interest in republicanism other than whatever they personally could get out of it in the long term. Joining the then Sinn Féin organisation was another step in their 'phd project' but, unfortunately, there was such an intake of them that they began to have a negative, constitutional effect on the organisation which, in 1983, payed dividends for them, when a sticky-minded leadership was put in place with their help.)
('1169' comment** - we did, as individuals, take part in all aspects of the abortion dispute, some in favour of that medical procedure, some against [I'm in the latter camp] but it would have been a contradictory nonsense for the then Sinn Féin organisation to seek to tweak a written State constitution which it had avowed to do away with. To do so, as an organisation, would have left us open, rightly, to charges of being 'just another hypocritical political party'. Any Irish republican would know that, but a nationalist/trot wouldn't understand that reasoning, unless, of course, a situation like that was happening in a far-away conflict zone.) (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (15TH SEPTEMBER) 99 YEARS AGO...
..1922 - four seperate 'incidents' were lodged and recorded by the new Free State Army (which actually had the nerve at that time to call themselves 'the Official IRA Army'!) as having occurred on that date in Dublin (15th September 1922).
The 'Irregulars' (the IRA) laid seige to the main Dublin telephone exchange building, attempted to take over 'Kingsbridge' (now Heuston) Railway Station, attacked the Free State Wellington Army barracks (later re-named 'Griffith Barracks') and also had a go at the Staters in the Portobello Barracks. On each occasion a gunfight ensued.
...in Dundalk, County Louth, the 'Irregulars' made several attacks on Free State troops and took over the power station, cutting off the town’s electricity supply. One State soldier was killed by a hand grenade during the fight.
...in Athboy, County Meath, the Post Office was attacked by the IRA ; one State soldier was killed in the fighting.
The 'Lord Chief Justice' of the new Free State, the 'Right Honourable Sir Thomas Molony 1st', declared that a state of war existed and stated that Habeas Corpus (ie the right of a citizen to obtain a writ of 'habeas corpus' as a protection against illegal imprisonment) no longer applies. The man lived long enough to die on the 3rd September, 1949, and is buried in Gap Road Cemetery in Wimbledon,
London, England. He was obviously unable to save himself from being thus 'imprisoned'.
'STUDENTS ON THE MARCH...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Seosamh MacCriostal, a law student, referring to recent comments on the morality of the actions of the men (sic) who attacked the occupation forces at Armagh and Omagh, said that history was unfortunately littered with examples of such condemnations ; "Politicians have said that these men acted in an immoral and un-Christian manner, but when I look back on the cold-blooded murders which the same politicians committed to suppress the IRA, I realise how ill-equipped they are to dogmatise on morals or Christianity."
William Fogarty, Veterinary College, reminded the meeting of Padraig Pearse's words that there is something worse than bloodshed and that is slavery.
What was true then, he added, is still true, and if bloodshed was needed to break the chains of slavery, then let there be bloodshed...
Martin O'Connell, a dental student at UCD, told how, two years ago, he had attended lectures with Phil Clarke and "I have never known a more likeable character. He was a quiet man, a brilliant scholar, an All-Ireland cycling champion and now an exemplary patriot.." (MORE LATER.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (8TH SEPTEMBER) 209 YEARS AGO : AN IRISH THORN IN THE BRITISH IMPERIAL SYSTEM IS BORN.
John Martin, Irish revolutionary, transportee and politician, was born at Loughborne, near Newry, in County Down, on the 8th September, 1812 - 209 years ago on this date - and he grew up to become a prominent member of the 'Young Ireland' movement, a journalist and a politician ; the mark he left on Irish history is perhaps not as well remembered as it should be.
The son of a Presbyterian cleric, John Martin was educated in Dr. Hendersons school in Newry, where he 'learned his lessons' with, and from, the young Fenian John Mitchel ; the two young men were of similar mind in relation to the British presence in their country, and formed a friendship that was to last to the end of their days.
