THE PRICE OF PEACE......
Last month, 28 women who protested peacefully in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, against US President Ronald Reagan's visit to Ireland received £1000 each arising from their action for wrongful arrest. Gene Kerrigan recalls the weekend when another State determined Irish security requirements and details the garda action which could cost tens of thousands of pounds. From 'Magill' magazine, May 1987.
The first priority was to obtain bail for the prisoners and, on such a trivial charge, bail was a certainty. But the gardaí refused to grant station bail , a procedure in which they have discretion to allow people charged with lesser offences post their own bail at the station. Extraordinarily, they said they would grant bail to just one of the 33 women in the Bridewell, Mary Duffy, a thalidomide victim who has no arms, but her conditions in the jail were no worse than anyone else's. Indeed, she is a strong woman who has learned to do with her feet most of what others do with their hands, and she lives an independent life.
She had no doubt that the garda decision was made because they were embarrassed to be locking up someone without arms. She refused to accept station bail. Heather Celmalis, the lawyer, asked when the prisoners would be brought before a judge or a peace commissioner, but the gardaí told her that they had no information about that. It was at about this time that Ronald Reagan left Ballyporeen and flew to Aras an Uachtarain in the Phoenix Park.
There were four solicitors working for the women at various times : Isabel ni Chuireain, Mairead Quigley, Breda Allen and Heather Celmalis, and they set about gathering statements from the prisoners for use in preparing a request for Habeas Corpus . A couple of the women in the Bridewell had been locked up briefly before, after a peace demonstration in front of the Soviet Embassy, but most of them had no experience of this kind of thing and emotions ran high - you were either high as a kite or in the depths of depression, you laughed or you cried. The cells were filthy, with about five or six women in each one, which were meant for two, or three prisoners at most. The toilets were blocked in some of the cells and could only be flushed from outside, so they were left unflushed. All the women were wearing clothes that had been soaked through in the rain. (MORE LATER).
THE IRA.THE NEW IRA IS YOUNGER, MORE RADICAL AND HAS SEEN LITTLE OF LIFE OTHER THAN VIOLENCE..... By Ed Moloney. From 'Magill' magazine, September 1980.
The bulk of Provisional supporters, especially in the rural, border areas, are traditional Republicans. Small farmers or country town merchants ; what one Belfast radical calls 'Fianna Failers with guns'. Their support, which is reflected in the vote for the 30 or so Sinn Fein councillors, is vital for the war effort. They provide the training camps, the dumps and safe houses. Many of them stayed with the Provisionals precisely because they thought the Officials were too leftist or Marxist. Much the same can be said for the older veterans of the movement ; the men of the 'forties', and 'fifties', many of whom sit on the IRA Executive, the body that acts as the repository of Republican faith and which in 'war time', appoints the Army Council.
One such man, a Northerner in fact, who has spent 13 years in prison or internment camps, summed it up like this : "I don't like this word 'socialism'. I wish they could find another word for it". Others like Billy McKee, a former Chief of Staff and Belfast Brigade Commander, have dropped out altogether. When he last came to Belfast in May 1979 to speak to a welcome home rally for released blanket-man Ciaran Nugent, he was reportedly horrified at the number of foreign left wing posters and pamphlets in the offices of Republican News, the voice of the Northern left.
Another group whose dollars at least are vital to the Provos are the Irish-Americans and, notably, Irish Northern Aid, headed by veteran Republican and devout Catholic, Michael Flannery. Even in the early days, the Irish-Americans were a standing joke with Belfast Provos. It was common then for visiting Republican speakers from Ireland to be taken by Flannery for a new outfit of sober suit, tie and shiny shoes, before being let loose on the Irish-American faithful. Speakers were instructed by Flannery never to refer to socialism and one such tourist can recall discovering unopened bundles of Republican News, lying dumped in dustbins outside Nor-Aid's Bronx headquarters. The Northerners were always too radical for the Irish-Americans. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (13TH MAY) 96 YEARS AGO : "I THOUGHT I WAS A DEAD MAN. I HAD TO HOLD MY HEAD UP WITH BOTH HANDS...."
Seán Hogan (pictured, left), who was practically still in his teenage years when he was appointed as one of those in command of the 'Third Tipperary Brigade' of the IRA, a leadership group which became known by the British as 'The Big Four' - Dan Breen, Seán Treacy, Seamus Robinson and Seán Hogan.
Seán Hogan was born in Tipperary in 1901 and, at just 18 years of age, he took part in the Soloheadbeg ambush on the 21st of January in 1919, in which two Crown force personnel (James McDonnell and Patrick O'Connell) were killed as they drew their weapons. The British went all out to capture or execute those responsible and, on the 12th of May 1919, Seán Hogan was taken prisoner at a friends house, the Meagher's, at Annfield, in Tipperary, and taken to Thurles RIC barracks to be held overnight, and then transported to Cork. The following morning Seán Hogan was taken by a four-man armed British military escort to Knocklong train station and the five men got on board a train ; Hogan, who was handcuffed, was put sitting between RIC Sergeant Wallace and Constable Enright, both of whom were armed with revolvers, and Constables Ring and Reilly, carrying shotguns, sat opposite the three men.
Seán Hogan (right), thought to be about 20 years young when this photograph was taken.
An IRA unit, led by Seán Treacy, Dan Breen, Seamus Robinson and Eamonn O'Brien, and including Ned Foley, Seán Lynch, John Joe O'Brien, Ned O'Brien and Jim Scanlon (all from the East Limerick Brigade IRA) located the compartment where Seán Hogan was being held against his will and Seán Treacy and Eamonn O'Brien drew their revolvers and walked through the train to the compartment ; on entering same, they loudly instructed all present to put their hands up and called for Seán Hogan to make his way to them. RIC Constable Enright placed his revolver against Hogan's neck, using him as a shield, but was shot dead as he did so, as both Treacy and O'Brien had fired at him (Eamonn O'Brien was to say later that they would not have shot Enright had he not attempted to attack Hogan) and Hogan, still handcuffed, took that opportunity to land a two-handed punch to the face of Constable Ring, who was sitting opposite him. Seán Treacy and RIC Sergeant Wallace were trading punches, as were Eamonn O'Brien and Constable Reilly, when one of the IRA men managed to take Reilly's shotgun from him and smashed him over the head with it. He collapsed in a heap on the carriage floor. Constable Ring, meanwhile, found himself on the platform, having exited the carriage through a window, and withdrew from the area.
Of such a deed, no living man has ever heard before
From out a guarded carriage mid a panic stricken throng
Seán Hogan, he was rescued at the station of Knocklong
When a guard of four policemen had their prisoner minded well
As the fatal train sped o’er the rails, conveying him to his cell
The prisoner then could scarce foretell, of hearts both brave and strong
That were planning for his rescue at the station of Knocklong
The shades of eve were falling fast when the train at last drew in
It was halted for an hour or so by a few courageous men
They sprang into the carriage and it did not take them long
'Hands up or die' was the rebel cry at the station of Knocklong
King George’s pampered hirelings, they shrivelled up with fear
And thought of how they placed in cells, full many a Volunteer
Now face to face with armed men, to escape, how they did long
But two of them met with traitors deaths at the station of Knocklong
From Sologhead to Limerick, such deeds as these were never seen
And devil a tear was ever shed for Wallace of Roskeen
They did old England's dirty work and did that work too long
But the renegades were numbered up at the station of Knocklong
Now rise up Mother Erin and always be of cheer
You’ll never die while at your side there stand such Volunteers
From Dingle Bay to Garryowen, the cheers will echo long
Of the rescue of Seán Hogan at the station of Knocklong.(From here.)
YESTERDAY (12TH MAY) 99 YEARS AGO - NO PLACE AT THAT TABLE FOR THIS CHAIR.
If we had more time, we would give a brief history and/or mention of all those Irish men and women for whom this month carries special significance, but such is the level of destruction wrought on this country by the British over an on-going period of more than 840 years, and the huge number of Irish 'dissidents' that tried to right those wrongs, we are unable to do so but, nonetheless, we will try to do those brave people justice by posting a 'flavour' of just one of them (penned by John Horan, RSF, a blog colleague) - James Connolly, executed by the British on the 12th May 1916 - as all shared the same objective : to remove the British military and political presence from Ireland.
James Connolly was born on June 5th, 1868, at 107, the Cowgate, Edinburgh. His parents, John and Mary Connolly, had emigrated to Edinburgh from County Monaghan in the 1850s. His father worked as a manure carter, removing dung from the streets at night, and his mother was a domestic servant who suffered from chronic bronchitis and was to die young from that ailment.
