PREPARING THE DEFENCE OF ULSTER LOYALISM .......
Ten years ago this month the ' ULSTER WORKERS COUNCIL' strike brought down the power-sharing executive of BRIAN FAULKNER and GERRY FITT .
ANDY POLLAK talks to UDA leader ANDY TYRIE , one of the men behind the 1974 work stoppage , and GEORGE SEAWRIGHT , one of the new breed of hard-line Loyalist spokesmen , about the outlook for Northern Ireland's (sic) Protestants in the 1980's .
From ' FORTNIGHT ' magazine , May 1984 .
Andy Tyrie (UDA) says - " The British government now tries to make sure there is no visible crises ; now it's done on a drip method , so that there's no big enough crises to motivate people to protest - because they know that under pressure the Loyalists will react very strongly . "
He says in the 1970's the UDA used to exist from crisis to crisis , hoping each time that the political leadership would pick up from where the paramilitaries had left off and start putting the Loyalist case across properly in Britain and abroad , and findings ways to run Northern Ireland (sic) that would win the co-operation of the Catholics .
" Ten years on it's still the same people , and they still have'nt learned to outwit the Republican groups , match them brain for brain . We still present our case very badly (' 1169 ... ' Comment - ..or is it simply that they had/have a bad case .. ?) - we have not convinced people outside our own community that we're a separate race of people who are willing to live here with our Catholic neighbours . " ('1169.... ' Comment - ...and that , readers , is the closest the UDA ever got to propaganda for foreign consumption ! )
The failure of the 1977 work stoppage was a turning point for the UDA .......
(MORE LATER).
THE IRA HAS TO DO WHAT THE IRA HAS TO DO .......
The Sinn Fein electoral wagon is slowing down . As a result , the IRA is likely to begin stepping up its war against the Northern State . GENE KERRIGAN reports from Belfast and also interviews Sinn Fein's DANNY MORRISON on the party's recent successes and failures .
From ' MAGILL ' magazine , September 1984.
The last couple of years of political activity have served to demonstrate that the Provisionals have a solid and sizeable amount of support . During this period the IRA adjusted its military tactics , avoiding as far as possible the kind of action which carries a high risk and which has the potential to alienate sympathisers from Sinn Fein - such as the bombing of 'economic targets ' .
Within the IRA there is a belief that the 'authorities' have taken advantage of the 'Mister Nice Guy' tactics in order to claim that 'normality' is returning . (' 1169....' Comment - 'Normality' ? And what have we got today ? The Provisional movement about to 'police' the Six Counties for Westminster ! Hardly 'normality' , but it will suffice for Mr. Blair and his War Cabinet .. )
There is thus a move within the IRA to return to what one source described as "..the types of operation which it was renowned for in the past . " According to republican sources the IRA deliberately moved away from some types of chancy operation - such as commercial bombings - in order to facilitate Sinn Fein's electoral strategy ; such military operations have a high attrition rate , in terms of members captured and of civilian casualties .
One mistake can result in an atrocity which wipes out months of political work ; within the IRA it is now felt that the British have been taking advantage of this , claiming a partial return to 'normality' , claiming that bombings are fewer than three years ago and that this is because they are on top of the 'security problems' ....... (' 1169.... ' Comment - if it was felt then that Westminster was "taking advantage.. " of the political situation which the then Sinn Fein organisation found itself in - what will Westminster do now that the Provisional Sinn Fein political party has handed itself on a plate up to them ?)
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
In 1980 , a Mr. Christopher Lynch was released from jail by the (FS) Supreme Court after serving over three years for murder ; his 'confession' , after 22 hours 'interrogation' , was extracted in oppressive circumstances , said the Court . More serious was the fact that the judges pointed out that the confession could not be true as it contradicted known facts in the case : there was no inquiry , no re-assessment .
In April 1982 Peter Matthews died in Shercock Garda Station after a beating . Most gardai deplore what happened and disassociate themselves from any activity of the kind that went on there . But the Shercock case was another example of garda determined to get a 'confession' from a suspect , even though they already had enough evidence on which to lay charges . Had the gardai not continued the interrogation , Peter Matthews would not have been assaulted by whoever it was delivered the blow which crushed his pancreas .
By now , interrogations were standard , the gardai believed they had the right to do this and no one in authority was saying any different . Two trials failed to discover what happened at Shercock ; there was no reassessment .
In August 1982 , Amanda McShane was interrogated in a Dublin garda station ; she refused to sign a statement . Her solicitor subsequently found a written statement , as though made by McShane , awaiting her signature . There was no inquiry , no reassessment .
In June 1983 , at Naas , County Kildare , Michael Ward signed a confession to a string of burglaries and , according to sworn statements by gardai , pointed out the houses which he had burgled . He was released when it was discovered that he had been in jail when some of the burglaries had been carried out . 'MAGILL' magazine discovered that one of the burglaries to which he 'confessed' had never occurred . There was no reassessment .......
(MORE LATER).