John Martin joined Daniel O'Connell's 'Repeal Association' in the early 1840's , and listened as that organisation and its leadership repeatedly condemned the 'Young Ireland' group, stopping short of labelling them as a 'terrorist' body ; John Martin and John Mitchel left the 'Repeal Association' and assisted William Smith O'Brien to found the 'Irish Confederation' movement.
Also, at this time, the well-known Fenian James Fintan Lalor was agitating on the land issue in Ireland and John Martin wrote articles in support of Lalor's position and had same published in John Mitchel's newspaper, 'The United Irishman'.
Mitchel was arrested in 1848 , and his newspaper was shut down ; almost immediately, John Martin founded his own newspaper, which he called 'The Irish Felon', and continued on where Mitchel's 'paper had been forced to leave off - on the 24th June, 1848, he wrote in his first issue : "I regard the Act of Union as a usurpation and refuse to acknowledge the authority of the London parliament. So long as such a 'government' presumes to injure and insult me, and those in whose prosperity I am involved, I must offer to it all the resistance in my power. I hope to witness the overthrow, and assist in the overthrow, of the most abominable tyranny the world now groans under - the British imperial system."
John Martin quickly published a second issue of 'The Irish Felon', again condemning the British Government and its agents in Ireland, and was arrested, charged with treason and sentenced to ten years in Van Diemens Land (Tasmania) ; he was released six years later (1854) on condition that he stayed out of Ireland, which he did.
In January 1856, that proviso was lifted and John Martin returned to his native County Down and again involved himself in the struggle - he was an outspoken supporter of the tenants rights movement and, in May 1870, at the age of 58, he helped to found the 'Home Government Association of Ireland'.
In 1871, to the disgust of the British, he was elected MP for Meath. His good friend and fellow rebel John Mitchel died in March 1875 and, within a fortnight, John Martin died, aged 63 ; he had lived his life as a thorn in the side of "the most abominable tyranny ; the British imperial system".
And he helped sow the seeds for more such thorns.
'A TONIC...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
Even Irishmen who themselves had served in the British Army agree that it has no right here and that it must be got out.
This is what gave rise to the feeling of delight at Armagh - not to capture some guns, though that is important, not to make the British Army look foolish, not merely a spectacular operation, but to emphasise the fact that the British Army of occupation is still in Ireland, that it holds Irish territory by force of arms and that it must be cleared out!
It is a return to fundamentals. The devilish cunning which conceived the 'Government of Ireland Act 1920', which set up two statelets in Ireland and which committed these two puppets to hold Ireland for England "with an economy of English lives", this diabolical scheme has seen for over 30 years the forces of the Southern State, and the RUC, B Specials and Territorials of the Northern State act as first line of defence as protectors and upholders of the continued grip of England on Ireland.
For over thirty years they have been united on this issue, they have been consistently and deliberately anti-republican. They have played England's game for her, according to the rules laid down, while the English politicians in the background have been sneeringly contemptuous of their Irish dupes... (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH SEPTEMBER) 99 YEARS AGO : REPUBLICAN SOLDIER ABDUCTED AND BUTCHERED IN THE STREET.
On the 8th September 1922 - 99 years ago on this date - a Captain in the Cork No. 1 Brigade, IRA, Tadhg Kennefick (pictured) (aka Tim Kenefick), was on his way to his mothers funeral when he was jumped-on by several Free State soldiers.
They dragged him behind the back of their truck, tied his hands together and then pummeled him to the ground with their rifle butts, knocking out some of his teeth. When, eventually, he was found - dumped behind a wall outside Coachford Village, Cork - his lifeless body showed two gunshot wounds to the head.
An inquest into his death was held in Coachford on the 11th September, at which Coroner John Joseph Horgan presided, after which the verdict was announced : 'Wilful murder of Timothy Kenefich by National troops at Nadrid, Coachford, Co. Cork, on 8th September, 1922..'
When this was put to Free State Army General Richard James Mulcahy he became defensive and declared that the inquest had been held under the auspices of the "irregulars.. (ie the anti-treaty IRA) ..who were armed to the teeth."