Anti-Irish feeling at the time was so bad that Irish people were forced to live in the slums of the Cowgate and the Grassmarket which became known as 'Little Ireland'. Overcrowding, poverty, disease, drunkenness and unemployment were rife - the only jobs available was selling second-hand clothes and working as a porter or a carter.
James Connolly went to St Patricks School in the Cowgate, as did his two older brothers, Thomas and John. At ten years of age, James left school and got a job with Edinburgh's 'Evening News' newspaper, where he worked as a 'devil', cleaning inky rollers and fetching beer and food for the adult workers. His brother Thomas also worked with the same newspaper. In 1882, aged 14, James Connolly joined the British Army in which he was to remain for nearly seven years, all of it in Ireland, where he witnessed first hand the terrible treatment of the Irish people at the hands of the British. The mistreatment of the Irish by the British and the landlords led to Connolly forming an intense hatred of the British Army.
While serving in Ireland, he met his future wife, a Protestant named Lillie Reynolds. They were engaged in 1888 and the following year Connolly discharged himself from the British Army and went back to Scotland. In 1890, he and Lillie Reynolds were wed in Perth and, in the Spring of that year, James and Lillie moved to Edinburgh and lived at 22 West Port, and joined his father and brother working as labourers and then as a manure carter with Edinburgh Corporation, on a strictly temporary and casual basis.
He became active in socialist and trade union circles and became secretary of the 'Scottish Socialist Federation', almost by mistake. At the time his brother John was secretary; however, after John spoke at a rally in favour of the eight-hour day he was fired from his job with the corporation, so while he looked for work, James took over as secretary. During this time, Connolly became involved with the Independent Labour Party which Kerr Hardie formed in 1893.
Cobbler's Shop.
In late 1894, Connolly lost his job with the corporation. He opened a cobblers shop in February 1895 at number 73 Bucclevch Street, a business venture which was not successful. At the invitation of the Scottish socialist, John Leslie, he came to Dublin in May 1896 as paid organiser of the 'Dublin Socialist Society' for £1 a week. James and Lillie Connolly and their three daughters, Nora, Mona and Aideen set sail for Dublin in 1896, where he founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party in May of 1896. In 1898, Connolly had to return to Scotland on a lecture and fund-raising tour. Before he left Ireland, he had founded 'The Workers' Republic' newspaper, the first Irish socialist paper, from his house at number 54 Pimlico, where he lived with his wife and three daughters. Six other families, a total of 30 people, also lived in number 54 Pimlico, at the same time!
In 1902, he went on a five month lecture tour of the USA and, on returning to Dublin, he found the ISRP existed in name only. He returned to Edinburgh where he worked for the Scottish District of the Social Democratic federation. He then chaired the inaugural meeting of the Socialist Labour Party in 1903 but, when his party failed to make any headway, Connolly became disillusioned and in September 1903, he emigrated to the USA and did not return until July 1910. In the US, he founded the Irish Socialist Federation in New York, and another newspaper, 'The Harp'.
In 1910, he returned to Ireland and in June of the following year he became Belfast organiser for James Larkin's Irish Transport and General Workers Union. In 1913 he co-founded the Labour Party and in 1914 he organised, with James Larkin, opposition to the Employers Federation in the Great Lock-Out of workers that August. Larkin travelled to the USA for a lecture tour in late 1914 and James Connolly became the key figure in the Irish Labour movement.
Irish Citizen Army.
The previous year, 1913, had also seen Connolly co-found the Irish Citizen Army, at Liberty Hall, the headquarters of the ITGWU - this organisation, the ICA, was established to defend the rights of the working people. In October 1914, Connolly returned permanently to Dublin and revived the newspaper 'The Workers' Republic' that December following the suppression of his other newspaper, 'The Irish Worker'. In 'The Workers' Republic' newspaper, Connolly published articles on guerrilla warfare and continuously attacked the group known as The Irish Volunteers for their inactivity. This group refused to allow the Irish Citizen Army to have any in-put on its Provisional Committee and had no plans in motion for armed action.
The Irish Volunteers were by this time approximately 180,000 strong and were urged by their leadership to support England in the war against Germany. It should be noted that half of the Provisional Committee of the Irish Volunteers were John Redmond's people, who was the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. The Irish Volunteers split, with the majority siding with Redmond and becoming known as the National Volunteers - approximately 11,000 of the membership refused to join Redmond and his people.
However, in February 1915, 'The Workers' Republic' newspaper was suppressed by the Dublin Castle authorities. Even still, Connolly grew more militant. In January 1916, the Irish Republican Brotherhood had became alarmed by Connollys ICA manoeuvres in Dublin and at Connollys impatience at the apparent lack of preparations for a rising, and the IRB decided to take James Connolly into their confidence. During the following months, he took part in the preparation for a rising and was appointed Military Commander of the Republican Forces in Dublin, including his own Irish Citizen Army. He was in command of the Republican HQ at the GPO during Easter Week, and was severely wounded. He was arrested and court-martialed following the surrender. On May 9th, 1916, James Connolly was propped up in bed before a court-martial and sentenced to die by firing squad - he was at that time being held in the military hospital in Dublin Castle. In a leading article in the Irish Independent on May 10th William Martin Murphy, who had led the employers in the Great Lock-out of workers in 1913, urged the British Government to execute Connolly.
At dawn on May 12th 1916, James Connolly was taken by ambulance from Dublin Castle to Kilmainham Jail, carried on a stretcher into the prison yard, strapped into a chair in a corner of the yard and executed by firing-squad. Connolly's body, like that of the other 14 executed leaders, was taken to the British military cemetery adjoining Arbour Hill Prison and buried, without coffin, in a mass quicklime grave.
The fact that he was one of the seven signatories of the 1916 Proclamation bears evidence of his influence. As a post script, and on a personal level, I will quote James Connolly's words to the Irish Citizen Army on 16th April, 1916 ; "The odds are a thousand to one against us, but in the event of victory, hold onto your rifles, as those with whom we are fighting may stop before our goal is reached."
To those people whom Republican Sinn Féin would consider having "stopped before the goal is reached", I point out that the fact that James Connolly died on a chair should not be seen to infer that he wanted that chair placed at a table where a compromise would be the outcome.
James Connolly, 5th June 1868 - 12th May 1916. Executed by the British at 47 years of age.
"IT IS MY DUTY TO TELL YOU WHAT I BELIEVE SHOULD BE DONE..."
"Because I believe these things I will always stick to them, but I do not want to force any other person to believe as I do. Let everyone be honest with himself and do what he thinks right. It is my duty to tell you what I believe should be done..." - Commandant Neil 'Plunkett' O'Boyle, pictured, left.
Commandant O'Boyle was born on a small farm at Leac Eineach , near Burtonport in County Donegal, in 1898. He grew tall and thin, and was known to keep himself to himself as a teenager, but livened up as he grew older, and continually expressed an interest in the political affairs of the times he was witnessing and had a great interest in the Irish language. But he was not one for trying to impose his own beliefs , whether to do with politics , history , or the Irish language, and was known by now as a Sinn Féiner, but couldn't take his interest to the level he would have liked, as he was helping to look after his father, who was in poor health : the man died in 1917, and 'Plunkett', now 19 years of age, needed a secure job to assist the family - he got a position as a guard with the 'Londonderry (sic) and Lough Swilly Railway Company' but was forced to leave that job when he was 21 due to continued harassment from the RIC, a British 'police force' in Ireland, which knew of his Sinn Féin beliefs.
He left Ireland for Scotland and got a job as a miner in the 'New Mains' Colliery, where he joined the IRA's 2nd Battalion Scottish Brigade, B Company. His IRA work included procuring weapons for Army use in Ireland and ensuring that same received safe passage home. At 22 years of age, he was caught by the Scottish police whilst organising a shipment of arms and was sentenced to five years hard labour in Peterhead Prison and was known to have been singled-out for particularly rough treatment by the prison authorities, including long periods of solitary confinement.
The 'Treaty of Surrender' was signed in late 1921 and 'Plunkett' was one of many who qualified for early release under its terms and conditions (even though he was opposed to that Treaty) and, in 1922, at 24 years of age, he was released and he returned home to Donegal, but was arrested a few months later and placed in detention in Dungloe and then moved to Drumboe. Finally, he was put 'on hold' in Finner Camp until arrangements were made to move him to Dublin. From the moment he was first arrested he was determined to escape : he had intended to jump from the Free Staters lorry that was transporting him to Drumboe but another prisoner beat him to it. In Finner Camp he had started a tunnel but this was discovered, so he and others planned to seize the tug boat on which they were to be taken to meet the ship that was due to transport them to Dublin. When this didn't work, they then planned (unsuccessfully) to try and take control of the ship itself!
