By Peadar O'Donnell ; first published in January 1963.
As a memorial service, the Armistice ceremony was treated with respect and no conflict stirred until, at the end of the two minute silence, a section of the crowd struck up the British national anthem and broke out in a flutter of Union Jack flags. The organised basis for this outburst was the British Union of Fascists with headquarters at York Street. Trinity College students rallied to them, partly - but only partly - in the spirit of a rag. A great brawl swept across College Green and into O'Connell Street.
The IRA was anxious that the British Union of Fascists should be deprived of the power for mischief, even though, by themselves, this Fascist group meant little - their power for harm derived largely from the forces they drew around them by brawling. The remedy for it all was to shift the Armistice meeting from College Green , and I forget now how this chore was passed on to me or whether, in fact, I took it on myself, but I think that unlikely. Anyway, I met General Sir William Hickey to discuss the matter with him, and he agreed that it would be well to find another venue. During our chat I was amused to find that General Hickey looked on himself as a bit of a patriot, and that he was encouraged in this view by a sense of grievance against the British War Office, and especially Field Marshal Henry Wilson. As the evening mellowed, I encouraged him in his grievance, and invited him to picture himself as an Irish hero, somewhat in the pattern of Eoghan Roe O'Neill, only a lot more favourably circumstanced - with his fifty thousand ex-soldiers, he could free Ireland!
It was all great fun and I wrote a speech Sir William was to make at the next Armistice rally and it is a great pity if he was not moved to file it away somewhere, when he came on it next morning, as it was a good speech. (MORE LATER).
THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS........
By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.
Soldier 'C' moved the woman out of the way with his left hand, drew his pistol with the other hand and fired at Seán Savage from about two or three metres. He did not close in after opening fire and in all he fired nine rounds, initially at the centre of Savage's body, who turned, 'corkscrewing', as he fell to the ground. His first shot went into the front, followed by two or three in virtually the same place. Some of his shots might have gone into Savage's back, he thought, and he also thought he shot him twice in the head. His last two rounds were aimed at Savage's head when it was a few inches from the ground, just about to hit it. Seán Savage had been facing him when he began firing, but turned left, then right, then fell backwards to the ground. Then Soldier 'D' stopped firing, he said.
Stephen Bullock saw the two men he had seen with guns in their waistbands run across the road at the traffic lights in the direction of the Landport Tunnel and within a few seconds he heard a sustained burst of gunfire. Officer 'H' had watched Mairead Farrell and Daniel McCann fall to the ground outside the petrol station and his attention then shifted to Seán Savage and Soldiers 'C' and 'D' who were going after Savage into the roadway leading to the tunnel. When the shots came from the Shell station behind, Seán Savage turned with, according to Officer 'H' , "an expression of amazement on his face". He heard shouts from his right and moved towards the road, pushing some bystanders back and shouting "Take cover." He was afraid Seán Savage would shoot or let off a bomb. When he turned around again he saw Savage lying face-up on the ground. Soldiers 'C' and 'D' were standing away from the body and Officer 'H' left the scene immediately.
Just as Farrell and McCann fell to the ground, Officer 'I' , standing on Corral Road, saw Officer 'H' and Soldier 'D' coming out of Smith Dorrien Avenue onto Corral Road. He pointed towards the roadway leading to the tunnel, on the far side of the road, where Savage had gone, and said "He's over there." He did not see Soldier 'C', but Soldier 'D' and Officer 'H' crossed the road and turned in towards the tunnel, leaving his sight. A few seconds later he heard more gunfire and went to investigate. He saw Seán Savage hitting the ground, with the last few shots being fired as Savage was falling. Officer 'I' left the scene immediately on foot. (MORE LATER).
MICHEÁL MARTIN TAKES THE (WRONG) BOUNDARY COMMISSION TO TASK.
"Gerrymandering" , Mr. Martin called it : "It is the biggest attempt to manipulate election boundaries in the 35 years since Fianna Fail introduced independent Boundary Commissions...." (from here) , adding "....we saw that straight away when the terms of reference were published,that skewing was going on....".
However, a more important 'skewing' by a Boundary Commission has been ignored by Mr. Martin and his party and, indeed, by the administration and the so-called 'opposition' in Leinster House - the 'Boundary Commission' established under 'Article 12' of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', which was tasked with 'determining the boundaries between the newly-partitioned 6 and 26-county 'states' ' , the deliberations of which caused a mutiny within British forces in Ireland! (Part 6)
....... after about one year spent arguing about what the term "... in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants .." actually meant , the Boundary Commission decided ( by a two-thirds majority - ie the two Brit representatives !) that the Free State should cede some of its territory to the Six County 'State' ....... !
Eoin MacNeill , the Free State representative on the Boundary Commission, resigned in disgust: but you would wonder , again , that he found himself in that position at all, on that November day in 1924 ; one of those who had signed the 1921 Treaty of Surrender for the British side , a 'Sir' Lamington Worthington-Evans (who , by the sound of it , must have been a great cricket player!) had let it be known , in practically the same breath with which he signed that Treaty - "It was not intended that there should be large transfers of territory. If by any chance the (Boundary) Commissioners felt themselves at liberty to order the transfer of one of these counties , nothing would induce the Ulster (sic) people to accept such a decision and no British Government would be guilty of the supreme folly of trying to enforce such a decision."
In actual fact, the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George, said much the same thing even before the Boundary Commission had its first meeting and agreed with a resolution passed by the British House of 'Lords' that the Commission "... contemplated nothing more than a re-adjustment of boundaries - no other interpretation is acceptable or could be enforced." Also, Eoin MacNeill and his colleagues in Leinster House must have known 'the game was up' when , following the refusal of the 'Prime Minister' of the Six County Stormont (British) 'Parliament', 'Sir' James Craig , to elect a member to the Boundary Commission, Westminster, in turn , refused to establish any such Commission at all and asked one of its own Legal Committees where it stood in relation to such a move.
That British Legal Committee, the 'Judicial Committee of the Privy Council' , issued its ruling on 31st July 1924 - it stated : "If no appointment is made (ie by 'Sir' Craig) the (Boundary) Commission cannot go on." What happened next was , in the opinion of this blog , highly dubious and illegal : realising that they would have an 'inbuilt majority' on any Boundary Commission anyway, and could therefore control its conclusion, it seemed foolish not to set it up and use its 'findings' for propaganda purposes : so the Brits actually took it on themselves to amend the 1921 Treaty to allow themselves (ie Westminster) to appoint a representative to speak on behalf of the Stormont 'Parliament' !
It should be noted that the 1921 Treaty of Surrender (which set-up the Free State [and the Boundary Commission]) was lodged with the 'League of Nations' body in Geneva ; as already stated here, Article 12 of said Treaty concerned itself with the specifics of establishing a 'Boundary Commission'. That set-up, as agreed and outlined in Article 12 , and as lodged in Geneva, was not properly adhered to by the signatories of the 1921 Treaty thereby, at least in the opinion of this blog , negating the Treaty itself. We can only presume that the Free State administration would have been aware of this probable 'get-out' clause but choose not to take its case to Geneva ; instead, they ignored this breech of the 1921 Treaty despite the fact that they were witnessing war on the streets caused by that Treaty - ie Treaty signed 1921 , while the agreed terms of the 'Boundary Commission' was broke on 9th October 1924....... (MORE LATER).
THE TWENTY-TWO IRISH REPUBLICANS WHO DIED ON HUNGER STRIKE WILL BE COMMEMORATED IN DUBLIN ON SATURDAY 3RD MAY 2014.
Between the years 1917 and 1981 , 22 Irish men died on hunger strike in the fight for Irish Freedom. That same fight continues today, as six Irish counties remain under the jurisdictional control of Westminster, which enforces that control with military occupation. The annual Hunger-Strike Commemoration -organised by the Republican Movement- will be held this year on Saturday, 3rd May, when a picket and rally will be held on the traffic isle facing the GPO in Dublin's O'Connell Street, beginning at 2pm. All genuine republicans welcome!
Thomas Ashe, Kerry, 5 days, 25 September 1917 (force fed by tube,died as a result).
Terence McSwiney , Cork, 74 days, 25 October 1920.
Michael Fitzgerald, Cork, 67 days, 17 October 1920.
Joseph Murphy, Cork, 76 days , 25 October 1920.
Joe Witty, Wexford, 2 September 1923.
Dennis Barry, Cork, 34 days, 20 November 1923.
Andy O Sullivan, Cork, 40 days, 22 November 1923.
Tony Darcy, Galway, 52 days, 16 April 1940.
Jack 'Sean' McNeela, Mayo, 55 days, 19 April 1940.
Sean McCaughey, Tyrone,22 days, 11 May 1946 (hunger and thirst strike).
Michael Gaughan, Mayo, 64 days, 3 June 1974.
Frank Stagg, Mayo , 62 days, 12 February 1976.
Bobby Sands, Belfast, 66 days, 5 May 1981.
Frank Hughes , Bellaghy (Derry), 59 days, 12 May 1981.
Raymond McCreesh, South Armagh, 61 days, 21 May 1981.
Patsy O Hara, Derry, 61 days, 21 May 1981.
Joe McDonnell, Belfast, 61 days, 8 July 1981.
Martin Hurson, Tyrone, 46 days, 13 July 1981.
Kevin Lynch, Dungiven (Derry), 71 days, 1 August 1981.
Kieran Doherty , Belfast, 73 days, 2 August 1981.
Tom McIlwee , Bellaghy (Derry), 62 days, 8 August 1981.
Micky Devine , Derry, 60 days, 20 August 1981.
Saturday 3rd May 2014, facing the GPO in O'Connell Street, Dublin, at 2pm. Hope to see you there!
ON THIS DATE (30TH APRIL) 44 YEARS AGO : USC ('B SPECIALS') DISBANDED.
The 'B Specials': this outfit earned recognition for being a unionist 'police force' for a unionist Six-County 'State'.
Before the British partitioned Ireland (1921), pogroms by loyalists in Belfast were carried out by the 'Ulster Volunteer Force' (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary outfit, with the British Army and the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) looking on, but not intervening. The loyalist political leader, James Craig, realised that the British hold on the island was slipping but was determined to protect his own patch, in the North-Eastern corner : he insisted that Westminster establish a 'Special Constabulary' to assist the British Army and the RIC and, at a meeting of the British Cabinet on 6th September, 1920,he got his wish : a force of "well-disposed and loyal citizens" was to be established for operational purposes in the North-Eastern Counties only -the Six County area. This new unit was to be known as the 'Ulster Special Constabulary' and was to be divided into three sub-units - the A, B and C Specials.
The A-Specials were a full-time unit, and were based in RIC barracks, thus allowing more 'police officers' free to leave their desks and assist their colleagues in cracking skulls in Nationalist areas. The B-Specials were a part-time but fully-armed unit, that were sent out on patrol duty, with or without the British Army or RIC and the C-Specials, a reserve unit, for those eager to serve 'Queen and Country' on a "call-us-if-you-need-us" basis. In December, 1920, the new A-Specials moved into RIC barracks ; there was three-thousand-five-hundred 'A'-members, meaning that thousands of RIC men would soon be available to roam the streets of Ireland, causing disturbances which they could then blame on the Nationalists ; the new B-Specials (UVF men in uniform) were unleashed on the public in February 1921 - 15,000 of them.
The number of C-Specials was never properly determined - this grouping had no specific duties, but were presumed to be 'ready for action in an emergency situation'. Each 'C'-man would be allowed carry some weapons and would be entitled to a gun-licence (while most nationalists were not) thus, in effect, the C-Specials were a device to encourage the Unionist population to arm itself. One of the most embarrassing (for Westminster) incidents with the 'Specials' occurred on the night of 23rd January, 1921, when a fifteen-man gang from the A-Specials from Newtownbutler in County Fermanagh drove to Clones in County Monaghan and broke into a pub .......(MORE LATER).
NO HONOUR AMONG (POLITICAL) THIEVES!
Martin , left (with the half-a-bally!) and his pal, Peter, in a nice suit.Martin then decided he, too, wanted a nice suit....