He ended his input by stating that..."under the circumstances, no action had been taken to bring the so-called guilty troops to justice." One of Mulcahy's State Army comrades, Emmet Dalton (who, like Mulcahy, was an IRA-poacher-turned-Free State-gamekeeper) is said to have told Mulcahy that Collins' Squad were responsible for the death of IRA Captain Kenefick, and that he - Dalton - supported such actions.
Just one of the hundreds of such actions perpetrated on their own people by those left in charge of the 'new Free State' by Westminster.
'By a Traitors Hand
Was His Life Blood Shed
As Crimson He Dyed The Sod
May The Angels Watch Over This Martyrs Bed
And His Soul Find Peace With God.'
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES...'
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
Things were flagging badly by 1980 until the hunger-strikes sparked off a new wave of support on an emotional Northern issue.
But towards the end of the hunger-strikes, republicans had realised that only action by the South could save the remaining prisoners and yet public interest was fading in the South. The poor of Kilbarrack, Finglas, Coolock, Ballymun or Gurranebraher in Cork, or Southhill in Limerick, who had come out on H-Block marches, were so burdened down with the daily struggle to survive that they could not keep their attention focused on a seemingly remote issue like the North for any length of time.
And Sinn Féin had virtually nothing to say* to them about their own day-to-day problems or how they were connected with the struggle against imperialism in the North. The hunger-strikes were the start of a whole republican renaissance in the North, but there the national question was in the forefront of everyone's mind - though even in the North republicans had to (and wanted to) develop policies on housing, unemployment, health, public services etc.
In the South there was still that enormous gap between a movement whose entire pre-occupation appeared to be the national question** and the North, and the working-class whom they wanted to reach but who had more urgent preoccupations of their own...
('1169' comment* ; a completely false and deliberately misleading claim by this anti-republican 'nationalist/trot' - in the mid-1980's, the then Sinn Féin organisation had publicly-accessible policies, in leaflet and pamphlet etc format, on unemployment, agriculture, fisheries, culture etc and these were distributed at public meetings, door-to-door, pub-to-pub etc, and edited versions of same were included in election manifestos during the 1980's. But a 'nationalist/trot' will never let the truth deflect him/her from their anti-republican agenda.)
(**'1169' comment** ; it "appeared" that way to those who made it their preferred business not to look for social polices within the then Sinn Féin organisation in order that they could then dismiss/label the organisation as a one-trick pony.) (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH SEPTEMBER) 113 YEARS AGO : NEW SCHOOL OPENS, HIGHLIGHTING OUR GAELIC PAST.
On the 8th September 1908 - 113 years ago on this date - Padraig Pearse and Thomas McDonagh, both poets, educators and then soon-to-be leaders in a Rising against British misrule in Ireland, founded and opened a new type of school, one which focussed on the connection between European issues and Irish history.
The premises was located at Cullenswood House, Oakley Road, in Ranelagh, in Dublin, and offered a curriculum of freedom for each student to choose which subjects suited them better and allowed for and, indeed, encouraged, personal development among the students ;
'Pearse was also influenced by the most modern educational theories of his time, such as those of Maria Montessori and in particular the ‘Direct Method’ of language teaching which he had seen being practised in the bilingual schools of Belgium. Classes were to be taught in both Irish and English, with Irish as the everyday language of the school. At St Enda’s, education was to be an adventure in which the pupils’ imaginations would be stimulated and their individual talents developed..' (from here.)
The name for the new school was almost settled on as 'St Lorcans' but it was felt that 'St Enda's' would better reflect the ethos of what Pearse and McDonagh hoped to achieve ; 'The mouth of the just shall mediate wisdom, and his tongue shall speak judgement, the law of his God is in his heart...' (from here) as St Enda had left behind him the life of a soldier to become a scholar.
In its first year in operation about forty boys were enrolled and in year two this number had increased to about 130, comprising approximately 30 boarders, 70 day-pupils and 30 in preparatory classes. Such was the demand for places, the school moved location to a building in Rathfarnham, in Dublin, known as 'The Hermitage', in 1910, and all the Pearse family came on board to play their part in the day-to-day running of the school.