When 'Plunkett' and his comrades landed in Dublin, they were taken to Newbridge Barracks where they almost immediately began work on a tunnel, but this plan was soon improved on when one of the men got his hands on a Board of Works map which highlighted the sewerage system and the existing tunnel was then re-directed towards those pipes. They soon reached the buried pipes and in October that year (1922) approximately 160 IRA prisoners effected an escape through the sewerage system and came out the other end in the Kildare section of the River Liffey, from where Neil 'Plunkett' O'Boyle got to Dublin and was placed in command of the Dublin No. 2 Brigade IRA, 3rd Battalion, and was stationed in the Wicklow area : it was now November 1922 and, for the next six months, his IRA unit operated and lived rough in a mountainous area between Tallaght and Glenmalure.
The Ceasefire Order of April 1923 was adhered to by 'Plunkett' and his men but they stayed in hiding, as did many IRA units, until the general situation became clearer - but the Free State Army still hunted them and, indeed, his unit was attacked by the Staters on 8th May 1923. Michelle Boyle, a relative of 'Plunkett', put the following account on the record at the time : " Around 5am Rosie Kelly was out with (----) when she seen Free State soldiers in the vicinity. She told the volunteers. They went into the woods and hid behind a wall. As soon as Free State soldiers came looking, Plunkett and the column opened fire. The Free State soldiers sheltered behind Kelly’s house. It wasn’t long until another band of Free State soldiers came from Moin a' Bhealaigh and they shot into the woods. They hit their own men but none were hurt seriously. Some volunteers were in Free State soldier’s clothes and managed to escape quickly across the hills. The Column was all very tired and was glad to rest that night. At around this time Plunkett was after getting a shipment of arms from Belfast. That night in Kylebeg they had 2 Thompson guns and 7 rifles. The soldiers had Lewis guns and rifles and there were about 80 soldiers. Plunkett was a good leader, he was hot-headed but you couldn't frighten him. He had a sharp mind, knew what time to attack and what time to retreat. And when they were escaping, Wicklow men could guide him to safe houses and over the hills..."
In mid-May 1923, 'Plunkett' and his men were in a safe house in Knocknadruce, County Wicklow when, in the early hours of the morning, they were surrounded by Free State forces under the command of a Belfast man, Felix Mc Corley. IRA man Tom Heavey, who was in the house at the time, explained what transpired : "Plunkett wanted the mother and daughter to be let out of the house. The Staters wouldn't hear of that and threatened to bomb them out. That was a favourite trick, throwing grenades through the window. This put Plunkett in a spot as he couldn't let the women be injured. So he said, 'Let me come out'. Out he came with his hands up and walked slowly towards a stone stile at the right hand corner of the house. When he got there he spoke a few words with this Free State Officer named McCorley, a Belfast man perched on a stone ditch above him. Suddenly McCorley raised his revolver and shot Plunkett in the eye, the bullet passing through his upraised hands. For good measure he shot him again through the head. He just shot him. I saw it all. It was cold blooded murder. The others in the house were rounded up and taken away..." (more here.)
The 92nd anniversary of the State execution of Neil 'Plunkett' O'Boyle will be marked in Knocknadruce, County Wicklow, on Sunday 17th May 2015 at 3pm : those attending are asked to assemble in Hollywood at 2.30pm. All genuine republicans welcome!
BUS PRIVATISATION BAD, WATER PRIVATISATION NOT BAD.
The SIPTU trade union is rightly up in (verbal) arms over the threat by Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann to introduce privatisation into, for now, parts of their networks and have organised work stoppages (with more of same to come) in opposition to that move : 'Bus drivers across the country (sic) will engage in four days of strike action during May to defend the public transport service and decent jobs from the threat of privatisation. SIPTU drivers in Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann will conduct 24-hour work stoppages on Friday, 1st May, Saturday, 2nd May, Friday, 15th May and Saturday, 16th May. The decision to engage in strike action by over 1,500 drivers follows a refusal by the management of both companies to meet with workers to discuss their major concerns over plans to privatise 10% of bus routes during 2016. Announcing the major escalation of the SIPTU members campaign to defend the public transport system, SIPTU Construction and Utilities Division Organiser, Owen Reidy, said: "The privatisation plan being promoted by the 'National (sic) Transport Authority' is driven by ideological concerns rather than a focus on improving services. Privatisation of these routes will be a bad deal for the citizen and tax payer, the travelling public and indeed the workers who provide these services...." (from here.)
All good so far - a trade union expressing concern over the privatisation of a public utility, warning that it would be a bad move for the workers, the public and the quality of the service on offer, and recognising that to privatise a service (that, in this case, was built using taxpayers money) is not in the best interest of those that service purports to serve. So how come this same trade union is working hand-in-glove with those attempting to privatise a different public service/utility and, in a further deluded twist, actually supports and defends the scab employees of the soon-to-be new owners of that previously public-owned service?
The answer to that question is straight forward enough - that trade union organisation, like the State it supports and encourages, has no moral consistency and will run with the hare and hunt with the hound when it suits it to do so, and will do so shamelessly. The answer to the overall question of such corruption is here.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
A 'NEUTRAL' GROUP WANTS TO "TIP THE (GAY MARRIAGE) VOTE THE RIGHT WAY"!
Like political activists everywhere, I know the wisdom of 'keeping your friends close and your enemies closer', by which I mean it makes more sense to subscribe to a newsletter etc from your opposition rather than one from your own side. That's a practice I have long adhered to and it has paid dividends in the past and I've no doubt it will do so in the future. And, to a certain extent, it has done so now.
I have already announced my intention to vote 'No' in the up-coming 'Gay Marriage' State referendum and, as is my wont on occasions like this, I had already subscribed to the mailing lists of 'Vote Yes' campaigners and those I considered to be such (...and most of whom certainly view 'No' voters as less than human) , one of which is the 'Uplift' grouping, one of the "...newest multi-issue campaign organisations...a community of people who share progressive values, and believe in people powered action. UPLIFT is completely independent and believes that all decision makers should be held accountable..." This grouping claims to be "...completely independent and not aligned to any political or corporate interests.." , states that it "...does not represent any single issue or group in society.." (from here - see 'How is Uplift different from other civil society organisations?') , says that it "...will welcome and encourage progressive policy and will criticise bad policy.." (from here - see 'Our relationship with political parties and politicians?') , meaning that, as far as this 'independent' group are concerned, a 'Yes for gay marriage' vote would be "progressive" but a 'No' vote would be "bad", although, at the time of writing, they give the impression, on their website, that they are 'neutral' on this issue, as a search result brings up a 'no results found' page.
A group email they sent out on May 1st last (entitled 'Are you sure you're registered to vote?') also, in my opinion, brings their 'independence' into question :
"The Marriage Equality Referendum vote is far from certain. There has been a shift in support away from those saying they will vote Yes, towards those saying that they are unsure how they will vote. But we can help tip the vote the right way. The first really important thing we need to do is make sure we’re all registered to vote. Every year the Register of Electors is updated and over the past few weeks there have been lots of reports of people being surprised to find they are no longer registered. Are you and your friends registered to vote? Have you checked?
There is still time to check, but we need to be quick! You have until next Tuesday 5th May to be included in the Supplementary Register. Follow this link to find out if you are registered or not:
https://www.checktheregister.ie/
Although support for a Yes vote is still strong, this shift is not good news. So, your vote is precious. It’s your right as a citizen and it will really, really count in the Marriage Equality Referendum.
There are nearly 10,000 of us in the Uplift community. If we all made sure that we, and our loved ones are registered by next Tuesday, we could actually be the difference in securing a Yes vote on May 22nd.
So many referendums have been won and lost on a handful of votes! Here is the link again to check if you’re registered to vote: https://www.checktheregister.ie/
Thanks for being involved,
Siobhán and the team."
This 'Uplift' group states that it is "...completely independent and not aligned to any political or corporate interests.." yet is concerned about "...a shift in support away from those saying they will vote Yes...but we can help tip the vote the right way...we could actually be the difference in securing a Yes vote on May 22nd..." That's being "completely independent" , Irish style!
Incidentally, 'Uplift' states that they have "...received support from the Community Foundation of Ireland, Global Green Grants Foundation (and) Atlantic Philanthropies...." : the first and last-mentioned of those organisations are, amongst other activities, 'supporters of gay rights' whilst the middle group ('GGGF') has apparently not yet updated its books in relation to all of the groups it seemingly supports. And talking about 'updating books', it is apparent that there is at least one book that 'Update' would want to update (!) itself on - the dictionary.