"He (half-a-bally McGuinness!) like any of the rest of us, should be brought before the courts and tried....all of these matters have to be dealt with by the due process of law. If anybody has evidence against any member of this house they should bring it to the authorities, there are proper processes to go through...." , so said Martin's BFF, Peter Robinson. Apart from the hypocrisy of Mr Robinson in relation to past paramilitary activity, how is it possible for a bastard entity such as the Six County area to have 'proper processes of the law' when that particular part of Ireland has been violently removed, politically, that is, from the rest of its own country? A forced land-grab of that nature, backed-up by the military (and paramilitary) might of those doing the 'grabbing' ensures that, amongst other courtesies that society expects, the 'due process of law' is suspended, as that is the only way that the land-grab can be 'legalised'.
Indeed, sad to relate that Martin McGuinness once struggled against those doing the 'grabbing' before deciding to join them. And now his lang-grabbing 'BFF' sticks a verbal knife in his back :
Among thieves and murderers,
There is no honour among them,
They plunder and kill,
lied behind their smiles,
pretend and talked a smooth talk,
and even turn on their own.
Some are fools, and they dance when their master say dance,
But many nowadays, they come as presidents and ministers...
Pretending to be your most understanding and helping friends,
But they come only to steal your wealth,
To enslave you!
So beware!
(From here.)
THE SMUGGLE FOR (FINANCIAL) INDEPENDENCE! (OR 'I SPLUTTERED WHEN I READ THIS!')
'MAINTAIN THE BORDER, ADAMS.....'
When 'rebels' become kept by the State they once fought against, they quickly become more 'state-i-fied' (!) than even their one-time foe was, but sometimes they outdo themselves, as Gerry Adams did here - "(Fuel launderers/smugglers) are causing serious environmental and health problems, putting at risk legitimate business and jobs, as well as imposing significant financial costs on local councils and the tax payer....adverse impact fuel laundering is having, especially in border counties.....while I welcome the increasing cross border co-operation....the process of identifying and prosecuting those involved in this activity....it is Sinn Féin's (sic) view that the only guaranteed means of ending this lucrative trade is to have a single tariff for diesel...."
If you were still a 'poacher', Gerry, and/or an Irish republican, you would know that "the only guaranteed means of ending..." cross-border smuggling is to do away with the border in question and, indeed, you yourself and others in your party would have pointed that out to those (such as the SDLP, Workers Party, Fianna Fail etc) who would have meekly suggested that a "single (tax) tariff" is the solution. To abolish a land border is not a choice that can be made where a legitimate border exists but, in the case of this artificial 'border', all 360 kilometres of it, which seeks to separate six Irish counties from the other twenty-six, then it's another reason to scrap it. That he called for Britain's imposed border in Ireland to be 'policed' better rather than call for it to be removed speaks volumes about the man and his party.
"IF, WITHIN 14 DAYS FROM THE DATE OF THIS LETTER......
....you have not paid in full or picked a payment option, or confirmed that a payment is not due, I hereby serve notice that I will issue an instruction to (EMPLOYERS NAME HERE) to deduct €200 in equal instalments from payments to you over the rest of 2014. The deductions will start as soon as possible after receipt of the instruction and will finish in December 2014."
The above is part of the text of a letter I received from the State revenue commissioners last Friday, 25th April, in connection with a 'property tax payment' which the taxman insists I owe. I have mentioned this subject before (see here, and here) and, in my own defence in relation to this new tax, I have handed a second letter to my employer, instructing that no non-work related stoppages are to be deducted from my wages unless I first consent to said deductions. It's a weak defence, I know, when up against the State revenue office, but it's the best I can do and at the very least my conscience will be clear in that I didn't give in voluntarily to this unjust financial imposition. Small comfort, but for me and the tens of thousands like me in connection with this new tax, it's the best we can do. But ask yourself why it is that the trade union leadership failed to act against or even attempt to mobilise its membership in opposition to this extra tax, then slap yourself about the head for asking such a stupid question!
I'll post here about how I get on regarding this issue but I do want to say this before I leave the subject for now - I have the money to pay this new tax but have better things to do with it* rather than hand it over willingly to a shower of misfits in the employ of even bigger misfits, all of whom insist that householders in this corrupt State should pay for the greed of a mafia of political and business elite and bankers. And even if I hadn't got better things to do with that money, I'd rather burn it than hand it to them. (*....will be posting here about that in the next few weeks!)
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
Wednesday, April 30, 2014
22 IRISH REPUBLICAN HUNGER-STRIKERS TO BE COMMEMORATED IN DUBLIN.
Wednesday, April 23, 2014
DUBLIN RSF EASTER COMMEMORATIONS 2014 : FEW WORDS AND PICS.
By Peadar O'Donnell ; first published in January 1963.
If anybody is ever tempted to examine IRA documents of the late 1920's , '30 and '31 , he could easily make the mistake certain other people made at the time - suspect me of a lot more influence than I enjoyed. I was the great assembler of documents, for even when I lost my point of view I still found the words for the side that won, and as I quickly developed a recognisable style of writing I was credited with originating statements that had little of me in them. I remember Donal O'Donoghue, who was Adjutant General of the IRA at the time, groaning over a script : "Yourself and your semi-colons, we might as well sign your name to this...."!
But while I failed to involve the IRA as a body in the land annuity agitation other influences dragged it leftwards. The world economic crisis was making itself felt, both in the city and the countryside, and emigration was no longer the answer to unemployment. Wealthy America was broke and strong men were on the breadline there, and unemployment was also rife in Britain. IRA men, out of work for the first time, found themselves at the labour exchanges and they did not like it. They had but to rid their throats in anger to have leadership thrust on them , and their influence brought employed workers onto the streets when the unemployed marched. There were occasions when IRA O.C. Dublin Brigade, watching such demonstrations go by, could only look on the marching throng as a projection from his own command, so completely was it staffed by his junior officers.
These same forces gathered for anti-imperialist rallies, of which Frank Ryan was the popular leader - he was a gifted public speaker and a strong agitator. He won international fame as an anti-fascist fighter in the International Brigade during the Spanish Civil War. There was no political face to this mass unrest : leaders, slogans, demonstrations and commemorations gave it marks of identification, but it was a great lurch leftwards on no definite terms. Frank Ryan led the demonstrations against the Union-Jack devotees that came out of hiding for the Armistice celebration at College Green on 11th November. (MORE LATER).
THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS........
By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.
Seán Savage spun round and his right hand went to his trousers pocket. He didn't look towards Soldiers 'C' and 'D' : Soldier 'C' told the inquest that he believed Savage was more likely to have the detonating device than the others, as he had been seen fiddling about in the Renault car earlier on. He also said that at this point Seán Savage had adopted what Soldier 'C' interpreted as a "close-quarters battle stance". Soldier 'C' opened fire from a distance of five or six feet and continued firing "until he had gone down, until he was no longer capable of initiating the device".
He fired first into Savage's body and, as he did so, Savage spun round in a spiralling motion and 'C' fired six rounds in all, in quick succession - four rounds into his chest and two into his head, from a standing position. He heard only one of Soldier 'D's shots , as 'D' was slightly ahead of him to his left. Soldier 'D' finished firing at about the same time as himself. Savage "corkscrewed" and fell to the ground and once he was on the ground with his hands out from his body, Soldier 'C' stopped firing.
After the three IRA members had split up at the junction, Soldier 'D' had immediately crossed the road to follow Seán Savage and when he reached the far side of the road he looked back and saw that Soldier 'C' was having difficulty crossing. Savage turned left towards Landport Tunnel and Soldier 'C' caught up with 'D' and they moved in to effect an arrest. Soldier 'D' intended to shout "Stop, police, hands up". By now he was three metres away from Savage but felt that he could get closer. There was a woman standing between him and Savage and at that point he heard gunfire to his left and at the same moment Soldier 'C' started the warning to Savage, who spun round and his hand went down to his pocket. In Soldier 'D's mind, he would tell the inquest, was the bomb in the assembly area and the fact (sic) that Savage had a detonator. He had to make a decision and he didn't know whether Soldiers 'A' and 'B' had been shot. (MORE LATER).
MICHEÁL MARTIN TAKES THE (WRONG) BOUNDARY COMMISSION TO TASK.
"Gerrymandering" , Mr. Martin called it : "It is the biggest attempt to manipulate election boundaries in the 35 years since Fianna Fail introduced independent Boundary Commissions...." (from here) , adding "....we saw that straight away when the terms of reference were published,that skewing was going on....".
However, a more important 'skewing' by a Boundary Commission has been ignored by Mr. Martin and his party and, indeed, by the administration and the so-called 'opposition' in Leinster House - the 'Boundary Commission' established under 'Article 12' of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', which was tasked with 'determining the boundaries between the newly-partitioned 6 and 26-county 'states' ' , the deliberations of which caused a mutiny within British forces in Ireland! (Part 5)
When this Boundary Commission was to be set-up, it was to be 'Chaired' by Justice Feetham, a South African Judge , and a good friend of the British 'Establishment'- it may well have been a 'toothless body', as Winston Churchill, the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland' considered it to be, but sure it was no harm to have its Chairperson in your pocket,too!
....... included in the wording of Article 12 of the 1921 Treaty of Surrender (ie the 'Boundary Commission' clause) was a declaration that the border could be 'adjusted' "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." ; this meant one thing to Eoin MacNeill , the Free State representative on the Commission , and something altogether different to the two British reps on that body : J.R. Fisher (the Stormont rep , who was put on the Commission by Westminster) and Chairperson Feetham told Eoin MacNeill that the term "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." meant "the inhabitants" of the Six County 'State' itself , not 'individual parts' of it! (Incidentally - the newspaper that J.R. Fisher edited , 'The Northern Whig' , published regularly for 139 years - from 1824 to 1963. It was a morning newspaper which , from 1824 to 1858 , was available (I believe) at least for three days out of every week - in 1858 , it published daily . It was in competition with the 'Belfast News Letter' newspaper , which was the market leader , and , to a lesser extent , with the 'Irish News' newspaper . From around the late 1950's , the 'Northern Whig' newspaper was in trouble financially , with losses of about £30,000 , a huge sum in those days and , in July 1963 , the management dismissed five of the journalists to cut costs ; the remaining 20 journalists went on strike that month, in response to their colleagues losing their jobs. But the other employees on the 'paper, about eighty in all, passed the picket and carried on 'scabbing'. Circulation dropped and advertising revenue all but dried up - in September 1963, 'The Northern Whig' newspaper closed : one of those who lost his job that month (ie September 1963) was a certain Mr. Wesley Boyd, who was the 'London Editor' for the 'Whig' . He got a job with 'The Irish Times' newspaper, Dublin , as 'Diplomatic Correspondent' and went from there to Radio Telefis Eireann (RTE) as 'Head of News' - which , of course , had no bearing at all (!) on that institutions treatment of how they viewed the Irish Republican struggle (ie Republicans were then, and are now , ignored by the so-called 'National Broadcaster' or , at best , have a 'spin' put on statements etc that are issued by them.)
MacNeill was now being told that the Boundary Commission would NOT reduce the boundaries of the Six County 'State' unless a majority of the people in said (gerrymandered) 'State' wanted it to , regardless of the wishes of area's within that 'State' which had a Nationalist / Republican majority . Eoin MacNeill supposedly argued his corner as best he could ( in a forum that was loaded against him) and reported his concerns to his fellow Free Staters in Leinster House , who more or less said to him - ' Ah , sure , do your best .... '. Those in Leinster House were 'comfortable' by now ; they had status , careers and a bright (personal) future ahead of them ; the 1916 Rising had taken place eight years ago , the Treaty of Surrender had been signed three years ago and now the Stormont 'Prime Minister' , 'Sir' James Craig , was threatening 'to cause more trouble' if the Boundary Commission recommended change - Craig had stated that the Unionists would not accept change and would fight to 'defend their territory' : a definate upset for the Leinster House 'apple-cart'. Craig had warned that "Ulster" (sic) was prepared to fight against anyone who would take away "...the loved soil of Ulster from any of the Loyalists who want to remain there ..." and the then 'Minister for Education' in the Stormont administration , 'Lord' Londonderry , who had opposed the Boundary Commission from day one , reminded both Leinster House and Westminster of the statement he issued in December 1921 when a Boundary Commission was first mooted ; he practically threatened all and sundry with war if a change to the Six County-area was proposed : "All that I would say now is that it may be necessary for the government of Northern Ireland (sic) to refuse to nominate a representative on the proposed Boundary Commission and that, if by its findings any part of the territory transferred to us under the Act of 1920 is placed under the Free State , we may have to consider very carefully and very anxiously the measures which we shall have to adopt, as a government (sic - two 'governments' on this one island ?) for the purpose of assisting loyalists whom your Commission may propose to transfer to the Free State but who may wish to remain with us, with Great Britain and the Empire."