The 1916 Rising intervened in this useful and successful enterprise and the school was closed down - but not for long. Before the end of that same year it had re-opened back in Cullenswood House in Ranelagh and, having re-established itself there, was in a position to move back, again, to The Hermitage, in 1919, which it did.
It suffered the loss of Padraig Pearse and, try as it might, was unable to overcome the absence of his organisational skills, but managed to persevere until 1935, when it closed its gates for good, leaving the way open for the Free State 'Murder Machine'.
We need people like Padraig Pearse today, and we need his ideals.
'STUDENTS ON THE MARCH.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
The biggest republican demonstration seen in Galway for many years took place on February 5th last when the students of the city marched in support of the Omagh prisoners.
Despite opposition from the authorities, a group of students within University College Galway succeeded in organising a magnificent turn out for the Rally and the meeting which followed in Eyre Square held the attention of a big crowd - more than a thousand copies of 'The United Irishman' newspaper were sold at the meeting - which the daily papers reported as being only 300 strong!
Mr McNamara, Galway, chaired the meeting and speakers who travelled from Dublin held the huge crowd for more than two hours.
Appealing to the students to step into the ranks of the ever-growing Republican Movement, Seámus Sorahan BL said that their fellow-student Philip Clarke and indeed all the prisoners were a monument to a rising generation and they looked to the people to fill their places in preparation for the bitter fight ahead... (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH SEPTEMBER) 88 YEARS AGO : FASCISM RISES IN IRELAND.
'Fine Gael's roots begin in post-revolution Ireland of the 1930s. From 1918 to 1922 there was a huge swell of popular mobilisation involving strikes, boycotts, workers' occupations and land seizures, as well as an armed struggle between the British forces and the IRA.
Hundreds of thousands were directly involved in the various elements of the revolution ; fighting for national liberation as well as a range of social aspirations, which were ultimately defeated.
After the defeat, a counter-revolution ensued in Irish society, crystallised in the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the subsequent Civil War that enforced it. The counter-revolution was led by right-wing groups and individuals trying to quash the social demands of the revolution. It is from amongst these forces of the counter-revolution that Fine Gael (pictured) would eventually emerge...' (from here.)
The 'Fine Gael' paramilitary/political party was spawned on the 8th September 1933 - 88 years ago on this date - by W.T. Cosgrave, Eoin O'Duffy, James Dillon and Frank MacDermot, who thought (wrongly, obviously, as it transpired) that it would be a good idea to amalgamate their various political/paramilitary outfits into one grouping.
And so it was that Cumann na nGaedheal (which considered itself to be the 'Party of the Irish'!), the National Centre Party (aka 'The Farmers Party') and the 'Army Comrades Association/National Guard', who were better known by their other name - the 'Blueshirts' - melted together into one bigger shit-show organisation, which they labelled 'Fine Gael' ('Irish Race'), a grouping which represented the supporters of the Treaty of Surrender (the 'Anglo-Irish Treaty').
Indeed, the Fine Gael party are so ashamed of their own history that they never talk about or promote it, and their colleagues in the establishment media in this State never seek to discuss it with them as most of them are establishment supporters themselves and don't want to upset or expose their political colleagues in their Head Office.
We went on to the main Fine Gael website and searched it for 'Party History' ; this is what we found -'History of Fine Gael ; Fine Gael has long been the major vehicle of innovative reform and new thinking in the Irish state, with a proud record of achievement, and with 30,000+ members is the largest political party in Ireland (sic) today.'
And that's it. That's all they have to say about their own party history. And if any party that I supported had a history like Fine Gael has, I'd keep quiet about it, too.
The then new paramilitary/political party, 'Fine Gael', in 1933, believed that it and its supporters were the continuation of the departing British aristocracy and were entitled to the 'spoils of war' just like that aristocracy and, today, that is still how they view themselves.
They enhanced their value among their own type by attempting to tax childrens shoes - they consider the poor and the unemployed to be 'a burden' (see Mr Cosgrave's comments, pictured) - and by making dodgy political appointments and, indeed, by attempting any other nefarious deeds that would continue to enhance their political/financial/moral standing with their own supporters.