Finally, their understanding of geography is on a par with their understanding of what being "completely independent (yet wanting to tip the vote the right way)" means - in their 'faq' section, under the heading 'How do I become a member of Uplift?', they declare themselves to be "...a community of people taking coordinated action for progressive change in Ireland...membership is open to anyone living on the island of Ireland and Irish people living abroad. Until there is an established membership base in Northern Ireland (sic) , Uplift does not initially plan to pro-actively campaign on this part of the island....". So it seems that that "part of the island (ie our six north-eastern counties)" is not part of "...the island of Ireland.." ? Not a very 'uplifting' point of view from such a "progressive" group!
THE PRICE OF PEACE......
Last month, 28 women who protested peacefully in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, against US President Ronald Reagan's visit to Ireland received £1000 each arising from their action for wrongful arrest. Gene Kerrigan recalls the weekend when another State determined Irish security requirements and details the garda action which could cost tens of thousands of pounds. From 'Magill' magazine, May 1987.
CONTRARY TO SECTION 7 (5).
Heather Celmalis, the solicitor, tried to find out from the gardaí the reason for the arrest of her clients - the gardaí confirmed that all the women had been arrested but couldn't and wouldn't give any further information. The mysterious 'edict' from the Garda Commissioner could not be shown or quoted, so Celmalis left the garda station to consult with barrister Ruth-Anne FitzGerald about getting a decree of habeas corpus and when she returned to the garda station at about 1pm she was told that her clients were now being formally charged.
The women were taken out of the cells and had the charge read to them : it said that on being ordered by the gardaí "in accordance with the provisions of Section 9 (3) of the Phoenix Park Act (1925) to leave the Phoenix Park you did fail to leave the said park. Contrary to Section 7 (5) Phoenix Park Act 1925". That particular Section of that Act says that anyone failing to leave the park when ordered to do so by a garda, if that person has breached any other section of the Act or any bye-law, has committed an offence. The section of the Act breached by the women, according to the charge, was Section 9 (3), which says that anyone breaching a regulation made by the Garda Commissioner is guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of £5.
But neither the women or their lawyers knew what regulation of the Commissioner's they had allegedly broken : 'Section 9 of the Phoenix Park Act' empowers the Commissioner to make regulations "for the routes to be observed by motor cars, carriages, carts, and other vehicles, and by horses and persons in the Park either generally or on special occasions, and may also give directions to the members of the Garda Síochána for the preserving of order in the Park, the observance of regulations made by the said Commissioner under this section, and the observance of bye-laws". The precise legalities could wait until later. (MORE LATER).
THE IRA.THE NEW IRA IS YOUNGER, MORE RADICAL AND HAS SEEN LITTLE OF LIFE OTHER THAN VIOLENCE..... By Ed Moloney. From 'Magill' magazine, September 1980.
THE MOVE TO THE LEFT.
"The most successful radicalisation of the Republican Movement since the Republican Congress, and it didn't cause a split" - that's how Sinn Féin Vice President, Gerry Adams, the man most identified with that radicalisation, now describes the recent political changes in Sinn Féin. The move to the left hasn't, it's true, caused a split in the Provisionals, but it has come very close to it. There is undoubtedly a division within the Provo ranks ; the organisation can be said now to be roughly divided between North and South, old and young, traditional and revolutionary, but essentially between right and left.
The impetus for the move leftwards has come from a small group of Northern and especially Belfast radicals, whose influence far outweighs their strength. One Belfast leftist puts their numbers at no more than 30 or 40, but it is almost entirely because the present 7 man IRA army Council is like-minded, and are the men responsible for the military re-vitalisation of the IRA, that the leftists have exerted as much influence. Realistically, the Provisionals have yet to move much further to the left before the radicals can say that they have successfully turned it into a socialist organisation.
More so than most political organisations, the Provisionals consist of a delicate balance of differing interest groups - move them one way and the balance is upset. Most political organisations can withstand those sort of stresses and strains, but less so an organisation that is also fighting a 'war of national liberation'. The leftists have been able to tip the balance so far and only a little at a time. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (6TH MAY) 133 YEARS AGO : PHOENIX PARK EXECUTIONS.
6th May, 1882 - the scene of the executions in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, of two top British officials, 'Lord' Frederick Cavendish, and his under secretary, Thomas Henry Burke.
On the 6th May, 1882, the 'Invincibles' held a meeting in Mulbeths Public House, 12 Lower Bridge Street, Dublin, to discuss the arrival of the new British Chief Secretary, 'Lord' Frederick Cavendish. The route that Cavendish was to travel on his way to the Vice-Regal Lodge in the Phoenix Park was known to those at the meeting, all of whom were armed with knives - pistol-shots would only alert British patrols in the area - and two carriages were organised ; one driven by James 'Skin-the-Goat' Fitzharris and the other by Invincible member Michael Kavanagh. James Carey led the men out of Mulbeths Bar and into the two carriages, which then headed for the Phoenix Park. The new British Chief Secretary, 'Lord' Frederick Cavendish and his 'Permanent Undersecretary' Thomas Henry Burke, were waylaid by the Invincibles in Dublin's Phoenix Park and assassinated.
The killings were condemned by both the Irish establishment and the churches, but months went by and no arrests were made. Then, in one day, twenty-six men (all members of the 'Invincibles') were arrested and charged with the 'Phoenix Park murders'. The men soon realised that this was no 'desperate face-saving' expedition by the British ; one of the top members of the 'Invincibles', James Carey, had turned informer and his brother, Peter, also told the British all he knew about the group. The other jarvey (cab-driver) Michael Kavanagh, also agreed to inform on the 'Invincibles'. Between May and December 1883, fourteen 'Invincibles' passed through Green Street Courthouse - eight received life sentences and six were put to death. One of those sentenced to life was James 'Skin-the-Goat' Fitzharris, who was arrested on the evidence given by the other driver, Michael Kavanagh.
When he was first arrested, the British offered Fitzharris a deal if he, too, would turn informer, but he refused. His 'trial' actually ended with him being acquitted by the jury but the judge then halted proceedings and ordered that he be re-arrested ; he was then charged with being an 'accomplice' in the deed, found guilty, and sentenced to life. During both of his 'trials', 'Skin-the-Goat' made a mockery of the proceedings and refused to recognise the so-called 'authority' of the British to carry-out such functions in Ireland. James 'Skin-the-Goat' Fitzharris was fifty years of age when he began his life sentence - he was sixty-five when he got out of (Portlaoise) Prison, and things had changed ; his comrades were either dead or had moved away and, to the eternal shame of the Republican Movement, it turned its back on the man.
He had no job and no-where to live, he knew no-one and no-one wanted to know him. His choice now was to live on the street or sign himself into the workhouse - he chose the latter, and survived for the next twelve years as a pauper - between the gutter and the workhouse. He died in 1910 (on 7th September) aged seventy-seven. He was jobless, homeless and friendless when he died, alone, in the South Dublin Union Workhouse in James Street, Dublin. James 'Skin-the-Goat' Fitzharris was twenty-five years young when he joined the Movement in 1858 and stayed true to his Republican principles for fifty-two years, until he died. He had a hard life, in hard times, but he came through it and never recanted his actions or his beliefs. And, to his credit, he was working for a noble cause, unlike the two British agents/officials he encountered in the Phoenix Park in Dublin, 133 years ago on this date.
SIPTU AND THE SCABS!
We have posted before about the fact that the trade union organisation, SIPTU, has allowed anti-worker scab employees from the 'Irish Water' company to join its ranks and, for a weekly fee, is attempting to secure/improve better working conditions for those workers - "Meanwhile, the trade union SIPTU , the leadership of which is linked to and supports the State Labour Party (which fully endorses the double tax on water) has issued what could at best (ie being generous to them) only be described as a watery/fence-sitting statement in relation to this double tax in which, amongst other sickening half-way-house utterances, they suggest that other ways be found to "implement the water charges" and practically ask people to cooperate with the scabs that are attempting to build the infrastructure (meters, pipe work etc) via which this double tax will be enforced, which is not surprising, as those scab workers are apparently represented by SIPTU in their dealings with 'IW' management re their terms and conditions..." (from here) .
Now, as you can see from the above-pictured SIPTU letter (enlarged version here, transcript below) , dated 30th April 2015, the employer ('Irish Water') that hired those scab workers for that scab job is turning on them and treating them as all scabs should be treated - with contempt :
'30th April 2015
Update to SIPTU Water Service members
Dear Colleagues,
Further to yesterdays LRC conciliation hearing regarding the IW leak detection and fixing programme, it appears at this stage that IW will settle for nothing less than the wholesale introduction of contractors operating across the country (sic) to carry out what is regarded as core work of our members.