And here was Eoin MacNeill , the Free State representative on the Boundary Commission, complaining to Leinster House that the British were not taking the Commission seriously - would they insist that the Brits should do so , and risk 'a slap on the wrist' from Westminster and a possible armed loyalist re-action if the Brits did so , or would they 'turn a blind eye' ? The Free Staters in Leinster House took the latter course, and MacNeill went back to the Boundary Commission talks with his tail between his legs, where the argument over the meaning of the words "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." continued. And continued....until , finally , after about one year of that carry-on (!) , everyone had had enough ; the Boundary Commission decided, by a two-thirds majority (surprise, surprise!) that, in actual fact, the Free State itself should transfer some of its territory to the Six County 'State'!
Eoin MacNeill was shocked ....... (MORE LATER).
RSF EASTER 2014 EVENTS, DUBLIN.
RSF Colour Party, Na Fianna Éireann and Cumann na mBan at the GPO in Dublin on Easter Monday (21st April) 2014.
On Easter Sunday (20th April) 2014, a wreath was laid in memory of Eamonn Ceannt at the monument in the public park named in his honour in Crumlin, Dublin, and a commemoration was held in Deansgrange Cemetery (which was established in 1861 and had its first burial in 1865) that same day at the republican plot.
On Easter Monday, the main Dublin RSF commemoration was held at the GPO in O'Connell Street at 2pm, after a republican parade had gathered there, having left the Garden of Remembrance in Parnell Square fifteen minutes earlier. The event was Chaired by Andy Connolly, Dublin, and the main oration was given by Fergal Moore, Monaghan. 1,500 items of printed material were distributed on O'Connell Street between 12 noon and 3pm and, indeed, all three 'distribution teams' reported a shortage of those leaflet packs, of which dozens more could have been handed out, had they been available!
Apart from the expected but unwanted State harassment (at the Garden of Remembrance and at the GPO) , the commemoration went as planned in front of hundreds of republican supporters and on-lookers. We have published some pics from the day and more of same, plus a proper report, will be carried in the May 2014 issue of 'Saoirse' , which goes to print on Wednesday, 7th of that month.
The parade on its way to the GPO on Easter Monday 2014.
The 'Pride of Erin' Republican Flute band, from Portadown in Armagh.....
....proudly displayed their many talents in Dublin at the GPO, and a big 'GRMA' to each and every one of them!
Members of Na Fianna Éireann in Dublin on Easter Monday 2014.
The RSF Colour Party makes its way.....
.....down O'Connell Street to the GPO.
The Chairperson welcomes the contingent from the Garden of Remembrance.....
.....which forms-up facing him, at the front of the GPO.
Members of Cumann na mBan and Na Fianna Éireann at the GPO.
Fergal Moore takes to the lectern.....
....and delivers the main oration.
A young band member, Fergal Moore and Des Dalton at the GPO.
Andy Connolly, Dublin, who Chaired the commemoration.....
....and as viewed from the 'Chair'.
A section of the crowd.
The dipping of the flags.
Some pics from other RSF Easter Commemorations can be viewed here and, finally, RSF in Dublin are holding a small wreath laying ceremony in Arbour Hill Cemetery, Dublin, on Thursday 24th April 2014 at 1pm to remember the executed leaders of the 1916 Rising. All genuine Republicans welcome, and those attending are asked to assemble at the cemetery gates at 12:45pm.
ON THIS DATE (23RD APRIL) 98 YEARS AGO : DECISION TAKEN TO PROCEED WITH AN EASTER RISING.
Eoin MacNeill (left) who, on the 22nd April 1916, attempted to cancel the Easter 1916 Rising : "Volunteers completely deceived. All orders for tomorrow, Sunday, are completely cancelled." The Rising proceeded two days later without any further 'input' from him.
In 1914, he declared that he had been "....absolutely forced to the front in this Volunteer Movement.." , an organisation of which he wrote - "...if they are a military force (they) are not a militarist force, and their object is to secure Ireland’s rights and liberties and nothing else". It is debatable whether MacNeill considered 'Home Rule' to be the best that Ireland could hope for and/or obtain (despite occasionally verbalising for more than simple 'Home Rule') and although he himself played no part in the Easter fight, he was tried by court-martial and sentenced to penal servitude for life, but was released under amnesty in June 1917. He supported the Treaty of Surrender in 1921 and, the following year, he was appointed as the Free State Minister for Education. He died, in Dublin, in 1945, at 78 years of age.
This book about the 1916 Rising is a decent read and there's good information re same on this site.
ON THIS DATE (23RD APRIL) IN 1014: HIGH KING OF IRELAND ASSASSINATED IN DUBLIN BY NORSEMEN -'THE BATTLE OF CLONTARF'.
Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig ('Brian Boru'), was in his early 70's when he was assassinated in his tent at the Battle of Clontarf.
Son of Ceinneidigh, son of Lorcan, Brian seized the throne of 'Dal Cais' (governing most of Ireland) from its Eogharacht rulers when he was only 22 years young but had to wait for 39 years before he became the High King of the land (at 61 years of age) . He was not as subservient to the Norse clans living in Ireland and, fearing they were about to lose their privileged conditions, they organised his overthrow : in the year 1013, Irish-born Vikings and their fellow-warriors from the Hebrides, the Orkneys and Iceland, under the command of Dublin-based Sitric , the Norse king, laid plans to take back that which they considered had been taken from them. On the 23rd April in 1014, the two forces met at Cluaintarbh (Clontarf) in Dublin and, under the command of Murchad Bóruma mac Cennétig (son of Brian) , the Norse forces were defeated and the survivors scattered for safety.
It was whilst running for their lives that a small gang of Norsemen chanced upon Brian Boru's tent and executed him. The 'Battle of Clontarf' ensured that the Norsemen never again became a force to be reckoned with in this country but the death of Brian led to the then established rule of Irish law and order breaking down. More here.
"PEACE" NOT ONLY WITHOUT JUSTICE, BUT WITH INJUSTICE.
Willie O'Dea look-a-like Michael Fabricant (above), a British career politician, has suggested that 'Ireland should be let rejoin the Commonwealth' but he also believes that there are only "...90 years of discord (lol!) between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland..." : it takes an ignorant man to make an ignorant suggestion based on ignorant information. And it takes an equally ignorant, and arrogant, man (and party) to plant such nonsense in the head of an ignorant man, at Easter or any other time. Is this the '(re-)united Ireland' that Provisional Sinn Féin speak of?
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
If anybody is ever tempted to examine IRA documents of the late 1920's , '30 and '31 , he could easily make the mistake certain other people made at the time - suspect me of a lot more influence than I enjoyed. I was the great assembler of documents, for even when I lost my point of view I still found the words for the side that won, and as I quickly developed a recognisable style of writing I was credited with originating statements that had little of me in them. I remember Donal O'Donoghue, who was Adjutant General of the IRA at the time, groaning over a script : "Yourself and your semi-colons, we might as well sign your name to this...."!
But while I failed to involve the IRA as a body in the land annuity agitation other influences dragged it leftwards. The world economic crisis was making itself felt, both in the city and the countryside, and emigration was no longer the answer to unemployment. Wealthy America was broke and strong men were on the breadline there, and unemployment was also rife in Britain. IRA men, out of work for the first time, found themselves at the labour exchanges and they did not like it. They had but to rid their throats in anger to have leadership thrust on them , and their influence brought employed workers onto the streets when the unemployed marched. There were occasions when IRA O.C. Dublin Brigade, watching such demonstrations go by, could only look on the marching throng as a projection from his own command, so completely was it staffed by his junior officers.
These same forces gathered for anti-imperialist rallies, of which Frank Ryan was the popular leader - he was a gifted public speaker and a strong agitator. He won international fame as an anti-fascist fighter in the International Brigade during the Spanish Civil War. There was no political face to this mass unrest : leaders, slogans, demonstrations and commemorations gave it marks of identification, but it was a great lurch leftwards on no definite terms. Frank Ryan led the demonstrations against the Union-Jack devotees that came out of hiding for the Armistice celebration at College Green on 11th November. (MORE LATER).
THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS........
By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.
Seán Savage spun round and his right hand went to his trousers pocket. He didn't look towards Soldiers 'C' and 'D' : Soldier 'C' told the inquest that he believed Savage was more likely to have the detonating device than the others, as he had been seen fiddling about in the Renault car earlier on. He also said that at this point Seán Savage had adopted what Soldier 'C' interpreted as a "close-quarters battle stance". Soldier 'C' opened fire from a distance of five or six feet and continued firing "until he had gone down, until he was no longer capable of initiating the device".
He fired first into Savage's body and, as he did so, Savage spun round in a spiralling motion and 'C' fired six rounds in all, in quick succession - four rounds into his chest and two into his head, from a standing position. He heard only one of Soldier 'D's shots , as 'D' was slightly ahead of him to his left. Soldier 'D' finished firing at about the same time as himself. Savage "corkscrewed" and fell to the ground and once he was on the ground with his hands out from his body, Soldier 'C' stopped firing.
After the three IRA members had split up at the junction, Soldier 'D' had immediately crossed the road to follow Seán Savage and when he reached the far side of the road he looked back and saw that Soldier 'C' was having difficulty crossing. Savage turned left towards Landport Tunnel and Soldier 'C' caught up with 'D' and they moved in to effect an arrest. Soldier 'D' intended to shout "Stop, police, hands up". By now he was three metres away from Savage but felt that he could get closer. There was a woman standing between him and Savage and at that point he heard gunfire to his left and at the same moment Soldier 'C' started the warning to Savage, who spun round and his hand went down to his pocket. In Soldier 'D's mind, he would tell the inquest, was the bomb in the assembly area and the fact (sic) that Savage had a detonator. He had to make a decision and he didn't know whether Soldiers 'A' and 'B' had been shot. (MORE LATER).
MICHEÁL MARTIN TAKES THE (WRONG) BOUNDARY COMMISSION TO TASK.
"Gerrymandering" , Mr. Martin called it : "It is the biggest attempt to manipulate election boundaries in the 35 years since Fianna Fail introduced independent Boundary Commissions...." (from here) , adding "....we saw that straight away when the terms of reference were published,that skewing was going on....".
However, a more important 'skewing' by a Boundary Commission has been ignored by Mr. Martin and his party and, indeed, by the administration and the so-called 'opposition' in Leinster House - the 'Boundary Commission' established under 'Article 12' of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', which was tasked with 'determining the boundaries between the newly-partitioned 6 and 26-county 'states' ' , the deliberations of which caused a mutiny within British forces in Ireland! (Part 5)
When this Boundary Commission was to be set-up, it was to be 'Chaired' by Justice Feetham, a South African Judge , and a good friend of the British 'Establishment'- it may well have been a 'toothless body', as Winston Churchill, the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland' considered it to be, but sure it was no harm to have its Chairperson in your pocket,too!
....... included in the wording of Article 12 of the 1921 Treaty of Surrender (ie the 'Boundary Commission' clause) was a declaration that the border could be 'adjusted' "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." ; this meant one thing to Eoin MacNeill , the Free State representative on the Commission , and something altogether different to the two British reps on that body : J.R. Fisher (the Stormont rep , who was put on the Commission by Westminster) and Chairperson Feetham told Eoin MacNeill that the term "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." meant "the inhabitants" of the Six County 'State' itself , not 'individual parts' of it! (Incidentally - the newspaper that J.R. Fisher edited , 'The Northern Whig' , published regularly for 139 years - from 1824 to 1963. It was a morning newspaper which , from 1824 to 1858 , was available (I believe) at least for three days out of every week - in 1858 , it published daily . It was in competition with the 'Belfast News Letter' newspaper , which was the market leader , and , to a lesser extent , with the 'Irish News' newspaper . From around the late 1950's , the 'Northern Whig' newspaper was in trouble financially , with losses of about £30,000 , a huge sum in those days and , in July 1963 , the management dismissed five of the journalists to cut costs ; the remaining 20 journalists went on strike that month, in response to their colleagues losing their jobs. But the other employees on the 'paper, about eighty in all, passed the picket and carried on 'scabbing'. Circulation dropped and advertising revenue all but dried up - in September 1963, 'The Northern Whig' newspaper closed : one of those who lost his job that month (ie September 1963) was a certain Mr. Wesley Boyd, who was the 'London Editor' for the 'Whig' . He got a job with 'The Irish Times' newspaper, Dublin , as 'Diplomatic Correspondent' and went from there to Radio Telefis Eireann (RTE) as 'Head of News' - which , of course , had no bearing at all (!) on that institutions treatment of how they viewed the Irish Republican struggle (ie Republicans were then, and are now , ignored by the so-called 'National Broadcaster' or , at best , have a 'spin' put on statements etc that are issued by them.)