Without the (neo-Nazi) Blueshirts there would have been no Fine Gael, but don't just take my word for it.
That's it, readers. Can't handle any more of that, but there's more here, if you can stomach it.
I need a shower now...
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
POLITICAL POISON AMALGAMATES IN IRELAND.
On Wednesday, 8th September next, we'll be posting a seven-part blog post which will include a few paragraphs on fascism in Ireland, from the 1930's to this year.
Due to the savage manner of how this corrupt State was spawned in 1922, right-wing political opportunists took advantage of the turmoil created by the British and by the new Free State regime to attempt to establish and promote themselves as 'leaders-in-waiting' but, before they either 'burned out', collapsed or were put out of business, they seen the writing on the wall and came to an agreement between themselves, the ramifications of which are still being felt in this State today.
Indeed, one such right-wing grouping is so aware that its political history would be detrimental to its future prospects that it actually refuses to disclose same to its own members and supporters, never mind to the general public!
All this (and more!! - six other items, to be precise..) will be posted here on Wednesday, 8th September 2021.
If you're interested in where and when it all started to go wrong for this gombeen State, then check us out on Wednesday coming. Unlike with most things in politics, you won't be disappointed.
Hopefully..!
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
ON THIS DATE (1ST SEPTEMBER) 218 YEARS AGO : TWO 'DISSIDENTS' EXECUTED BY THE BRITISH.
On the 1st of September, 1803 - 218 years ago, on this date - two Irishmen were executed by the British for the part they played in supporting Robert Emmet in his quest to remove the British presence from this country.
It was not only college-educated men and women like Robert Emmet (ie those who might be perceived as being 'upper class') who decided to challenge Westminster's interference in Irish affairs in 1803 : so-called 'working class' men and women also paid the ultimate price for daring to challenge that unwanted presence.
On the 1st September, 1803, two such men were executed by the British ; Edward Kearney, a carpenter, was hanged in Thomas Street, in Dublin, as was Owen Kirwan, a tailor -
'Owen Kirwan afterwards to wit on the twenty-third day of July in the said forty-third year of the reign of our said lord the king with force and arms at Plunket-street aforesaid in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid with a great multitude of persons whose names are to the said jurors unknown to a great number to wit to the number of one hundred persons and upwards armed and arrayed in a warlike manner to wit with swords guns and pikes being then and there unlawfully maliciously and traitorously assembled and gathered together against our said lord the now king most wickedly maliciously and traitorously did ordain prepare levy and make public war against our said lord the king his supreme and undoubted lord contrary to the duty of the allegiance of him the said Owen Kirwan against the peace of our said lord the king his crown and dignity and contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided...' (from here.)
'After he (Edward Kearney) was hanged, his head was cut off by the executioner, who held it up in his hand to the spectators, according to the law against his crime, saying, "Behold the head of a traitor." His remains were brought back in a cart to the prison, and afterwards interred in the yard of Newgate...' (from here.)
"A man in my situation, my lords, has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune and the force of power over minds which it has corrupted or subjugated, but the difficulties of established prejudice : the man dies, but his memory lives..." - Robert Emmet.
And their memories will live on, even after the conflict in this country has been fully and finally settled. We may eventually forgive, but we'll never forget.
'A TONIC'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, July, 1954.
The brilliantly sucessful raid on Armagh military barracks has been a wonderful tonic to every Irishman (sic)with even the smallest spark of national feeling in him (sic).
When the news was flashed in great headlines across the newspapers, when it was repeated on the radio, Irish shoulders straightened, Irish heads lifted higher and there was a feeling of delight everywhere. In the public streets, in factories and workshops, in the theatres and dance halls, the mention of Armagh brought rounds of applause.
Men (sic) who were active republicans but who have since grown tired, those who have been Free State supporters since 1922, and those who "never took any part in politics" all echoed their praise of the courage and daring of those who carried it out.
For all are agreed on this one point - the British Army has no right in Ireland*. It is the army of the aggressor, of the robber Empire, and its only right in Ireland is the 'right' of conquest, of naked force...