Such a development would represent a major breach of our agreements, as well as a calculated step towards the privatisation of the provision of water services in this country (sic) , despite all of the assurances given to the contrary.
On foot of this serious and developing situation, preparations will now commence to conduct a series of consultative meetings with members to appraise them of the situation.
Members should also be advised that in the event that there is any unilateral attempt to introduce contractors to carry out work normally done by our members, then we will proceed to ballot our members for industrial/strike action.
In this regard, all members should now be advised of the developing situation.
Yours Sincerely,
Brendan O' Brien,
Sector Organiser.'
This is one strike that I would like to see happen, just so that I could pass the picket, repeatedly, and with pleasure, even if I had to go out of my way to do so, as those people are basically scabbing a living off the backs of workers and the unemployed. SIPTU should wash its hands of those scabs and then issue a general apology for having had anything to do with them in the first place.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
OUTED!
A 'Gay Marriage' referendum is being held in this State on Friday, May 22nd 2015 and, as expected in any such 'contest' - either here or in any other State and/or country - not all the 'players' are as they would seem to be, at first glance. On Wednesday, 6th May next, we will be commenting on this blog about one such grouping which describes itself as completely independent and not representing any particular issue or any other organisation but which, in a 'Vote Yes' email sent to a select few, has, to the fullest extent, destroyed any pretence it had in claiming to be 'independent of any particular issue'. I could be lighthearted here and say that the script for the above-mentioned 'Outed' post has been cleared for publication by our legal reps but I won't ! Suffice to say that such referendum manoeuvrings are par for the course and will not surprise any observer of any political scene, but that does not mean that they should happen without comment.
Check back with us here on Wednesday, 6th May 2015, and read why it is that the 'issue-free' organisation in question is not in any position to claim 'I am what I am'.....!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
HUNGER-STRIKERS RALLY, GPO DUBLIN 2-5-15 : FEW WORDS AND PICS.
On Saturday 2nd May 2015, at the GPO in Dublin, RSF held a rally to commemorate the 22 Irish republican hunger-strikers that died for their political beliefs between 1917 and 1981. The event was Chaired by Josephine Hayden (pictured, left) and a representative from Na Fianna Éireann and the RSF International Bureau also addressed the gathering.
'Republican Rally' - GPO, Dublin, 2nd May 2015.
Alan Byrne, NFE, speaking at the Rally in Dublin, 2-5-15 : he gave a history of the Sands family and outlined how and why Bobby Sands was 'arrested' by the British and the conditions he endured in prison.
Republican Sinn Féin International Relations Bureau spokesperson Dieter Blumenfeld at the GPO, Dublin, 2-5-15, who highlighted the conditions experienced today by Irish republican prisoners incarcerated by the British and Free State regimes.
The organisers had intended to hold the commemoration on the traffic isle facing the GPO but the non-stop torrential rain which, at times - in between very heavy showers, that is - was almost of a biblical nature, forced their hand into 'setting up shop' as best they could under the canopy of the GPO. The small stage unit, the speakers lectern and the heavy-duty outdoor electrical PA system had to be 'returned to base' as it was deemed unsafe to use same in that weather.
Despite the bad weather and the fact that the streets were practically empty (due to a bus strike) the organisers managed to distribute 1,000 leaflets (in 'packs' of various sizes) during their two-hour rally.
Placards showing all twenty-two hunger-strikers were carried by some, while others carried placards with individual photographs of some of the hunger-strikers.
One of the '22 Men' placards on view at the republican rally.
Two of the 'individual' placards carried on the day.
A young lad proudly displaying a placard of Raymond McCreesh, one of the 22 men.
Alan Byrne, Na Fianna Éireann, at the GPO rally.
The weather was bad, the crowds were sparse, but the atmosphere at the rally was solid and the reason for the event was genuine and properly reflected in the manner in which it was done. Those that made it their business to attend are to be congratulated as are the organisers. A full report and more pics will be carried in the May 2015 issue of 'Saoirse', which goes to print on Wednesday 13th of that month.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
"THEY WILL NOT CRIMINALISE US...
...ROB US OF OUR TRUE IDENTITY, STEAL OUR INDIVIDUALISM, DEPOLITICISE US, CHURN US OUT AS SYSTEMISED INSTITUTIONALISED, DECENT LAW-ABIDING ROBOTS. NEVER WILL THEY LABEL OUR LIBERATION STRUGGLE AS CRIMINAL." The above will be confirmed in Dublin city centre on Saturday 2nd May 2015 at 2pm in O'Connell Street. Hope to see you there!
THE PRICE OF PEACE......
Last month, 28 women who protested peacefully in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, against US President Ronald Reagan's visit to Ireland received £1000 each arising from their action for wrongful arrest. Gene Kerrigan recalls the weekend when another State determined Irish security requirements and details the garda action which could cost tens of thousands of pounds. From 'Magill' magazine, May 1987.
Mary Duffy, Elaine Bradley and Anne Barr were preparing to gather up belongings. There were about eight cars parked in the vicinity belonging to friends, husbands and relations of the arrested women and the men were helping with the packing. The three women were told by gardaí that under 'Section 9 of the Phoenix Park Act' the garda commissioner had signed an edict which made it illegal for "people like you" to be within a mile of the US Ambassador's residence.
The gardaí now said that walking, camping, sitting or loitering in that part of the Phoenix Park was illegal, and the women remarked that there were a number of joggers running past : was it illegal to jog? Why didn't the gardaí annoy those people? The gardaí said that jogging was not illegal, and the women then began to jog. And they were arrested as they jogged, with the gardaí jogging along behind them. This time the women refused to walk to the vans and had to be carried. It was these three women - Mary Duffy, Elaine Bradley and Anne Barr - that solicitor Heather Celmalis saw being taken into the Bridewell - one of them , Mary Duffy, was being dragged by the ankles.
The gardaí apparently had some trouble trying to lift Mary Duffy, as she is a thalidomide victim and has no arms. There were now 33 women detained in the Bridewell, and one in Cabra. Mary Duffy was put in a cell alone, and the other women were upset by her isolation and complained about it. Mary herself wasn't too upset, she was glad of the rest, and sang a few songs, pleased to find that the empty cell gave a terrific echo. She didn't know then that she was going to be in the Bridewell for over thirty hours. (MORE LATER).
THE IRA.THE NEW IRA IS YOUNGER, MORE RADICAL AND HAS SEEN LITTLE OF LIFE OTHER THAN VIOLENCE..... By Ed Moloney. From 'Magill' magazine, September 1980.
But it is Charlie Haughey's tough police and legal moves against IRA operations in the Border counties which has done more to impair the IRA in the last year than the RUC and British Army combined in the last three. Cross border co-operation between the Garda and the RUC at Regional Commander and ground level combined with meticulous Task Force searches of Border farms, have seriously disrupted IRA logistics and produced a number of significant arms and explosives dumps. Those tactics are described by one IRA leader as 'devastating' and things could get worse for the Provos if Haughey's attempt to activate the dormant 'Criminal Law Jurisdiction Bill' for cross-border offences succeeds.
At the same time there are indications that the IRA could be conserving its resources for the 'long war' ; to hit when and where it hurts. "We could bomb all around us for three months and cause millions of commercial damage, but we'd lose 40 or 50 men and maybe kill 9 or 10 civilians in the process. What would be the point of that?", asks one Northern IRA leader.
Despite temporary or long term setbacks, the IRA remains essentially a product of an abnormal society in the North, what Tim Pat Coogan calls a 'faecal society'. The IRA is not the problem in the North, it is only a reflection of the problem. And as long as the problem remains unsolved, the IRA and its bloody campaign will persist. In that context, it's worth quoting General Glover's conclusion to his 1978 assessment of the IRA: "The Provisional's campaign of violence is likely to continue, while the British remain in Northern Ireland (sic) ". (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (29TH APRIL) 99 YEARS AGO : "IN ORDER TO PREVENT THE FURTHER SLAUGHTER OF DUBLIN CIVILIANS...
...and in the hope of saving the lives of our followers now surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered, the members of the Provisional Government present at headquarters have agreed to an unconditional surrender, and the commandants of the various districts in the City and county will order their commands to lay down arms..."