MacNeill was now being told that the Boundary Commission would NOT reduce the boundaries of the Six County 'State' unless a majority of the people in said (gerrymandered) 'State' wanted it to , regardless of the wishes of area's within that 'State' which had a Nationalist / Republican majority . Eoin MacNeill supposedly argued his corner as best he could ( in a forum that was loaded against him) and reported his concerns to his fellow Free Staters in Leinster House , who more or less said to him - ' Ah , sure , do your best .... '. Those in Leinster House were 'comfortable' by now ; they had status , careers and a bright (personal) future ahead of them ; the 1916 Rising had taken place eight years ago , the Treaty of Surrender had been signed three years ago and now the Stormont 'Prime Minister' , 'Sir' James Craig , was threatening 'to cause more trouble' if the Boundary Commission recommended change - Craig had stated that the Unionists would not accept change and would fight to 'defend their territory' : a definate upset for the Leinster House 'apple-cart'. Craig had warned that "Ulster" (sic) was prepared to fight against anyone who would take away "...the loved soil of Ulster from any of the Loyalists who want to remain there ..." and the then 'Minister for Education' in the Stormont administration , 'Lord' Londonderry , who had opposed the Boundary Commission from day one , reminded both Leinster House and Westminster of the statement he issued in December 1921 when a Boundary Commission was first mooted ; he practically threatened all and sundry with war if a change to the Six County-area was proposed : "All that I would say now is that it may be necessary for the government of Northern Ireland (sic) to refuse to nominate a representative on the proposed Boundary Commission and that, if by its findings any part of the territory transferred to us under the Act of 1920 is placed under the Free State , we may have to consider very carefully and very anxiously the measures which we shall have to adopt, as a government (sic - two 'governments' on this one island ?) for the purpose of assisting loyalists whom your Commission may propose to transfer to the Free State but who may wish to remain with us, with Great Britain and the Empire."
And here was Eoin MacNeill , the Free State representative on the Boundary Commission, complaining to Leinster House that the British were not taking the Commission seriously - would they insist that the Brits should do so , and risk 'a slap on the wrist' from Westminster and a possible armed loyalist re-action if the Brits did so , or would they 'turn a blind eye' ? The Free Staters in Leinster House took the latter course, and MacNeill went back to the Boundary Commission talks with his tail between his legs, where the argument over the meaning of the words "in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..." continued. And continued....until , finally , after about one year of that carry-on (!) , everyone had had enough ; the Boundary Commission decided, by a two-thirds majority (surprise, surprise!) that, in actual fact, the Free State itself should transfer some of its territory to the Six County 'State'!
Eoin MacNeill was shocked ....... (MORE LATER).
RSF EASTER 2014 EVENTS, DUBLIN.
RSF Colour Party, Na Fianna Éireann and Cumann na mBan at the GPO in Dublin on Easter Monday (21st April) 2014.
On Easter Sunday (20th April) 2014, a wreath was laid in memory of Eamonn Ceannt at the monument in the public park named in his honour in Crumlin, Dublin, and a commemoration was held in Deansgrange Cemetery (which was established in 1861 and had its first burial in 1865) that same day at the republican plot.
On Easter Monday, the main Dublin RSF commemoration was held at the GPO in O'Connell Street at 2pm, after a republican parade had gathered there, having left the Garden of Remembrance in Parnell Square fifteen minutes earlier. The event was Chaired by Andy Connolly, Dublin, and the main oration was given by Fergal Moore, Monaghan. 1,500 items of printed material were distributed on O'Connell Street between 12 noon and 3pm and, indeed, all three 'distribution teams' reported a shortage of those leaflet packs, of which dozens more could have been handed out, had they been available!
Apart from the expected but unwanted State harassment (at the Garden of Remembrance and at the GPO) , the commemoration went as planned in front of hundreds of republican supporters and on-lookers. We have published some pics from the day and more of same, plus a proper report, will be carried in the May 2014 issue of 'Saoirse' , which goes to print on Wednesday, 7th of that month.
The parade on its way to the GPO on Easter Monday 2014.
The 'Pride of Erin' Republican Flute band, from Portadown in Armagh.....
....proudly displayed their many talents in Dublin at the GPO, and a big 'GRMA' to each and every one of them!
Members of Na Fianna Éireann in Dublin on Easter Monday 2014.
The RSF Colour Party makes its way.....
.....down O'Connell Street to the GPO.
The Chairperson welcomes the contingent from the Garden of Remembrance.....
.....which forms-up facing him, at the front of the GPO.
Members of Cumann na mBan and Na Fianna Éireann at the GPO.
Fergal Moore takes to the lectern.....
....and delivers the main oration.
A young band member, Fergal Moore and Des Dalton at the GPO.
Andy Connolly, Dublin, who Chaired the commemoration.....
....and as viewed from the 'Chair'.
A section of the crowd.
The dipping of the flags.
Some pics from other RSF Easter Commemorations can be viewed here and, finally, RSF in Dublin are holding a small wreath laying ceremony in Arbour Hill Cemetery, Dublin, on Thursday 24th April 2014 at 1pm to remember the executed leaders of the 1916 Rising. All genuine Republicans welcome, and those attending are asked to assemble at the cemetery gates at 12:45pm.
ON THIS DATE (23RD APRIL) 98 YEARS AGO : DECISION TAKEN TO PROCEED WITH AN EASTER RISING.
Eoin MacNeill (left) who, on the 22nd April 1916, attempted to cancel the Easter 1916 Rising : "Volunteers completely deceived. All orders for tomorrow, Sunday, are completely cancelled." The Rising proceeded two days later without any further 'input' from him.
In 1914, he declared that he had been "....absolutely forced to the front in this Volunteer Movement.." , an organisation of which he wrote - "...if they are a military force (they) are not a militarist force, and their object is to secure Ireland’s rights and liberties and nothing else". It is debatable whether MacNeill considered 'Home Rule' to be the best that Ireland could hope for and/or obtain (despite occasionally verbalising for more than simple 'Home Rule') and although he himself played no part in the Easter fight, he was tried by court-martial and sentenced to penal servitude for life, but was released under amnesty in June 1917. He supported the Treaty of Surrender in 1921 and, the following year, he was appointed as the Free State Minister for Education. He died, in Dublin, in 1945, at 78 years of age.
This book about the 1916 Rising is a decent read and there's good information re same on this site.
ON THIS DATE (23RD APRIL) IN 1014: HIGH KING OF IRELAND ASSASSINATED IN DUBLIN BY NORSEMEN -'THE BATTLE OF CLONTARF'.
Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig ('Brian Boru'), was in his early 70's when he was assassinated in his tent at the Battle of Clontarf.
Son of Ceinneidigh, son of Lorcan, Brian seized the throne of 'Dal Cais' (governing most of Ireland) from its Eogharacht rulers when he was only 22 years young but had to wait for 39 years before he became the High King of the land (at 61 years of age) . He was not as subservient to the Norse clans living in Ireland and, fearing they were about to lose their privileged conditions, they organised his overthrow : in the year 1013, Irish-born Vikings and their fellow-warriors from the Hebrides, the Orkneys and Iceland, under the command of Dublin-based Sitric , the Norse king, laid plans to take back that which they considered had been taken from them. On the 23rd April in 1014, the two forces met at Cluaintarbh (Clontarf) in Dublin and, under the command of Murchad Bóruma mac Cennétig (son of Brian) , the Norse forces were defeated and the survivors scattered for safety.
It was whilst running for their lives that a small gang of Norsemen chanced upon Brian Boru's tent and executed him. The 'Battle of Clontarf' ensured that the Norsemen never again became a force to be reckoned with in this country but the death of Brian led to the then established rule of Irish law and order breaking down. More here.
"PEACE" NOT ONLY WITHOUT JUSTICE, BUT WITH INJUSTICE.
Willie O'Dea look-a-like Michael Fabricant (above), a British career politician, has suggested that 'Ireland should be let rejoin the Commonwealth' but he also believes that there are only "...90 years of discord (lol!) between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland..." : it takes an ignorant man to make an ignorant suggestion based on ignorant information. And it takes an equally ignorant, and arrogant, man (and party) to plant such nonsense in the head of an ignorant man, at Easter or any other time. Is this the '(re-)united Ireland' that Provisional Sinn Féin speak of?
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
Wednesday, April 16, 2014
"THE IRA HUNGER-STRIKERS FELT IT WOULD BE EITHER A SPEEDY VICTORY OR A LONG BATTLE....."
By Peadar O'Donnell ; first published in January 1963.
All this time I could not but be aware of the growing strength of the IRA , for I was continuously a member of its controlling body. The system of control is a simple one : the army convention in session is the supreme authority of the organisation, the company is the unit of organisation for the election of delegates and in some cases outposts are grouped-up to company strength to elect a delegate. Brigade staffs and general headquarters have a small quota. The IRA convention elects twelve men (sic) , who may be of any rank, in open sessions , and they are known as the Executive, a misleading term, for they have no executive function. These twelve men (sic) meet and, under pledge of secrecy, elect seven men who will constitute the IRA Army Council and control the organisation : no one of the seven need be a member of the twelve and, in this way, the names of the IRA Army Council are protected.
By a provision in its constitution, the IRA is obliged to give its full allegiance to any democratically elected government attempting to function as the government of the Republic. The IRA Executive Committee must be summoned at regular intervals to meet the army council in a consultative way. The Executive has one real power - it can re-summon the general army convention if it considers there is need for it, and state a case against the IRA army council.
From the time of the break with the Second Dáil Éireann, I was always one of the twelve, and one of the seven. On one occasion when my position was extremely controversial, and I was just a little bit tired of it all, I did not attend the meeting of the IRA Executive so as to make it easy for the others to elect an army council that would not include me, maybe a little bit daring them to do so. Andy Cooney , the same Andy Cooney (page 5, here) of 'The Gates Flew Open', came direct to my place from the Executive meeting to make sure I would agree to serve on the new army council. He was laying down the law to me with his index finger, as way his way, when police cars pulled up with a screech of brakes. We made a dive for the secret room in my place and my wife put Andy's coat and hat away and delayed the raiders further by speaking to them through a window in the cool, easy scornful way she used so effectively at breathless moments. It was a long drawn-out raid , but our hiding place survived it. (MORE LATER).
THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS........
By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.
PC James Parody was not on duty that day and knew nothing of the operation. He has a flat overlooking the Shell petrol station and he looked out the window at the sound of a police siren. He saw a police car move out of Smith Dorrien Avenue and onto Winston Churchill Avenue. It passed by the Shell station with its siren and blue flashing light on and he noticed a man and a woman walking past the petrol station. When the car had passed he noticed two other men - he didn't know where they came from, they were in the middle of the road with their backs to him. He heard shouts of "police, police...". The woman had been looking back towards the car and when the shout came she turned in to her right and made a move with her left hand towards her bag, which was over her right shoulder, according to PC Parody.
Then he noticed that the two men on the road had guns pointed at the couple and he heard a few shots from each of the gunmen. The woman fell first with her head on the roadway and her body on the pavement , and the man fell over the wall of the petrol station forecourt with his legs across the woman's body. After that, said PC Parody, the two men put their guns away and took out black berets. The police car then pulled up at the traffic lights and a number of police officers got out.