('1169' comment* : Politically, as well as militarily, the British have no right in Ireland.) (MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (1ST SEPTEMBER) 165 YEARS AGO : BIRTH OF A COLLABORATOR.
'Irish Volunteers split over Redmond’s recruitment plea. Founders of movement call for the establishment of a 'National Government' in Dublin.
Tensions within the Irish Volunteers have flared into open view with the announcement that all John Redmond’s nominees have been removed from the ruling committee. The announcement came in a statement by twenty members of the governing committee that is highly critical of John Redmond. Issued by the founder of the Irish Volunteers, Prof. Eoin MacNeill, the statement condemns Mr. Redmond for his call on Irish Volunteers to join the British army. It reads:
'Mr. Redmond, addressing a body of Irish Volunteers on last Sunday, has now announced for the Irish Volunteers a policy and programme fundamentally at variance with their own published and accepted aims and pledges. He has declared it to be the duty of the Irish Volunteers to take foreign service under a government which is not Irish. He has made this announcement without consulting the Provisional Committee, the Volunteers themselves, or the people of Ireland, to whose service alone they are devoted...'
(The statement was laced with bitterness at the manner in which Mr. Redmond had assumed control over the Volunteers three months ago when it was a proven success, having initially opposed its establishment and operations...) (from here.)
John Redmond (pictured) was born on the 1st September, 1856, in Dublin and, from a position of power within nationalism in Ireland, he encouraged Irish people to join the British Army to "..account yourselves as men not only in Ireland itself, but wherever the firing line extends.." by which he meant that Irish people should shoulder weapons for British objectives in the hope that Westminster would look favourably on the Irish for doing so!
At the time that Mr Redmond made his 'Join the British Army' call, the organisation that he was in the leadership of, the 'Irish Volunteers', was approximately 180,000 strong ; at least half of the 'IV' leadership were Redmond's people and, as he was also in the leadership of the 'Irish Parliamentary Party', his words carried weight within the political and media circles of the day.
However, thankfully, not everyone was smitten by the man ; the 'Irish Volunteers' split, with the majority unfortunately siding with Redmond, and calling themselves the'National Volunteers', but approximately 11,000 of the membership refused to join with him in his new organisation and, within a few short years, as the actual raison d'être of the new organisation became even more unclear, it's power waned as, indeed, did Redmond himself - in early March, 1918, he underwent an operation to remove an intestinal blockage.
The operation was, at first, considered successful but directly or indirectly caused the man to suffer a heart attack, from which he died on the 6th March, 1918. No doubt the British missed his input and support.
'WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE STRUGGLE IN THE 26 COUNTIES...'
The following article was solicited by 'IRIS' from a political observer in the 26 Counties. The article - whose author, John Ward, is not a member of the Republican Movement - is aimed at provoking discussion within (P)Sinn Féin. From 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.
('1169' comment - please note that 'IRIS' magazine had, at that time, recently morphed from a republican-minded publication into a Trot-type mouthpiece for a Leinster House-registered political party.)
Sinn Féin in the 26 Counties became little more than a support group for the IRA in the North. In so far as it had any policies of its own, they were the *tired old ones of abstentionism, the Second Dáil, federalism, and a vague sort of liberal co-operativism that would not scare away small business people but would not do anything for the working class either.
For years that did not seem to matter. Emotional support for the Northern nationalists was at a peak and all Sinn Féin had to do was channel it. Other issues seemed secondary at the time. And even when that support began to wane in the mid-1970's and Southern governments stepped up their attacks on republicans with the 'Criminal Law Jurisdiction Act', seven-day detention, the 'Heavy Gang' etc, nobody paid too much attention to Sinn Féin's policies, or lack of them, on day-to-day issues.
The task of the Movement was to fight repression and it took up all the time and attention of the activists and supporters...**
('1169' comment* - the then Sinn Féin organisation had indeed got policies in regards to those issues, among many other issues, as those issues relate to republicanism and the republican position, politically, as should be expected from an Irish republican organisation! To attempt to dismiss those issues as 'tired old policies' is a strong indication that the person doing so does not understand the nexus or, indeed, the basics of Irish republicanism, and has little or no interest in same.)