The above document, signed by Patrick Pearse, James Connolly and Thomas MacDonagh , signalled the end of six days of fighting between approximately 20,000 British troops (including, in their ranks, Irish men) and a volunteer rebel force of about 1,500 Irish men and women (and other nationalities) . At about 3.45pm on Saturday, 29th April 1916, the Rising was brought to an end - Pádraig Pearse surrendered to British Brigadier-General Lowe, James Connolly surrendered on behalf of the 'Irish Citizens Army' and Ned Daly surrendered to British Major De Courcy Wheeler ; it is not mentioned as often as it should be, but before the surrender of Ned Daly and his forces, all of whom fought bravely in the North King Street area of Dublin, the British Officer who was in command of that particular engagement, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Taylor of the South Staffordshire Regiment, had lost 11 of his men with a further 28 having being wounded. Following the surrender of Daly and the Dublin 1st Battalion, Taylor - who was to claim later that he was acting under orders from his superior, Brigadier-General William Henry Muir Lowe - ordered his men, who were enraged over having lost so many of their number, to 'flush out' any remaining enemy forces. Taylor's troops began breaking into local houses and, before their bloodlust was satisfied, they shot and/or bayoneted 15 boys and men to death, all of whom were 'rebel fighters', according to the British.
Approximately 590 people died during the six days of the 1916 Rising, of which 374 were civilians (including 38 children, aged 16 or younger) , 116 British soldiers, 77 Irish rebel soldiers and 23 members of the British 'police force' which operated in Ireland at that time. The objective has not yet being obtained, as not one of those rebel fighters took up arms to 'achieve' a so-called 'Free State' : the aim then, as now, is to secure a Free Ireland.
NOT A POUND'S WORTH - NO 'CRIME' COMMITTED.
British Labour Party MP, Stephen Pound [right, in pic] might very well consider himself to be 'in touch' with his Westminster-sponsored 'Irish brief', but in this instance he has stumbled across an historical scenario in which no 'crime' was committed.
Despite the fact that he should have known better if, that is, his cv is anything to judge by - 'Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland' and former member of the 'Northern Ireland (sic) Affairs Select Committee', and the fact that he has listed 'Ireland' as one of his "main political interests" - British Labour Party MP Stephen Pound apparently sees nothing wrong in inferring that the 1916 Rising was 'a crime against the British Empire'. How else to explain his announced intention to seek a "Royal Pardon" for those executed by the British military for their part in same, considering that such a 'Pardon' is '...an official order given by a king or queen to stop the punishment of a person accused of a crime..' ?
In a statement in relation to Pound's propaganda, the 'National Graves Association' said - 'British Labour Party M.P Steve Pound has announced his intention to ask the next British Government to consider recommending a "Royal Pardon" for the executed leaders of the 1916 Easter Rising.
While I am sure that Mr. Pound is well intentioned his proposal present problems on a number of levels. The whole point of the Easter Rising was that Irish Republican Forces rejected the jurisdiction of the British Crown in Ireland.
That’s precisely what they were fighting against and what they died for. Any “Royal Pardon” now would therefore be both meaningless and an insult to the memory of the executed leaders. Secondly, those who reject the Sovereign objectives (i.e. an Independent Ireland) of the Easter Rising may think that the executed leaders have something to be pardoned for. The rest of us most certainly do not. The British Offence that the executed Men were convicted of was "Waging War against his majesty the King". For Ireland to accept this British Offence as a crime in Ireland would be to criminalise all those who fought for Irish Freedom throughout the centuries.
Should Britain now wish to apologise to Ireland for executing such a noble body of people as the 1916 leaders, well and good. But, a "Royal Pardon" would be just a modern British Government adding insult to the injury of a previous one.
Is Mise
Sean Whelan, Chairman
National Graves Association
P.O Box 7105
Dublin 2
A solid reply, which needs no explanation to anyone who genuinely understands what Stephen Pound and his colleagues would consider to be 'the Irish question'. Also, the 'NGA' graciously omitted any reference to Mr. Pound's past indiscretions , even though they did 'shoot from the hip', so to speak (...as opposed to speaking from "a well filled hipflask..."). I presume Stephen would understand my highlighting the above - in for a penny, in for a Pound and all that....
SIX-FOOT BILL BURNED IN THE BATH!
On Saturday 25th April 2015, members and supporters of Republican Sinn Féin in Clondalkin, Dublin, took part in a double-water-tax protest outside the County Council offices in Clondalkin Village. The protest assembled at that location at 7.30pm and, after a few words from members of the 'Clondalkin Meter Watch' organisation (after which an RSF member addressed the gathering), a crowd of about one-hundred people marched through the village and then re-assembled outside the council offices. Bill's from the 'Irish Water' group were then burned on site, as were representations of same and other such paperwork from that group, following which the crowd re-assembled and marched through the village again.
Dozens of these RSF leaflet packs were distributed at this protest, and were very well received.
The six-foot 'bill' on display on the doors of the County Council Offices, Clondalkin, Dublin.
Paperwork from the 'Irish Water' group being properly dealt with at the 25th April Clondalkin protest!
All those who attended this protest are to be congratulated for doing so, and all present confirmed (loudly!) that they will be taking part in the double-water-tax protest in Dublin city centre on 'Mayday', Friday 1st May 2015 : those attending are requested to assemble at the Garden of Remembrance from where the protest will be leaving at 6.30pm. And I'll be there, too, with other RSF supporters and members, hoping to 'burn bill' again!
ABOLISH THE 'OFFER', AND THE 'OFFICE'.
On Friday, 22nd May 2015, those of us in this State who are entitled to vote will be asked to do so in relation to two issues : the introduction of same-sex marriage and lowering the age of those who wish to run as a candidate for the position as Free State president.
I intend to vote 'No' on the same-sex marriage State referendum because, in a nutshell, it's a bridge too far for me, morally, and I won't pretend to be neutral or a 'Yes' voter and/or supporter in an attempt to try and present myself as what some would see as being 'progressive' on the issue, as it's not a subject matter which I want to see 'progressed' in that particular direction. This society is fast losing and/or has lost its value system and its sense of honour, decency, respect and responsibility, replacing same with a carefree 'if-it's-good-enough-for-the-British/Europeans/Americans-then-it's-the-path-to-follow' type of attitude which will, in time, culturally destroy any remnants of 'neighbourliness' that have not already been destroyed. I have no religious or financial reasons which would encourage me to vote 'No', just a moral reason, and that's all I need. A 'Yes' vote would, I believe, add to the already-rampant societal apathy that allows a laissez faire attitude to thrive.
The second issue to be decided is to do with lowering the age of those who wish to contest for the position as Free State president - as it stands now, a candidate for that (unnecessary) 'job' must be 35 years of age or older and the question posed is should that be lowered to allow those over 21 years of age to run for the position. I will be purposely spoiling my vote on the day by writing a message (!)on the ballot paper as I don't believe such a position is necessary regardless of the age of the person who fills that role. And I would hope that all Irish republicans would do the same.
THE LOTTERY : WHERE A PICTURE IS WORTH $4,997,000.00 CENTS!
Like all other internet users, I receive spam emails on a fairly regular basis and have filters set-up to stop it from getting into my 'Inbox' but, even so - such is the sheer volume of them - a few get through now and again. Between my 'Trash' and 'Inbox' collection this past week alone I have been contacted regarding my electric usage (statement/bill included!), have received notification from the 'British Tobacco Mega Jackpot United Kingdom' re a small fortune that they are holding for me, been told that the World Bank/IMF wishes to reimburse me, that the Office of the President, Rue De Bureau Presidentielle of the FBI wish to compensate me to the tune of US$650,000.00 which, thankfully, is a sum of money which I will have , apparently, just in time to pay for the international drivers license and the university diplomas that I owe for. And, on top of that win, I also won a fortune in the 'Afro Asian Sweepstake Lottery'....
Anyway, after sorting through the above chaff, I discovered a sliver of wheat, from my new friend Fabian, from Lagos (the formatting is his, not mine!) -
UNITED BANK FOR AFRICA NIGERIA
HEAD OFFICE ADDRESS UBA HOUSE
57 MARINA P.O. BOX 2406 LAGOS
NIGERIA
PHONE: +234 8189850958
Hello,
Am FABIAN CHUKWUthe new, director cash processing unit, united bank for Africa [UBA the only bank appointed by the O.AU. Members lead by President John Kuffor.
Because of the frauds going on in West Africa countries where some innocent beneficiaries were asked to pay in advance before receiving their money owed to them. The above Africa union held meeting in Nigeria and resolve to pay all beneficiaries in cash through means of diplomatic courier service.
We receive your files from international monetary fund (I.M.F.) as one of the beneficiaries.
Take note; three thousand united state dollars (us$3,000) have been mapped out for all expenses in taxes and other documents that matters. Therefore,
I want you to bear it in mind that your total fund will be no more five million
($5,000.000,00) but four million and nine hundred and ninety seven thousand united state dollars ($4,997,000.00).