Soldier 'C' saw Seán Savage heading left in the direction of the Landport Tunnel. Soldier 'D' had already crossed the road and 'C' had to run briefly to catch up and as he crossed the road he heard a police siren - he looked round and saw a police car with its blue light flashing coming from the left. Seán Savage was walking at a normal pace. Soldiers 'C' and 'D' got to within six or seven feet of him as he reached a big tree on the left hand side. There were a good few people coming towards them and Soldier 'C' drew his pistol. At the inquest he said that at this point he was about to issue a warning to Seán Savage, along the lines of "Stop, police, get down, hands above the head, stay down..." , when he heard the sound of gunfire from behind. He didn't get past the word "Stop". (MORE LATER).
MICHEÁL MARTIN TAKES THE (WRONG) BOUNDARY COMMISSION TO TASK.
"Gerrymandering" , Mr. Martin called it : "It is the biggest attempt to manipulate election boundaries in the 35 years since Fianna Fail introduced independent Boundary Commissions...." (from here) , adding "....we saw that straight away when the terms of reference were published,that skewing was going on....".
However, a more important 'skewing' by a Boundary Commission has been ignored by Mr. Martin and his party and, indeed, by the administration and the so-called 'opposition' in Leinster House - the 'Boundary Commission' established under 'Article 12' of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', which was tasked with 'determining the boundaries between the newly-partitioned 6 and 26-county 'states' ' , the deliberations of which caused a mutiny within British forces in Ireland! (Part 4)
When this Boundary Commission was to be set-up , it was to be 'Chaired' by Justice Feetham , a South African Judge , and a good friend of the British 'Establishment' - it may well have been a ' toothless body ' , as Winston Churchill , the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland' considered it to be , but sure it was no harm to have its Chairperson in your pocket , too !
During the first three years of the existance of the Irish Free State , those running same poured all their resources into simply 'staying alive' ; it was not until 1924 that the Staters in Leinster House requested that the Boundary Commission should come into being - this opened-up old wounds for the British. Westminster was well aware that this issue was an 'open sore' for all concerned - the Staters ( except Michael Collins and , probably , those close to him , who knew better) were expecting 'the earth' (!) while the Unionists had been promised 'no change'. On hearing of this request by the Free Staters to Westminster, the Stormont (ie the Six-County 'parliament' established by the British) 'Prime Minister', 'Sir' James Craig, let it be known that , as he was not one of the signatories to the 1921 Treaty , he did not feel bound by its stipulations re the Boundary Commission and would have nothing to do with the establishment of such a body. The Brits themselves weren't really in favour of setting-up the Boundary Commission either, and no attempt was made to persuade 'Sir' Craig to take part in it by nominating a representative to that proposed body, as had been agreed in the 1921 Treaty - instead , the Brits took it on themselves to nominate a person to sit on the Commission on Stormont's behalf.
Westminster turned to a friend of 'Sir' James Craig , a Mr. J.R. Fisher, and 'nominated' him as the Stormont representative to the Boundary Commission. Fisher was known by Westminster to be 'a safe pair of hands'. It should be noted that Chairperson Feetham was also the Westminster nominee to the Boundary Commission! The Free Staters in Leinster House choose Eoin MacNeill as their representative to that body ; MacNeill was the co-founder of the 'Gaelic League' in 1893 (with Douglas Hyde) , an organisation which grew within thirteen years to a huge size ; at least 100,000 members in 900 branches throughout the island. The same man was , in 1916 , the nominal head of the Rebels and was known as a good organiser - however , he was not known as a good , or aggressive, negotiator.
When Michael Collins and his supporters were attempting to 'sell' the December 1921 Treaty to their own side , they made a big deal of the Boundary Commission clause in that Treaty and in particular the part of it which stated that the 'border' could be adjusted "....in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..". Now , three years later (on 6th November 1924) , Eoin MacNeill was sitting at the table of the newly-established Boundary Commission at its first meeting , which was held in London. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (16TH APRIL) 74 YEARS AGO : GALWAY HUNGER-STRIKER DIES.
Galway IRA man and Officer Commanding of the IRA Western Command at the time, Tony Darcy, who began his hunger strike on 25th February 1940 and died on 16th April, in St Bricins (Free State) military hospital in Dublin, on 16th April, after 52 days on hunger strike.
Tony Darcy was sentenced to three months imprisonment for refusing to either account for his movements or give his name and address when arrested by Free Staters at an IRA meeting in Dublin. The POW's went on hunger strike after Meath IRA man, Nick Doherty, was imprisoned on the criminal wing in Mountjoy Jail and a request to transfer him to join his political comrades in Arbour Hill Jail was refused by the Staters. One week into the protest, the prison authorities made a move to take the IRA OC of the prisoners , Seán McNeela, for 'trial' before the 'Special Criminal Court' but he refused to go with them. Barricades were built and D-Wing was secured as best as possible by the IRA prisoners and they were soon attacked by armed Special Branch men, backed-up by the Dublin Metropolitan Police. Amongst the casualties were McNeela and Darcy, both of whom were beaten unconscious and suffered wounds that were never allowed to heal.
This account of that period, by Michael Traynor, was submitted to the Republican Sinn Féin organisation by Carmel McNeela, widow of Paddy McNeela and sister-in-law of Seán McNeela : (Michael Traynor, Adjutant-General, IRA at the time of his arrest in February 1940, endured hunger strike with Seán McNeela, Tony Darcy, Tomás Mac Curtáin, Jack Plunkett and Tommy Grogan) : "When Seán McNeela became CS (Chief of Staff) of the IRA in 1938 he immediately appointed Jack McNeela OC (Officer Commanding) Great Britain with the particular task of putting the organisation there on a war footing and amassing explosives and preparing for the forthcoming bombing campaign. After a few months of tense activity Jack was arrested and sentenced to nine months imprisonment. He returned to Ireland in 1939 and was appointed Director of Publicity. Jack was very disappointed with this appointment. He said he knew nothing about publicity and would have preferred some task, no matter how humble which would have kept him in contact with the rank and file Volunteers. However Publicity had to be organised and Jack threw himself to the job with zeal and energy. After two months, out of nothing, Jack had his Publicity Department functioning perfectly. Writers were instructed and put to work, office staff organised, radio technicians got into harness.
Another big disappointment at this time for Jack was the instructions he received about the raid on the Magazine Fort. He nearly blew up when he was told that he could not take part in the operation, that HQ staff could not afford to lose more than the QMG and the AG if the operation failed. He was a man of action and wanted to be with his comrades in time of danger. He repeatedly requested the AG for permission to take part in the operation but without success. But Jack was there, orders or no orders, and he did about ten men’s work in the taking of the fort and the loading of the ammunition. He was a very pleased man that night, for he, like all the rest of the members of GHQ knew that this ammunition was necessary to the success of the Army’s attack on the Border, which was planned to take place in the following spring.
He was arrested about three weeks later with members of the Radio Broadcast Staff and lodged in Mountjoy jail. He was OC of the prisoners when I arrived in the middle of February 1940. Tomás Mac Curtáin was there, and Tony Darcy, who was a very great personal friend of Jack’s, so was Jack Plunkett and Tommy Grogan. I was about a week in jail, life was comparatively quiet, great speculation was going on as to what would happen to the men arrested in connection with the raid on the Magazine Fort. The crisis developed when Nicky Doherty, of Julianstown, Co Meath was sentenced to five years penal servitude. Instead of being transferred to Arbour Hill (where other Republican prisoners had political status), Nicky was lodged in the criminal section of Mountjoy Jail. Jack, being OC of Republican Prisoners, interviewed the governor of the jail and requested that Nicky be transferred to Arbour Hill on the grounds that he was a political prisoner and that it was unjust and unchristian to attempt to degrade and classify as criminal a Republican soldier. The request was ignored. Jack and his prison council met to consider the situation: it was decided that a demand was necessary and with the demand for justice went the ultimatum that if he refused a number of prisoners (who were still untried) would go on hunger strike until the demand was accepted. A short time limit was set, but the demand was also ignored.
Jack, I remember well, was very insistent that the issue should be kept clear and simple. The hunger strike was a protest against the attempted degradation of Republican soldiers. There was no other question or issue involved. A simple demand for justice and decency. Seven men volunteered to go on hunger strike and when the time limit [February 25, 1940] of the ultimatum expired they refused to eat any food, although tempting parcels of food kept arriving every day from their relatives and friends. It was felt by the men on hunger strike that the struggle would be either a speedy victory or a long, long battle, with victory or death at the end.It was victory and death for Jack McNeela and Tony Darcy.
Seven days after the commencement of the hunger strike Special Branch policemen came to take Jack to Collins Barracks for trial before the 'Special Criminal (or was it the Military) Court'. Jack refused to go with them. They told him they’d take him by force. They went away for reinforcements. A hasty meeting of the Prisoners’ Council was held. They felt it was unjust to take Jack for trial while he was on hunger strike, and that everything possible should be done to prevent the hunger strikers from being separated. Barricades were hastily erected in the D-Wing of the jail. Beds, tables and mattresses were piled on top of each other; all the food was collected and put into a common store and general preparations made to resist removal of Jack, their OC. A large contingent of the DMP arrived together with the Special Branch at full strength. The DMP men charged the barricades with batons; the Special Branch men kept to the rear and looked on while the DMP men were forced to retire by prisoners with legs of stairs.Several charges were made but without success. Some warders and a few policemen suffered minor injuries. The governor of the jail came down to the barricade and asked the prisoners to surrender. They greeted him with jeers and booing.
After some time the DMP men returned, armed with shovel shafts about six feet long, hoping with their superior weapons to subdue the prisoners. After several charges and some tough hand-to-hand fighting the policemen again retired. The most effective weapon possessed by the prisoners was a quantity of lime, liquefied by some Mayo men, and flung in the faces of the charging DMP men. It was reminiscent off the Land League days and the evictions. Finally the fire hydrants were brought into use and the force of the water from these hoses broke down everything before them. The barricade was toppled over and the prisoners, drenched to the skin, could not resist the powers of water at pressure; they were forced to take cover in the cells. I got into a cell with Tony Darcy and Jack McNeela. We closed the door. After a few minutes the door was burst open and in rushed about five huge DMP men swinging their batons in all directions. Tony, standing under the window facing the door, put up his hand but he was silenced by a blow of a baton across the face that felled him senseless. Jack was pummelled across the cell by blow after blow. Blood teemed from his face and head. These wounds on Jack and Tony never healed until they died.
It lasted only a few brief minutes, this orgy of sadistic vengeance and then we were carried and flung into solitary confinement. Jack was taken away that evening and tried and sentenced by the Special Court. The next time I say Tony and Jack was in the sick bay in Arbour Hill. Jack Plunkett was also there with them. We exchanged experiences after the row in the 'Joy'.
Day followed day, I cannot remember any particular incident, except that regularly three times a day an orderly arrived with our food, which we of course refused to take. We were by now nursing our strength realising that this was a grim struggle, a struggle to the death. We jokingly made forecasts of who would be the first to die. Jack was almost fanatic about speaking Gaelic. Most of our conversation while in the Hill was in Gaelic. Tony used to laugh at my funny accent. While he couldn’t speak Gaelic he understood perfectly well all that was said and sometimes threw in a remark to the conversation. When conversation was general English was the medium. Jack Plunkett didn’t know any Gaelic at all. We were in the best of spirits. Rumours filtered through to us, I don’t know how, because we were very strictly isolated from the rest of the Republican prisoners in the Hill. We heard that one of our comrades had broken the hunger strike at the Joy; we didn‘t hear the name for a few days. The report was confirmed, we were inclined to be annoyed, but we agreed that it was better for the break to come early than late. It had no demoralising effect.
After Jack was arrested all the books he had bought (mostly Gaelic) were sent into the Joy. He intended to make good use of his spell of imprisonment. He kept requesting the Governor of the Hill to have them sent to him. After about three weeks a few tattered and water-sodden books were brought to him, all that remained of his little library, the others had been trampled and destroyed by the police in Mountjoy. Jack was vexed. He hadn’t smoked, nor taken drink and every penny he had went to the purchase of these books that he loved. We were, during all this time, as happy as men could be. In spite of imprisonment and all that it means we were not all despondent nor feeling like martyrs. Everyday, we reviewed our position; what we had done, our present state of health, the prospect of success. The conclusion we came to was that de Valera, Boland and Co had decided to gamble with us – to wear us out in the hope that we would break and therefore demoralise all our comrades and if we didn’t break, to give political treatment to all IRA prisoners when we were in the jaws of death. The issue, as we saw it, was of vital importance to us, but of practically no consequence to the Fianna Fáil regime. We knew of course that de Valera and the Fianna Fáil party hated the IRA, because we were a reminder of their broken pledged to the people.