('1169' comment** - in other words, if republican activists were not so determined to support and promote republican objectives and campaign and fight against State attacks on those objectives, those activists would have had more time to spend in support of [far-away] campaigns and fights against injustice in other countries!)
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (1ST SEPTEMBER) 157 YEARS AGO : IRISH PATRIOT BORN IN DUBLIN.
Pictured, left - Roger Casement's body being re-interred (on Monday, 1st March 1965) in the Republican Plot in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, having been released by the British from Pentonville Prison in Islington, North London.
Ruairí Dáithí Mac Easmainn (Roger Casement) was born on the 1st September, 1864 - 157 years ago, on this date - in Sandycove, County Dublin, the son of Captain Roger Casement of the 3rd Dragoon Guards of the British Army and Anne Jephson from Mallow, County Cork.
His mother had him secretly baptised in her own religion, Roman Catholic, but he was raised in the Protestant faith of his father. As both his parents died young, Roger was taken in by an uncle, near Ballycastle, County Antrim, and educated as a boarder at the diocesan school in Ballymena.
From 1895 onwards he held consular appointments at various locations in Africa, including Boma in the Congo (1904) where, for the British Foreign Office, he investigated Belgian human rights abuses of the indigenous people. Later, in Peru, he was commissioned to undertake a report on the reported abuse of workers in the rubber industry in the Putumayo basin, which earned him a knighthood after his findings were published as a parliamentary paper (1911).
He had been a member of the Gaelic League and became increasingly radicalised by the opposition of the Ulster unionists to Home Rule from 1912 onwards and wrote nationalist articles under the pseudonym 'Seán Bhean Bhocht'.
He rarely receives a mention when it comes to the writers and poets of 1916 ("Of unmatched skill to lead by pathways rife/With danger and dark doubt, where slander's knife/Gleamed ever bare to wound, yet over all/He pressed triumphant on-lo, thus to fall" - 'Parnell', by Roger Casement) yet his reports from the Putumayo and from the Congo show a writer of great talent.
His descriptions of the horrendous brutality inflicted on innocent and perfectly peaceful native inhabitants was enough to force a change of policy with regard to the treatment of workers and slaves on the rubber plantations. Casement wrote in 1911 that "..the robbery of Ireland since the Union has been so colossal, carried out on such a scale, that if the true account current between the two countries were ever submitted to any impartial tribunal, England would be clapped in jail..".
For his part in trying to stop that robbery he was convicted of treason by the British and sentenced to death after a three-day 'trial' (held at the Old Bailey in London between the 26th and the 29th of June 1916, where he was prosecuted by 'Sir' Edward Carson, the Orange Order bigot).
His speech from the dock is not as appreciated as it should be -
"With all respect I assert this Court is to me, an Irishman, not a jury of my peers to try me in this vital issue for it is patent to every man of conscience that I have a right, an indefeasible right, if tried at all, under this Statute of high treason, to be tried in Ireland, before an Irish Court and by an Irish jury.
This Court, this jury, the public opinion of this country, England, cannot but be prejudiced in varying degree against me, most of all in time of war. I did not land in England ; I landed in Ireland. It was to Ireland I came ; to Ireland I wanted to come ; and the last place I desired to land in was England. But for the Attorney General of England there is only 'England' — there is no Ireland, there is only the law of England — no right of Ireland ; the liberty of Ireland and of the Irish is to be judged by the power of England.
Yet for me, the Irish outlaw, there is a land of Ireland, a right of Ireland, and a charter for all Irishmen to appeal to, in the last resort, a charter that even the very statutes of England itself cannot deprive us of — nay, more, a charter that Englishmen themselves assert as the fundamental bond of law that connects the two kingdoms.." (..more here).
I say that Roger Casement
did what he had to do.
He died upon the gallows,
but that is nothing new.
Afraid they might be beaten
before the bench of Time,
they turned a trick by forgery
and blackened his good name.
A perjurer stood ready
to prove their forgery true ;
they gave it out to all the world,
and that is something new.