If anybody tells you that he is paying you in bank draft or telegraphic money transfer both western union and money gram, do not listen to him or her because due to this frauds no international bank honors our remittance instruction any more that is why we settled to pay in cash through courier
We also received a security report that you paid the fraudsters who have been deceiving you, telling you that they are going to send this money to you. Dear as a senior banker, controlling this cash payment now, I advise you not to waste your money by paying any body in advance again, and if you just follow my instruction, you will receive your money in three days time.
Your fund will now be packaged in box and take to the diplomatic courier service for immediate shipment, I will also send the picture of the box by attachment to you to see how the money is packed, and I will send you more mails to give you more information for you to know the genuineness of this transaction.
Therefore, do forward your home address and direct phone number to me for quick delivery because time is not in our side. All the documents will be sent to you if I am assured that you have stopped sending money to those fraudsters.
Am waiting to hear from you with the required information of yours.
FABIAN CHUKWU
Director cash processing unit
united bank for Africa. (U. B.A).Email: fabianchukwu@aol.com
I'm thinking that the above must be genuine, as Fabian knows that I have already been contacted by the IMF in regards to a reimbursement they owe me and he couldn't possibly know that unless he really is the 'director of the cash processing unit' of a large financial organisation. So I'm going to send him all my details, ask him to marry me and hope that I can move in with him to look after his sick dog and/or aged parents.
'Cause that's how stupid I am.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
THE PRICE OF PEACE......
Last month, 28 women who protested peacefully in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, against US President Ronald Reagan's visit to Ireland received £1000 each arising from their action for wrongful arrest. Gene Kerrigan recalls the weekend when another State determined Irish security requirements and details the garda action which could cost tens of thousands of pounds. From 'Magill' magazine, May 1987.
The women were now lifted and carried to the police vans and thrown inside ; at one van the gardaí made jeering remarks about locking up the women and throwing away the key, but similar remarks had been made the previous night and they weren't very convincing. A young garda got into the back of another van - he was holding a piece of paper and said to the women " Right now, you've been arrested for disobedience of the Commissioner's edict. Just so that you know..." : he fiddled with the piece of paper, obviously embarrassed, and left the van.
They were taken to the Bridewell garda barracks , but they didn't know where they were, and were carried from the vans and dumped inside. Jane Morgan was dumped in a corridor, then lifted up and dumped on a desk. A man asked her name and address and she told him, but for some reason she thought he was a reporter. He asked her date of birth and her height but she asked who he was and was told he was a detective sergeant. He was filling in a form and he asked loudly who the arresting officer was. A garda stepped forward and said he was, but Jane Morgan had never seen him before.
The women were processed and put in cells, some downstairs, some upstairs, about five to a cell. There were 30 women in custody in the Bridewell, with Petra Breathnach (a member of the 'Release Nicky Kelly' campaign) still being held at Cabra Garda Barracks. But the arrests were not over yet : within a few minutes of the arrests, a woman was knocking at the window of solicitor Heather Celmalis's home in Halston Street, not far from the Bridewell, to tell her that her clients had been arrested. Word spread quickly - someone heard about the arrests on a taxi radio. Heather Celmalis arrived at the Bridewell in time to see three more women being dragged into the garda barracks - Mary Duffy, Elaine Bradley and Anne Barr had left the Phoenix Park sometime during the night to change into dry clothes, and they returned to the park early that morning. Mary Duffy arrived back before the mass arrests and saw the women being carried away - her two friends arrived later. (MORE LATER).
THE IRA.THE NEW IRA IS YOUNGER, MORE RADICAL AND HAS SEEN LITTLE OF LIFE OTHER THAN VIOLENCE..... By Ed Moloney. From 'Magill' magazine, September 1980.
In 1978, there was a rise to 15 bombings and 5 shootings and again the same the following year. This year, so far, is following that pattern - 6 bombings and 3 ambushes. Between 1977 and 1980 so far, the IRA in those three areas killed 173 people of the 230 total killed by the IRA in the North. That included businessmen, civilians, British soldiers, RUC men, UDR men, ex-UDR men and prison warders. Belfast IRA cells, incidentally, were responsible for the highest number of businessmen killed, 6 out of 7; the highest number of civilians killed, 30 out of 49 and the most prisoner warders, 11 out of 15. South Armagh clearly concentrates on the British Army; its IRA units killed 36 of the 68 soldiers killed by the IRA during those years.
The other five areas of IRA activity are quiescent by comparison. Derry and South Derry are virtually at peace and South Down, Fermanagh and North Armagh very quiet. However, the statistics do not tell all the story. There have been more security force deaths and less civilian deaths from IRA activity than for a long time. Furthermore, as the criminal damage payments bear testimony, the reduced level of bombings has not reduced the damage caused. As well the contrasting numbers of deaths of Provisionals compared to those in the British 'security forces' show, the IRA is losing less men for every death they inflict on the 'security forces' than ever before in this campaign. In terms of 'security forces' ' kills against the IRA the picture is even bleaker for the British. In 1979 and 1980 premature explosions, not British Army or RUC bullets, killed 4 of the 6 dead IRA men. All the figures available point to more effective activity by the IRA.
While 1978 and 1979 were 'good' years for the IRA, 1980 so far has been a bad one. Increased British undercover operations have hampered the organisation. IRA leaders admit that 5 out of 6 operations are now aborted because of surveillance and in addition frequent arrests and 7 day detention orders of 'middle management' leaders have disrupted co-ordination and communication. One Northern IRA activist was told by the British Army officer who arrested him that orders were just that - 'disrupt them'. The IRA as a result has spent most of this year killing 'soft' targets like off-duty UDR men but the campaign against prison warders has been halted to await the outcome of the H Block negotiations. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (22ND APRIL) 99 YEARS AGO :"VOLUNTEERS COMPLETELY DECEIVED.....
...ALL ORDERS FOR TOMORROW SUNDAY ARE ENTIRELY CANCELLED." - the infamous 'Countermand Order' issued by Eoin MacNeill on Easter Saturday (22nd April) 1916. He wrote several copies of that Order on his own personal headed notepaper ('Woodbrook, Rathfarnham, County Dublin') and instructed men under his command to distribute them throughout the country, resulting in the Rising being delayed by 24 hours : from the intended starting date of Easter Sunday to Easter Monday, 24th April 1916. An extended version of the 'Countermand Order' was issued to the newspapers of the day and published on Easter Sunday in same.
MacNeill, born in Glenarm, County Antrim on the 15th May 1867, was one of the founders of both the 'Gaelic League' in 1893 ('for the preservation of the Irish language, literature, and traditional culture...', which had at least 100,000 members in 900 branches throughout the island) and the 'Irish Volunteers' (in 1913). He was appointed 'Chief of Staff' of the latter group which, within months of its formation, had a membership of about 170,000, the vast majority of whom left in September 1914 to support John Redmond. Even though he played no part in the 1916 Rising (other than trying to undermine it) the British took action against him - he was court-martialed and sentenced to penal servitude for life, but was released under amnesty in June 1917. MacNeill later supported the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender' and was rewarded with a place at the Free State cabinet table as the 'Minister for Education', and was known for the vicious manner in which he sought to punish his ex-comrades.
He represented the State on the 'Boundary Commission' (Article 12 of the 1921 Treaty of Surrender, although the British were extremely reluctant to have anything to do with, or input into, any such commission) , the agreed terms of reference for which were as follows - 'To determine in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern Ireland (sic) and the rest of Ireland .......' and which consisted of three members, one from each political administration - Dublin, Stormont (...the representative for which, Joseph R. Fisher [center, this pic], was put in place by Westminster!) and Westminster, to be 'Chaired' by Justice Richard Feetham, a South African Judge (and a good friend of the British 'Establishment'). The British (in the guise of 'Sir' James Craig) were determined that the 'Boundary Commission' "...would deal only with minor rectifications of the boundary.." while Michael Collins claimed that the Free Staters would be offered "...almost half of Northern Ireland (sic) including the counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone, large parts of Antrim and Down, Derry City, Enniskillen and Newry...", to which the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland', Winston Churchill, replied, stating that the possibility of the 'Boundary Commission' ".. reducing Northern Ireland (sic) to its preponderatingly Orange (ie Unionist) areas (is) an extreme and absurd supposition , far beyond what those who signed the [1921] Treaty meant..."