On the eve of St Patrick’s Day we were removed to St Bricin’s military hospital. A few days later Tomás Mac Curtáin and Tommy Grogan joined us. We were terribly disappointed with their report from the 'Joy'. The men who had been sentenced were accepting criminal status instead of refusing to work as they had been instructed to do; that is another story, although it led directly to the death of Seán McCaughey six years later in Portlaoise jail. We were in a small hospital ward. Three beds on each side, occupied by six hungry men and every day was a hungry day. Every evening each of us would give the description of the meal he would like most, or the meal he had enjoyed most. Salmon and boxty loomed large in Jack’s menu. About this time we began to count the days that we could possibly live. The doctors who examined us, sometimes three times a day, told us that we had used up all our reserves and were living on our nerves; they tried to frighten us, assuring us that if we didn’t come off the hunger strike our health would be ruined. We all agreed among ourselves that the doctors were actuated by purely humane motives, although their advice if acted on by us would have been very satisfactory to their employers. After 50 days on hunger strike we were unable to get out of bed, or rather the strain of getting up was too great an expenditure of energy, which we were determined to husband carefully.
We did not see any change on each other. The change came so imperceptibly day after day. Jack, lying in the next bed to me, seemed to be the same big robust man that I had known before we were arrested, yet, we each were failing away. The doctors and nurses were very kind. We were rubbed with spirit and olive oil to prevent bedsores; all our joints and bony places were padded with cotton wool, for by now the rubbing of one finger against another was painful. None of us could read anymore, our sight had lost focus and concentration on material objects had become difficult. We were face to face with death; but no one flinched or if he did he prayed to God for strength and courage. On the 54th night of the strike, about midnight, Tony cried out (we were all awake): ‘Jack, I’m dying.’ We all knew that it was so. Jack replied, ‘I’m coming. Tony’. I felt, and I’m sure Jack and the others felt also that getting out of bed and walking across the room to Tony would mean death to Jack also. As well as I remember Mac Curtáin, Plunkett, Grogan and myself appealed to Jack not to get out of bed. But Tony’s cry pierced Jack’s heart deeper than ours so he got up and staggered across the room to his friend and comrade. Later that night Tony was taken out to a private ward. We never saw him again. He died the following night. A great and staunch and unflinching soldier and comrade; oh that Ireland had twenty thousand as honourable and fearless as he.
The day following Tony’s removal from the ward, Jack’s uncle, Mick Kilroy, late Fianna Fáil TD, came to see Jack. Alas, he didn’t come to give a kinsman’s help, but attacked Jack for "daring to embarrass de Valera" the "heaven-sent leader" by such action and demanded that Jack give up his hunger strike at once. Jack’s temper rose and had he been capable of rising would have thrown him out. He ordered him out of the room, so did we all. It was the first time in 56 days that we felt enraged at anything. The brutal treatment of the police after seven days’ hunger strike was trivial in comparison to this outrage. The next day Jack was taken out of the ward. We never saw him again. A few hours after his removal we received a communication from the Chief of Staff IRA. The following is an extract:
‘April 19, 1940. To the men on hunger strike in St Bricin’s Hospital: The Army Council and the Nation impressed with the magnitude of your self-sacrifice wish to convey to you the desire that if at all consistent with your honour as soldiers of the Republic you would be spared to resume your great work in another form. We are given to understand that the cause you went on strike has been won and that your jailers are now willing to concede treatment becoming soldiers of the Republic. In these circumstances if you are satisfied with the assurances given you – you will earn still more fully the gratitude of the people – relinquishing the weapon which has already caused so much suffering and has resulted in the death of a gallant comrade.’
Jack had requested confirmation from HQ of the assurances given to us by Fr O’Hare, a Carmelite Father from Whitefriars Street, Dublin. Fr O’Hare had interviewed Mr Boland, the Minister for Justice in the Free State government and received his assurances that all Republican prisoners would get political treatment. Naturally we did not want to die, but we could not accept any verbal assurance so we felt that written confirmation by our Chief of Staff was necessary. When the confirmation arrived Jack was out in the private ward. I was acting OC. We were reluctant, the four of who remained, to come off the hunger strike, with Tony dead and Jack at death’s door. Yet we had the instruction from HQ that our demands were satisfied. The doctors assured us that if the strike ended Jack had a 50-50 chance of living so I gave the order that ended the strike. I believe the doctors worked feverishly to save Jack’s life, but in vain. Jack McNeela, our OC and comrades, died that night and joined the host of the elected who died that Ireland and all her sons and daughters would be free from the chains of British Imperialism and happy in the working out of their own destiny."
NOTES: Nicky Doherty was found in possession of a quantity of ammunition seized in the raid on the Magazine Fort. He remained an active Volunteer until his death at an early age in the mid-1950s.
Criminal section of Mountjoy: This was A-Wing. The Republicans on remand were housed in D-Wing. On sentence they were usually sent to Arbour Hill.
Governor of the jail: Seán Kavanagh, a former Republican prisoner himself during the Tan War.
DMP: Dublin Metropolitan Police, originally a separate force from the RIC. They were kept on after the Treaty and amalgamated with the Gardaí in 1925. They made a deal with the IRA in 1919 not to engage in 'military activities' and were removed from the list of legitimate targets. "G" Division, or Special Branch were not excluded. In 1940 they supplied the Riot Squad for Mountjoy.
Tony Darcy, Headford, Co Galway, died April 16th 1940. He was OC Western Command, IRA at the time of his arrest.
Seán McNeela, Ballycroy, Co Mayo, died April 19th 1940.
From 1940 to 1947, sixteen Republican prisoners were sent to Portlaoise prison where they were denied political status. For all seven years they were naked, except for the prison blanket. For three years of this they were also in solitary confinement.
Finally - writing about the funerals of Tony Darcy and Seán McNeela , Brian Ó hÚiginn stated : "Hundreds of uniformed and plain-clothes police were sent into the two graveyards, while soldiers in full war-kit were posted behind walls and trees in surrounding fields, and armoured cars patrolled the roads...the lowest depths of vindictive pettiness was reached when mourners on their way to Seán MacNeela’s funeral were stopped by armed police and their cars and persons searched....even when they reached the cemetery many were locked out - the gates were locked - and those attempting to enter were attacked....." That was 1940, this was 2013 - the 'establishment' harasses those it fears, even in death, and wines and dines those it has purchased , even though they, too, are 'dead' : morally and spiritually.
"PRESIDENT OF IRELAND......MY PRESIDENT.."
"....I'm overjoyed for the president. He is my president and I'm delighted he's been accorded such a great welcome...." - the words spoken by Martin McGuinness when a journalist asked him how it felt to stand at a banquet table in Windsor Castle, England,and toast an English 'queen' : it was a poor attempt on his part to deflect attention away from the fact that he was toasting an English 'queen' ie 'I was toasting my president...' and ignores the ridiculous and enforced situation that, as a resident of Derry (in our occupied Six Counties), the man has no vote in the election of any candidate running for the position of, as he put it, "the president of Ireland."
And all the more ridiculous when you take into account that it is Martin McGuinness and his party that are prolonging that partitionist folly by administering the British writ in those six occupied counties! But such is the way of the gombeen -
Behind a web of bottles, bales,
Tobacco, sugar, coffin nails
The gombeen like a spider sits,
Surfeited; and, for all his wits,
As meagre as the tally-board
On which his usuries are scored.
(Joseph Campbell.)
JOHN PAUL NOT AS RICH AS THE POPE, BUT HAS A BETTER DRIVER !
Pictured, left, our 'John Paul' approaching the raffle committee to claim first prize (€200).....!
Liverpool and Manchester City , Swansea and Chelsea and Wexford and the Dubs were all in action on Sunday 13th April last on a pitch, but it was Cabhair that was 'on the ball'! The hotel we were in had, as expected, a full house and we quickly ran out of raffle tickets (all 650 were sold and returned) , which enabled us to start the raffle an hour earlier than planned. One of the floor staff, Shirley, kindly pulled the first ticket stub from the raffle drum and a man from Dublin, John Paul, who had travelled to the venue with our regular bus driver, Anto, won €200 on his ticket, number 53 and, before the two of those loudly-delighted punters disappeared to the diesel pump (!) to fill-up , we managed to get JP to do the honours with our second prize (€100), which was won by Declan, ticket 193, a local GAA supporter who scored a 'point' and declared that his goal was to get to the bar asap and convert it !
The GAA man pulled prize number three for us, €40, and it was one of two tickets that supporters in Clondalkin, Dublin, had sold in one of their local pubs - it went to Ciaran F , ticket 533, and was sold by Damien : the other Clondalkin winner was Thomas, 5th prize (€20), 125, sold by Darren, who also sold ticket 115 to a D. Brophy, who won 4th prize of €20.
Local lady, Tara, was the winner of our 6th prize, €20, on ticket 466, a very nice man from Wicklow (and a crazy Manchester City fan!) , M. Byrne, won 7th prize, €20, on ticket 218 and our last prize (€20) was claimed by a lovely young lady from Tallaght, Josephine, who had bought her ticket, 630, on the premises. The hotel, which seems to be one of the few in the Leinster area which attracts a full house every weekend, was as busy as expected and, as well as the football events on the big screens and looking after the Cabhair contingent, they hosted a darts match that same day - all of it done flawlessly! GRMA to all the staff - see ye next month!
'CHEATING ON THE NEIGHBOURS'?
Those of us who are refusing to pay the 'property tax' because we deem it to be not only unfair but 'a tax too far', were today accused by the State revenue commissioners of 'cheating on our neighbours' by , I can only presume, 'not paying our way'. My neighbours are well aware that I live in one of the households in a housing estate which has not been bullied into paying this new tax and, far from considering me a "cheat" for not paying it, they repeatedly tell me that they only wish they had the courage to do the same. And they had that courage, in the weeks and months following the introduction of this tax, but a scare-tactic-employing State-compliant media and the use of 'the tax man' eventually whittled the resolve of almost all of them.
The State revenue commissioners (and other 'enforcers') and those wealthy career politicians that introduced this new tax are the real "cheats" in this affair, not those of us who refuse to pay it on a point of principle. In my opinion, they are the representatives of a corrupt and warped society and I'll be damned if I'm going to voluntarily help them to fill their pension coffers. Come and get me if you can, you bastards, but I'll not make it easy for you.
AC IN HOT SEAT 20 AND 21, SÓS SUNDAY , FM MONDAY.....
More information here. I'll be at both, hope to see you at one or the other. Or both!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
All this time I could not but be aware of the growing strength of the IRA , for I was continuously a member of its controlling body. The system of control is a simple one : the army convention in session is the supreme authority of the organisation, the company is the unit of organisation for the election of delegates and in some cases outposts are grouped-up to company strength to elect a delegate. Brigade staffs and general headquarters have a small quota. The IRA convention elects twelve men (sic) , who may be of any rank, in open sessions , and they are known as the Executive, a misleading term, for they have no executive function. These twelve men (sic) meet and, under pledge of secrecy, elect seven men who will constitute the IRA Army Council and control the organisation : no one of the seven need be a member of the twelve and, in this way, the names of the IRA Army Council are protected.
By a provision in its constitution, the IRA is obliged to give its full allegiance to any democratically elected government attempting to function as the government of the Republic. The IRA Executive Committee must be summoned at regular intervals to meet the army council in a consultative way. The Executive has one real power - it can re-summon the general army convention if it considers there is need for it, and state a case against the IRA army council.
From the time of the break with the Second Dáil Éireann, I was always one of the twelve, and one of the seven. On one occasion when my position was extremely controversial, and I was just a little bit tired of it all, I did not attend the meeting of the IRA Executive so as to make it easy for the others to elect an army council that would not include me, maybe a little bit daring them to do so. Andy Cooney , the same Andy Cooney (page 5, here) of 'The Gates Flew Open', came direct to my place from the Executive meeting to make sure I would agree to serve on the new army council. He was laying down the law to me with his index finger, as way his way, when police cars pulled up with a screech of brakes. We made a dive for the secret room in my place and my wife put Andy's coat and hat away and delayed the raiders further by speaking to them through a window in the cool, easy scornful way she used so effectively at breathless moments. It was a long drawn-out raid , but our hiding place survived it. (MORE LATER).