For Spring Rice had to whisper it,
being their Ambassador,
and then the speakers got it
and writers by the score.
Come Tom and Dick, come all the troop
that cried it far and wide,
come from the forger and his desk,
desert the perjurer's side.
Come speak your bit in public
that some amends be made
to this most gallant gentleman
that is in quicklime laid. (From here.)
Roger Casement was sentenced to "death by rope" on the 29th June 1916 and was executed by the British on the 3rd of August that year in London, England.
God's curse on you, England...
ON THIS DATE (1ST SEPTEMBER) IN...
.. 1920 -
On Wednesday, 1st September 1920, the IRA ambushed an RIC cycle patrol at Ratra Crossroads, County Roscommon ; five RIC men on bicycles were attacked at Rathmacross (or Ratra Crossroads) in County Roscommon (located between Ballaghdereen and Frenchpark) resulting in the deaths of two RIC operatives ( Edward Murphy and Martin McCarthy) and one IRA man, Captain Tom McDonagh from the South Sligo Brigade.
The IRA ambush party of about 25 men were under the command of Jim Hunt and Michael Marren from the East Mayo Brigade. Captain McDonagh's body was dragged by British Crown Forces through the streets of Ballaghdereen and put on public display, and a number of buildings and businesses were burnt or blown up in Ballaghdereen that night, by the RIC, in reprisal.
Thomas J McDonagh was a leading member of C Company, 4th Battalion, Sligo Brigade, IRA. He was 20 years old and was born in the USA, moved to Ireland after his parents died when he was five years old and grew up with his grandmother and uncle on their small farm. He trained as a stereotyper in the offices of the Herald Works but, due to illness in the family, he returned to working on the family farm.
Also, on that same date (1st September 1920) the following actions took place :
The 6th Battalion of Cork Number 1 Brigade, IRA, ambushed British forces at Inniscarra, in the barony of Muskerry East, County Cork ; the enemy forces escaped, and there was no casualties reported by either side.
IRA Volunteer Patrick McKenna, 24, from Church Street in Castleblaney, in County Monaghan, a member of the Castleblayney Company, 4th Battalion, 2nd Monaghan Brigade IRA, was shot dead during an IRA-authorised arms raid in his home town.
The perpetrators, William and Robert Fleming, a father and son team who were, apparently, members/supporters and/or involved with the 'Ulster Special Constabulary', a paramilitary reserve pro-British 'special constable police force' in the Occupied Six Counties, were later executed by the IRA (our photograph shows the British trappings on display at their funeral).
Lieutenant Bernard Marron IRA died as a result of gunshot wounds received while raiding for arms at Corcreagh, County Monaghan. He was a carpenter by trade and was from Monaghan, and was about 29 years old. He was found in a field at Corcreagh about one mile from Shercock (on the morning of Wednesday, 1st of September 1920), badly wounded to the head with a gunshot wound and was taken into the house of Mr. Thomas McKenna. He survived for several hours before his wound got the better of him.
Volunteer John ('Jack') O'Brien, 1st Battalion, 3rd Northern Division, IRA, was killed at Carrick Hill, Belfast while engaged in picket duty. He was shot at the corner of Park Street and Kildare Street, on the 1st September, 1920, and was taken to the Royal Hospital, where he died, two days later. His funeral service was held in St Patrick's chapel in Donegal. He was 49 years of age, and left behind his wife, Sarah, and children Sarah, Margaret and John.
'AN EMPTY FORMULA...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
The great majority of men and women who are products of the secondary schools and colleges bow to the conqueror and the spirit of slavery prevails.
Britain is well aided and abetted by 'the government of the Republic of Ireland', and here is one instance - if a teacher who was trained in a Belfast training college is appointed to a job in the 26-counties, the State Department of Education will not sanction the appointment - however great the need for the teacher or however anxious the manager is to have him or her. And it is not a question of language, as the rule would apply to a native speaker.
The teacher is an 'alien', educated in Belfast. So that is that!
(END of 'An Empty Formula' ; NEXT - 'Students On The March', from the same source.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading,
Sharon.