Eoin MacNeill stated that the majority of the inhabitants of Tyrone and Fermanagh, and possibly Derry, South Down and South Armagh would prefer their areas to be incorporated into the Free State rather than remain as they were ie 'on the other side of the border', under British jurisdiction, but the two other (Westminster-appointed) members of the Boundary Commission, Fisher and Chairperson Feetham then disputed with MacNeill what the term " in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants..." actually meant. When MacNeill reported back to his Free State colleagues and voiced concern over the way the 'Boundary Commission' was doing its business,he was more-or-less told to just do his best - his colleagues were 'comfortable' by now ; they had status, careers and a bright (personal) future ahead of them. The 1916 Rising had taken place eight years ago, the Treaty of Surrender had been signed three years ago and now the Stormont 'Prime Minister', 'Sir' James Craig , was threatening 'to cause more trouble' if the Boundary Commission recommended change. The Staters thought it best just to be seen going through the motions, regardless of whether anything changed or not, especially when they considered the threat from the Stormont 'Minister for Education', 'Lord' Londonderry - "If by its findings any part of the territory transferred to us under the Act of 1920 is placed under the Free State, we may have to consider very carefully and very anxiously the measures which we shall have to adopt, as a government, for the purpose of assisting loyalists whom your Commission may propose to transfer to the Free State but who may wish to remain with us, with Great Britain and the Empire."
MacNeill had his 'concerns' further added to when the 'Boundary Commission' stated that, in actual fact, the Free State should transfer some of its territory to the Six County 'State'! He resigned in disgust on the 21st November 1925 and, in a parting shot, the British claimed that, before he resigned, he had agreed that the Free State should cede some territory to the 'Northern Ireland State', a claim which may or may not have prompted him to also resign (on the 24th November) from the Free State administration. Within days (that is, on the 3rd December 1925) , all those that were still involved with the 'Boundary Commission' farce agreed that the 'border', as fixed 5 years earlier in the '1920 Government of Ireland Act' and as stated in the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', would so remain, and an agreement was signed to that effect by all concerned. Those representatives also agreed that the 'findings' of that body should be kept hidden and, indeed, that paperwork was only published for the first time 44 years later, in 1969!
Eoin MacNeill died of abdominal cancer on the 15th October 1945 in his house, 63 Upper Leeson Street in Dublin, and is buried in Kilbarrack Cemetery. Incidentally, his grandson, Michael McDowell, is just as anti-republican and, like MacNeill's historical record, is not a connection to boast about!
ON THIS DATE (22ND APRIL) 43 YEARS AGO : CHILD (11) SHOT DEAD BY BRITISH SOLDIER.
11-years-young Francis (Frank) Rowntree, shot in the head with a rubber bullet on the 22nd April 1972 at point blank range by a British soldier.
Maura Groves, daughter of Emma, who was in her own house in Tullymore Gardens in Andersontown, Belfast, in 1971, when she was blinded by a rubber bullet fired into her house by a British soldier.
Francis Rowntree, 11, was playing with a friend beside the Divis Flats in Belfast in April 1972 when the two boys were approached by armed members of a British Army foot patrol, members of the Royal Anglian Regiment. Even though it was what's known as a 'non-riot situation', Francis was shot in the head from a distance of between five and seven yards by 'Soldier B' who, it seems, was 'testing' a 'modification' he had made to that projectile - he had hollowed it out and placed a battery inside it. Francis was the first person to die from the use of these rounds, which were used by British 'security forces' in the Six Counties between 1970 and 1975, and were replaced by the equally lethal plastic bullet. An 'inquest' was held, during which a British Army representative admitted he did not know at what distance it was permissible to fire a rubber bullet gun or at which part of the body it should be aimed! A media report from three years ago stated that new evidence in regards to the murder of Francis Rowntree had been found -
An inquest has been ordered to be reopened after new evidence was uncovered about the death of the first child killed by a rubber bullet in the north of Ireland. Seventeen people have died in the north of Ireland at the hands of rubber or plastic bullets, including seven children, and hundreds injured. The weapons continue to be used by the Crown Forces as a form of crowd control during 'public order' situations.
Schoolboy Francis Rowntree, known to his family as Frank, died in 1972 after being struck in the head with rubber baton round that it is believed had been 'modified' in order to make it more deadly. The 11-year-old from Lower Clonard Street in west Belfast sustained catastrophic head injuries after being hit as he played with a friend close to Divis Flats in April 1972. At the original inquest held in October 1972 the soldier who fired the fatal shot from the Royal Anglian Regiment, known only as 'Soldier B' was not called to give evidence and instead a statement taken by military police was produced at the hearing.
A witness has now came forward to say that within minutes of the shooting, the soldiers involved appeared to be searching the scene for the fatal round which was believed to have been hollowed out and a battery placed in side the rubber casing. 'Soldier B' claimed the bullet ricocheted off a lamppost. However, a recent forensic re-examination of the fatal injuries by state pathologist Professor Jack Crane undermines this account and suggests that the child was shot directly at close range. A Historical Enquiries Team report into the shooting confirmed that he was an "innocent bystander who posed no threat whatsoever to the soldier".
In a letter to the family, Six-County Attorney General John Larkin said that having considered all new evidence, "I have concluded that it is advisable that a fresh inquest be held into the death of Francis Rowntree and I so direct".
Frank’s brother Jim said the family were relieved to hear that a fresh inquest would now be held : "Frank was just an innocent child and yet the (British) army tried to blacken his name saying he was involved in a riot," Mr Rowntree said. "My parents were told by a consultant in the Royal that his head had been crushed like an eggshell. An apology would go a long way to healing the hurt. My Mum is 86 and so it's important for her that we have this inquest now."
The family’s solicitor, Padraig O Muirigh, said the decision by Mr Larkin was a "significant step forward for the family’s quest for truth".
"In 1970 an agreement was reached between the British army and the chief constable of the RUC, whereby the interviewing of soldiers involved in the death of Francis Rowntree was carried out by the Royal Military Police," Mr O Muirigh said. "There was nothing approaching a proper police investigation* into the incident." (from here and, in relation to that last sentence*, that claim can be explained by the fact that 'there is nothing approaching a proper police' force in the British-occupied Six Counties ). Had the British not interfered in Ireland, Frank Rowntree would be in his mid-50's today and thousands of other people, too, could have had the opportunity to live a normal life. And the worse part is that, in this, the 21st century, they are still here....
ONE SHOULD LOCK UP ONE'S OFFSPRING....
It seem's that the 'John Bruton's' in our midst are ready, willing and able to make a show of themselves again, in the presence of those they aspire to be - 'royalty' - '...Clarence House has confirmed that Britain's Prince Charlies and Camilla The Duchess of Cornwall will visit Ireland next month....the event will take in visits to both the Republic and the North (and) comes 20 years after the heir to the British throne first came to the Republic in May 1995...it is reported that he and his wife are to spend some time in the west of the country (but) their itinerary is still a work in progress - but there is speculation that it could include a visit to Mullaghmore, where Charles' great-uncle Lord Louis Mountbatten was killed in an IRA bombing in 1979...the (Free State) Foreign Affairs Minister Charlie Flanagan (wearing his colours in this pic) has welcomed the Royal visit, saying: "Following the reciprocal State Visits of recent years, this visit to Ireland will represent a further expression of the warm and friendly relations which now exist between us.
We look forward to their arrival next month, and to a visit programme which reflects the quality of these relations," he added....' (from here).
These "...quality..friendly relations.." have been 'expressed' before in our history, not least when 'Queen' Victoria of England (who was of German descent - she was born in 1819, at the Kensington Palace, to Princess Victoria of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld and Prince Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent) decided to grace us with her presence - "In the very midst of all this havoc, in August, 1849, her Majesty's Ministers thought the coast was clear for a Royal Visit. The Queen had long wished, it was said, to visit her people of Ireland; and the great army of persons, who, in Ireland, are paid to be loyal, were expected to get up the appearance of rejoicing......one Mr O'Reilly, indeed, of South Great George's Street, hoisted on the top of his house a large black banner, displaying the crownless Harp; and draped his windows with black curtains, showing the words Famine and Pestilence: but the police burst into his house, viciously tore down the flag and the curtains, and rudely thrust the proprietor into gaol. 'The Freemans Journal' newspaper says that on passing through Parkgate Street, Mr James Nugent, one of the Guardians of the North Union, approached the royal carriage, which was moving rather slowly, and, addressing the Queen, said: 'Mighty Monarch, pardon Smith O'Brien.' Before, however, he had time to get an answer, or even to see how her Majesty received the application, Lord Clarendon rode up and put him aside....." (from here) .
Then, as now, protests against the visit of English 'royalty' to Ireland will be held and, like Mr James Nugent (above), Republican Sinn Féin will be hoping to 'have a word in her ear....'. This blog will be only too happy to publicise such protests , so watch this space....
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