THE ANATOMY OF AN AFTERNOON : THE STORY OF THE GIBRALTAR KILLINGS........
By Michael O'Higgins and John Waters. From 'Magill Magazine' , October 1988.
PC James Parody was not on duty that day and knew nothing of the operation. He has a flat overlooking the Shell petrol station and he looked out the window at the sound of a police siren. He saw a police car move out of Smith Dorrien Avenue and onto Winston Churchill Avenue. It passed by the Shell station with its siren and blue flashing light on and he noticed a man and a woman walking past the petrol station. When the car had passed he noticed two other men - he didn't know where they came from, they were in the middle of the road with their backs to him. He heard shouts of "police, police...". The woman had been looking back towards the car and when the shout came she turned in to her right and made a move with her left hand towards her bag, which was over her right shoulder, according to PC Parody.
Then he noticed that the two men on the road had guns pointed at the couple and he heard a few shots from each of the gunmen. The woman fell first with her head on the roadway and her body on the pavement , and the man fell over the wall of the petrol station forecourt with his legs across the woman's body. After that, said PC Parody, the two men put their guns away and took out black berets. The police car then pulled up at the traffic lights and a number of police officers got out.
Soldier 'C' saw Seán Savage heading left in the direction of the Landport Tunnel. Soldier 'D' had already crossed the road and 'C' had to run briefly to catch up and as he crossed the road he heard a police siren - he looked round and saw a police car with its blue light flashing coming from the left. Seán Savage was walking at a normal pace. Soldiers 'C' and 'D' got to within six or seven feet of him as he reached a big tree on the left hand side. There were a good few people coming towards them and Soldier 'C' drew his pistol. At the inquest he said that at this point he was about to issue a warning to Seán Savage, along the lines of "Stop, police, get down, hands above the head, stay down..." , when he heard the sound of gunfire from behind. He didn't get past the word "Stop". (MORE LATER).
MICHEÁL MARTIN TAKES THE (WRONG) BOUNDARY COMMISSION TO TASK.
"Gerrymandering" , Mr. Martin called it : "It is the biggest attempt to manipulate election boundaries in the 35 years since Fianna Fail introduced independent Boundary Commissions...." (from here) , adding "....we saw that straight away when the terms of reference were published,that skewing was going on....".
However, a more important 'skewing' by a Boundary Commission has been ignored by Mr. Martin and his party and, indeed, by the administration and the so-called 'opposition' in Leinster House - the 'Boundary Commission' established under 'Article 12' of the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', which was tasked with 'determining the boundaries between the newly-partitioned 6 and 26-county 'states' ' , the deliberations of which caused a mutiny within British forces in Ireland! (Part 4)
When this Boundary Commission was to be set-up , it was to be 'Chaired' by Justice Feetham , a South African Judge , and a good friend of the British 'Establishment' - it may well have been a ' toothless body ' , as Winston Churchill , the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland' considered it to be , but sure it was no harm to have its Chairperson in your pocket , too !
During the first three years of the existance of the Irish Free State , those running same poured all their resources into simply 'staying alive' ; it was not until 1924 that the Staters in Leinster House requested that the Boundary Commission should come into being - this opened-up old wounds for the British. Westminster was well aware that this issue was an 'open sore' for all concerned - the Staters ( except Michael Collins and , probably , those close to him , who knew better) were expecting 'the earth' (!) while the Unionists had been promised 'no change'. On hearing of this request by the Free Staters to Westminster, the Stormont (ie the Six-County 'parliament' established by the British) 'Prime Minister', 'Sir' James Craig, let it be known that , as he was not one of the signatories to the 1921 Treaty , he did not feel bound by its stipulations re the Boundary Commission and would have nothing to do with the establishment of such a body. The Brits themselves weren't really in favour of setting-up the Boundary Commission either, and no attempt was made to persuade 'Sir' Craig to take part in it by nominating a representative to that proposed body, as had been agreed in the 1921 Treaty - instead , the Brits took it on themselves to nominate a person to sit on the Commission on Stormont's behalf.
Westminster turned to a friend of 'Sir' James Craig , a Mr. J.R. Fisher, and 'nominated' him as the Stormont representative to the Boundary Commission. Fisher was known by Westminster to be 'a safe pair of hands'. It should be noted that Chairperson Feetham was also the Westminster nominee to the Boundary Commission! The Free Staters in Leinster House choose Eoin MacNeill as their representative to that body ; MacNeill was the co-founder of the 'Gaelic League' in 1893 (with Douglas Hyde) , an organisation which grew within thirteen years to a huge size ; at least 100,000 members in 900 branches throughout the island. The same man was , in 1916 , the nominal head of the Rebels and was known as a good organiser - however , he was not known as a good , or aggressive, negotiator.
When Michael Collins and his supporters were attempting to 'sell' the December 1921 Treaty to their own side , they made a big deal of the Boundary Commission clause in that Treaty and in particular the part of it which stated that the 'border' could be adjusted "....in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants ..". Now , three years later (on 6th November 1924) , Eoin MacNeill was sitting at the table of the newly-established Boundary Commission at its first meeting , which was held in London. (MORE LATER).
ON THIS DATE (16TH APRIL) 74 YEARS AGO : GALWAY HUNGER-STRIKER DIES.
Galway IRA man and Officer Commanding of the IRA Western Command at the time, Tony Darcy, who began his hunger strike on 25th February 1940 and died on 16th April, in St Bricins (Free State) military hospital in Dublin, on 16th April, after 52 days on hunger strike.
Tony Darcy was sentenced to three months imprisonment for refusing to either account for his movements or give his name and address when arrested by Free Staters at an IRA meeting in Dublin. The POW's went on hunger strike after Meath IRA man, Nick Doherty, was imprisoned on the criminal wing in Mountjoy Jail and a request to transfer him to join his political comrades in Arbour Hill Jail was refused by the Staters. One week into the protest, the prison authorities made a move to take the IRA OC of the prisoners , Seán McNeela, for 'trial' before the 'Special Criminal Court' but he refused to go with them. Barricades were built and D-Wing was secured as best as possible by the IRA prisoners and they were soon attacked by armed Special Branch men, backed-up by the Dublin Metropolitan Police. Amongst the casualties were McNeela and Darcy, both of whom were beaten unconscious and suffered wounds that were never allowed to heal.
This account of that period, by Michael Traynor, was submitted to the Republican Sinn Féin organisation by Carmel McNeela, widow of Paddy McNeela and sister-in-law of Seán McNeela : (Michael Traynor, Adjutant-General, IRA at the time of his arrest in February 1940, endured hunger strike with Seán McNeela, Tony Darcy, Tomás Mac Curtáin, Jack Plunkett and Tommy Grogan) : "When Seán McNeela became CS (Chief of Staff) of the IRA in 1938 he immediately appointed Jack McNeela OC (Officer Commanding) Great Britain with the particular task of putting the organisation there on a war footing and amassing explosives and preparing for the forthcoming bombing campaign. After a few months of tense activity Jack was arrested and sentenced to nine months imprisonment. He returned to Ireland in 1939 and was appointed Director of Publicity. Jack was very disappointed with this appointment. He said he knew nothing about publicity and would have preferred some task, no matter how humble which would have kept him in contact with the rank and file Volunteers. However Publicity had to be organised and Jack threw himself to the job with zeal and energy. After two months, out of nothing, Jack had his Publicity Department functioning perfectly. Writers were instructed and put to work, office staff organised, radio technicians got into harness.
Another big disappointment at this time for Jack was the instructions he received about the raid on the Magazine Fort. He nearly blew up when he was told that he could not take part in the operation, that HQ staff could not afford to lose more than the QMG and the AG if the operation failed. He was a man of action and wanted to be with his comrades in time of danger. He repeatedly requested the AG for permission to take part in the operation but without success. But Jack was there, orders or no orders, and he did about ten men’s work in the taking of the fort and the loading of the ammunition. He was a very pleased man that night, for he, like all the rest of the members of GHQ knew that this ammunition was necessary to the success of the Army’s attack on the Border, which was planned to take place in the following spring.
He was arrested about three weeks later with members of the Radio Broadcast Staff and lodged in Mountjoy jail. He was OC of the prisoners when I arrived in the middle of February 1940. Tomás Mac Curtáin was there, and Tony Darcy, who was a very great personal friend of Jack’s, so was Jack Plunkett and Tommy Grogan. I was about a week in jail, life was comparatively quiet, great speculation was going on as to what would happen to the men arrested in connection with the raid on the Magazine Fort. The crisis developed when Nicky Doherty, of Julianstown, Co Meath was sentenced to five years penal servitude. Instead of being transferred to Arbour Hill (where other Republican prisoners had political status), Nicky was lodged in the criminal section of Mountjoy Jail. Jack, being OC of Republican Prisoners, interviewed the governor of the jail and requested that Nicky be transferred to Arbour Hill on the grounds that he was a political prisoner and that it was unjust and unchristian to attempt to degrade and classify as criminal a Republican soldier. The request was ignored. Jack and his prison council met to consider the situation: it was decided that a demand was necessary and with the demand for justice went the ultimatum that if he refused a number of prisoners (who were still untried) would go on hunger strike until the demand was accepted. A short time limit was set, but the demand was also ignored.
Jack, I remember well, was very insistent that the issue should be kept clear and simple. The hunger strike was a protest against the attempted degradation of Republican soldiers. There was no other question or issue involved. A simple demand for justice and decency. Seven men volunteered to go on hunger strike and when the time limit [February 25, 1940] of the ultimatum expired they refused to eat any food, although tempting parcels of food kept arriving every day from their relatives and friends. It was felt by the men on hunger strike that the struggle would be either a speedy victory or a long, long battle, with victory or death at the end.It was victory and death for Jack McNeela and Tony Darcy.
Seven days after the commencement of the hunger strike Special Branch policemen came to take Jack to Collins Barracks for trial before the 'Special Criminal (or was it the Military) Court'. Jack refused to go with them. They told him they’d take him by force. They went away for reinforcements. A hasty meeting of the Prisoners’ Council was held. They felt it was unjust to take Jack for trial while he was on hunger strike, and that everything possible should be done to prevent the hunger strikers from being separated. Barricades were hastily erected in the D-Wing of the jail. Beds, tables and mattresses were piled on top of each other; all the food was collected and put into a common store and general preparations made to resist removal of Jack, their OC. A large contingent of the DMP arrived together with the Special Branch at full strength. The DMP men charged the barricades with batons; the Special Branch men kept to the rear and looked on while the DMP men were forced to retire by prisoners with legs of stairs.Several charges were made but without success. Some warders and a few policemen suffered minor injuries. The governor of the jail came down to the barricade and asked the prisoners to surrender. They greeted him with jeers and booing.
After some time the DMP men returned, armed with shovel shafts about six feet long, hoping with their superior weapons to subdue the prisoners. After several charges and some tough hand-to-hand fighting the policemen again retired. The most effective weapon possessed by the prisoners was a quantity of lime, liquefied by some Mayo men, and flung in the faces of the charging DMP men. It was reminiscent off the Land League days and the evictions. Finally the fire hydrants were brought into use and the force of the water from these hoses broke down everything before them. The barricade was toppled over and the prisoners, drenched to the skin, could not resist the powers of water at pressure; they were forced to take cover in the cells. I got into a cell with Tony Darcy and Jack McNeela. We closed the door. After a few minutes the door was burst open and in rushed about five huge DMP men swinging their batons in all directions. Tony, standing under the window facing the door, put up his hand but he was silenced by a blow of a baton across the face that felled him senseless. Jack was pummelled across the cell by blow after blow. Blood teemed from his face and head. These wounds on Jack and Tony never healed until they died.
It lasted only a few brief minutes, this orgy of sadistic vengeance and then we were carried and flung into solitary confinement. Jack was taken away that evening and tried and sentenced by the Special Court. The next time I say Tony and Jack was in the sick bay in Arbour Hill. Jack Plunkett was also there with them. We exchanged experiences after the row in the 'Joy'.
Day followed day, I cannot remember any particular incident, except that regularly three times a day an orderly arrived with our food, which we of course refused to take. We were by now nursing our strength realising that this was a grim struggle, a struggle to the death. We jokingly made forecasts of who would be the first to die. Jack was almost fanatic about speaking Gaelic. Most of our conversation while in the Hill was in Gaelic. Tony used to laugh at my funny accent. While he couldn’t speak Gaelic he understood perfectly well all that was said and sometimes threw in a remark to the conversation. When conversation was general English was the medium. Jack Plunkett didn’t know any Gaelic at all. We were in the best of spirits. Rumours filtered through to us, I don’t know how, because we were very strictly isolated from the rest of the Republican prisoners in the Hill. We heard that one of our comrades had broken the hunger strike at the Joy; we didn‘t hear the name for a few days. The report was confirmed, we were inclined to be annoyed, but we agreed that it was better for the break to come early than late. It had no demoralising effect.
After Jack was arrested all the books he had bought (mostly Gaelic) were sent into the Joy. He intended to make good use of his spell of imprisonment. He kept requesting the Governor of the Hill to have them sent to him. After about three weeks a few tattered and water-sodden books were brought to him, all that remained of his little library, the others had been trampled and destroyed by the police in Mountjoy. Jack was vexed. He hadn’t smoked, nor taken drink and every penny he had went to the purchase of these books that he loved. We were, during all this time, as happy as men could be. In spite of imprisonment and all that it means we were not all despondent nor feeling like martyrs. Everyday, we reviewed our position; what we had done, our present state of health, the prospect of success. The conclusion we came to was that de Valera, Boland and Co had decided to gamble with us – to wear us out in the hope that we would break and therefore demoralise all our comrades and if we didn’t break, to give political treatment to all IRA prisoners when we were in the jaws of death. The issue, as we saw it, was of vital importance to us, but of practically no consequence to the Fianna Fáil regime. We knew of course that de Valera and the Fianna Fáil party hated the IRA, because we were a reminder of their broken pledged to the people.
On the eve of St Patrick’s Day we were removed to St Bricin’s military hospital. A few days later Tomás Mac Curtáin and Tommy Grogan joined us. We were terribly disappointed with their report from the 'Joy'. The men who had been sentenced were accepting criminal status instead of refusing to work as they had been instructed to do; that is another story, although it led directly to the death of Seán McCaughey six years later in Portlaoise jail. We were in a small hospital ward. Three beds on each side, occupied by six hungry men and every day was a hungry day. Every evening each of us would give the description of the meal he would like most, or the meal he had enjoyed most. Salmon and boxty loomed large in Jack’s menu. About this time we began to count the days that we could possibly live. The doctors who examined us, sometimes three times a day, told us that we had used up all our reserves and were living on our nerves; they tried to frighten us, assuring us that if we didn’t come off the hunger strike our health would be ruined. We all agreed among ourselves that the doctors were actuated by purely humane motives, although their advice if acted on by us would have been very satisfactory to their employers. After 50 days on hunger strike we were unable to get out of bed, or rather the strain of getting up was too great an expenditure of energy, which we were determined to husband carefully.
We did not see any change on each other. The change came so imperceptibly day after day. Jack, lying in the next bed to me, seemed to be the same big robust man that I had known before we were arrested, yet, we each were failing away. The doctors and nurses were very kind. We were rubbed with spirit and olive oil to prevent bedsores; all our joints and bony places were padded with cotton wool, for by now the rubbing of one finger against another was painful. None of us could read anymore, our sight had lost focus and concentration on material objects had become difficult. We were face to face with death; but no one flinched or if he did he prayed to God for strength and courage. On the 54th night of the strike, about midnight, Tony cried out (we were all awake): ‘Jack, I’m dying.’ We all knew that it was so. Jack replied, ‘I’m coming. Tony’. I felt, and I’m sure Jack and the others felt also that getting out of bed and walking across the room to Tony would mean death to Jack also. As well as I remember Mac Curtáin, Plunkett, Grogan and myself appealed to Jack not to get out of bed. But Tony’s cry pierced Jack’s heart deeper than ours so he got up and staggered across the room to his friend and comrade. Later that night Tony was taken out to a private ward. We never saw him again. He died the following night. A great and staunch and unflinching soldier and comrade; oh that Ireland had twenty thousand as honourable and fearless as he.
The day following Tony’s removal from the ward, Jack’s uncle, Mick Kilroy, late Fianna Fáil TD, came to see Jack. Alas, he didn’t come to give a kinsman’s help, but attacked Jack for "daring to embarrass de Valera" the "heaven-sent leader" by such action and demanded that Jack give up his hunger strike at once. Jack’s temper rose and had he been capable of rising would have thrown him out. He ordered him out of the room, so did we all. It was the first time in 56 days that we felt enraged at anything. The brutal treatment of the police after seven days’ hunger strike was trivial in comparison to this outrage. The next day Jack was taken out of the ward. We never saw him again. A few hours after his removal we received a communication from the Chief of Staff IRA. The following is an extract:
‘April 19, 1940. To the men on hunger strike in St Bricin’s Hospital: The Army Council and the Nation impressed with the magnitude of your self-sacrifice wish to convey to you the desire that if at all consistent with your honour as soldiers of the Republic you would be spared to resume your great work in another form. We are given to understand that the cause you went on strike has been won and that your jailers are now willing to concede treatment becoming soldiers of the Republic. In these circumstances if you are satisfied with the assurances given you – you will earn still more fully the gratitude of the people – relinquishing the weapon which has already caused so much suffering and has resulted in the death of a gallant comrade.’
Jack had requested confirmation from HQ of the assurances given to us by Fr O’Hare, a Carmelite Father from Whitefriars Street, Dublin. Fr O’Hare had interviewed Mr Boland, the Minister for Justice in the Free State government and received his assurances that all Republican prisoners would get political treatment. Naturally we did not want to die, but we could not accept any verbal assurance so we felt that written confirmation by our Chief of Staff was necessary. When the confirmation arrived Jack was out in the private ward. I was acting OC. We were reluctant, the four of who remained, to come off the hunger strike, with Tony dead and Jack at death’s door. Yet we had the instruction from HQ that our demands were satisfied. The doctors assured us that if the strike ended Jack had a 50-50 chance of living so I gave the order that ended the strike. I believe the doctors worked feverishly to save Jack’s life, but in vain. Jack McNeela, our OC and comrades, died that night and joined the host of the elected who died that Ireland and all her sons and daughters would be free from the chains of British Imperialism and happy in the working out of their own destiny."
NOTES: Nicky Doherty was found in possession of a quantity of ammunition seized in the raid on the Magazine Fort. He remained an active Volunteer until his death at an early age in the mid-1950s.
Criminal section of Mountjoy: This was A-Wing. The Republicans on remand were housed in D-Wing. On sentence they were usually sent to Arbour Hill.
Governor of the jail: Seán Kavanagh, a former Republican prisoner himself during the Tan War.
DMP: Dublin Metropolitan Police, originally a separate force from the RIC. They were kept on after the Treaty and amalgamated with the Gardaí in 1925. They made a deal with the IRA in 1919 not to engage in 'military activities' and were removed from the list of legitimate targets. "G" Division, or Special Branch were not excluded. In 1940 they supplied the Riot Squad for Mountjoy.
Tony Darcy, Headford, Co Galway, died April 16th 1940. He was OC Western Command, IRA at the time of his arrest.
Seán McNeela, Ballycroy, Co Mayo, died April 19th 1940.
From 1940 to 1947, sixteen Republican prisoners were sent to Portlaoise prison where they were denied political status. For all seven years they were naked, except for the prison blanket. For three years of this they were also in solitary confinement.
Finally - writing about the funerals of Tony Darcy and Seán McNeela , Brian Ó hÚiginn stated : "Hundreds of uniformed and plain-clothes police were sent into the two graveyards, while soldiers in full war-kit were posted behind walls and trees in surrounding fields, and armoured cars patrolled the roads...the lowest depths of vindictive pettiness was reached when mourners on their way to Seán MacNeela’s funeral were stopped by armed police and their cars and persons searched....even when they reached the cemetery many were locked out - the gates were locked - and those attempting to enter were attacked....." That was 1940, this was 2013 - the 'establishment' harasses those it fears, even in death, and wines and dines those it has purchased , even though they, too, are 'dead' : morally and spiritually.
"PRESIDENT OF IRELAND......MY PRESIDENT.."
"....I'm overjoyed for the president. He is my president and I'm delighted he's been accorded such a great welcome...." - the words spoken by Martin McGuinness when a journalist asked him how it felt to stand at a banquet table in Windsor Castle, England,and toast an English 'queen' : it was a poor attempt on his part to deflect attention away from the fact that he was toasting an English 'queen' ie 'I was toasting my president...' and ignores the ridiculous and enforced situation that, as a resident of Derry (in our occupied Six Counties), the man has no vote in the election of any candidate running for the position of, as he put it, "the president of Ireland."
And all the more ridiculous when you take into account that it is Martin McGuinness and his party that are prolonging that partitionist folly by administering the British writ in those six occupied counties! But such is the way of the gombeen -
Behind a web of bottles, bales,
Tobacco, sugar, coffin nails
The gombeen like a spider sits,
Surfeited; and, for all his wits,
As meagre as the tally-board
On which his usuries are scored.
(Joseph Campbell.)
JOHN PAUL NOT AS RICH AS THE POPE, BUT HAS A BETTER DRIVER !
Pictured, left, our 'John Paul' approaching the raffle committee to claim first prize (€200).....!
Liverpool and Manchester City , Swansea and Chelsea and Wexford and the Dubs were all in action on Sunday 13th April last on a pitch, but it was Cabhair that was 'on the ball'! The hotel we were in had, as expected, a full house and we quickly ran out of raffle tickets (all 650 were sold and returned) , which enabled us to start the raffle an hour earlier than planned. One of the floor staff, Shirley, kindly pulled the first ticket stub from the raffle drum and a man from Dublin, John Paul, who had travelled to the venue with our regular bus driver, Anto, won €200 on his ticket, number 53 and, before the two of those loudly-delighted punters disappeared to the diesel pump (!) to fill-up , we managed to get JP to do the honours with our second prize (€100), which was won by Declan, ticket 193, a local GAA supporter who scored a 'point' and declared that his goal was to get to the bar asap and convert it !
The GAA man pulled prize number three for us, €40, and it was one of two tickets that supporters in Clondalkin, Dublin, had sold in one of their local pubs - it went to Ciaran F , ticket 533, and was sold by Damien : the other Clondalkin winner was Thomas, 5th prize (€20), 125, sold by Darren, who also sold ticket 115 to a D. Brophy, who won 4th prize of €20.
Local lady, Tara, was the winner of our 6th prize, €20, on ticket 466, a very nice man from Wicklow (and a crazy Manchester City fan!) , M. Byrne, won 7th prize, €20, on ticket 218 and our last prize (€20) was claimed by a lovely young lady from Tallaght, Josephine, who had bought her ticket, 630, on the premises. The hotel, which seems to be one of the few in the Leinster area which attracts a full house every weekend, was as busy as expected and, as well as the football events on the big screens and looking after the Cabhair contingent, they hosted a darts match that same day - all of it done flawlessly! GRMA to all the staff - see ye next month!
'CHEATING ON THE NEIGHBOURS'?
Those of us who are refusing to pay the 'property tax' because we deem it to be not only unfair but 'a tax too far', were today accused by the State revenue commissioners of 'cheating on our neighbours' by , I can only presume, 'not paying our way'. My neighbours are well aware that I live in one of the households in a housing estate which has not been bullied into paying this new tax and, far from considering me a "cheat" for not paying it, they repeatedly tell me that they only wish they had the courage to do the same. And they had that courage, in the weeks and months following the introduction of this tax, but a scare-tactic-employing State-compliant media and the use of 'the tax man' eventually whittled the resolve of almost all of them.
The State revenue commissioners (and other 'enforcers') and those wealthy career politicians that introduced this new tax are the real "cheats" in this affair, not those of us who refuse to pay it on a point of principle. In my opinion, they are the representatives of a corrupt and warped society and I'll be damned if I'm going to voluntarily help them to fill their pension coffers. Come and get me if you can, you bastards, but I'll not make it easy for you.
AC IN HOT SEAT 20 AND 21, SÓS SUNDAY , FM MONDAY.....
More information here. I'll be at both, hope to see you at one or the other. Or both!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.
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