( Re the 'Indymedia' issue : this matter has now been cleared-up to my satisfaction . I received a number of e-mails , from two Indymedia Mods. , one of which stated - ".... I can see now that your comment was deleted completely by mistake as it wasn't one of the ones that contained posts of images already posted to the site. (It was just above or below one of
those posts.).... " The Mod. apologised and I have since posted on 'Indymedia' without incident . I am content to leave the issue at that ....for now ..! )
Thursday, August 04, 2005
PREPARING THE DEFENCE OF ULSTER LOYALISM .
Ten years ago this month the ' ULSTER WORKERS COUNCIL' strike brought down the power-sharing executive of BRIAN FAULKNER and GERRY FITT .
ANDY POLLAK talks to UDA leader ANDY TYRIE , one of the men behind the 1974 work stoppage , and GEORGE SEAWRIGHT , one of the new breed of hard-line Loyalist spokesmen , about the outlook for Northern Ireland's (sic) Protestants in the 1980's .
From ' FORTNIGHT ' magazine , May 1984 .
UDA Commander Andy Tyrie makes it clear that he does not want to sabre-rattle , that he wants to hope , often against hope , that a peaceful solution can be found to Northern Ireland's (sic) problems .
Ten years after the 'Ulster' Workers Council strike (UWC) he believes the Protestants are still not getting adequate leadership from their Unionist politicians , and that the British government now ignores the Loyalist community and is trying to move Northern Ireland (sic) slowly in the direction of a united Ireland without actually provoking an all-out crisis like that of May 1974 .
He says that "...though maybe it's mad , or wishful thinking , I'm still an optimist . The chances of peaceful accommodation through parliamentary politics are getting less , but I always hope that when you do arrive at a crisis situation people will say this has gone too far , it's going to cost an awful lot of lives , and maybe we should go up into the Assembly and try to work together .. "
But he is absolutely firm that the one thing the UDA will not countenance is interference by the Irish government (sic) in the North's affairs . Andy Tyrie claims that the UDA had nothing against the 1974 power-sharing executive - "...but we felt that the Council of Ireland was the thin edge of the wedge and that Ministers from Dublin would be coming up here and formimg a sort of joint government which would advance and advance until we were totally run by the Dublin government ....... "
(MORE LATER).
THE IRA HAS TO DO WHAT THE IRA HAS TO DO .
The Sinn Fein electoral wagon is slowing down . As a result , the IRA is likely to begin stepping up its war against the Northern State . GENE KERRIGAN reports from Belfast and also interviews Sinn Fein's DANNY MORRISON on the party's recent successes and failures .
From ' MAGILL ' magazine , September 1984.
The belief that Sinn Fein is approaching its ceilings of votes is likely , according to republican sources , to lead to a change in IRA military tactics . This may result in a return to a more intensive bombing of 'economic targets ' ; within the Sinn Fein leadership it is now believed that the party (sic) is unlikely to out-poll the SDLP in the short term and secure a position as the main representatives of the nationalist community in the North .
Sinn Fein will this month - after the new ward boundary arrangements are announced - work out its strategy for the 1985 local elections in the Six Counties . It may be hampered in its aim of maximising its vote by the rule changes brought in by Margaret Thatcher after the electoral victory of Bobby Sands in Fermanagh-South Tyrone in 1981 . To some extent the impression that Sinn Fein was breathing down the SDLP's electoral neck was deliberately fostered by the Sinn Fein leadership - against the advice of , for instance , Gerry Adams - in order to enthuse the Sinn Fein rank and file .
There has been a re-appraisal since the Euro elections in June 1984 , in which Sinn Fein - while retaining its percentage share of the nationalist vote - saw its overall voting figures fall from 102,000 to 91,000 . The 'armalite and ballot paper' strategy remains the same , with the involvement in electoral politics and community activities being seen as a way of involving wider circles of sympathisers but with the central belief retained that only a continuous and indefinitely prolonged military campaign will convince the British government that the State is ungovernable while the British remain ....... (' 1169 .... ' Comment - ....and now the Provos are part and parcel of that same State ; paid employees of Westminster who ask you to believe that they are following in the footsteps of Tone , Emmet and Pearse .... !)
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
As most of the allegations about garda 'short-cuts' involved members of republican groups there was a tendency to shrug them off as 'propaganda' ; or , if the gardai delivered the odd thump , so what ? Under cover of the suppposed need to protect the very existence of the State , the gardai were virtually given a free hand - the trend was as plain as daylight in the figures on the use of Section 30 , the extraordinary power of arrest , of virtual short-term internment , give to the gardai in the 'Offences Against The State Act' .
In the period 1972-1976 , the most violent period of the Northern conflict , 2,724 people were lifted by the gardai , under Section 30 : in the period 1980-1984 , with a relatively low level of violence , 11,035 people were arrested under Section 30 .
With the power of detention comes the power of interrogation . The crudities of the mid-1970's when suspects "...fell down the stairs .. " or "... walked into a door .. " with amazing regularity , eased off as the gardai became more sophisticated : interrogation techniques had by now become so refined that on one occasion there was a row between a local garda , who 'knew' a suspect was guilty , and the interrogators , who knew that the suspect was innocent even though he was ready to sign a confession after several hours of interrogation . There is something seriously wrong .
No one had planned for it to go wrong ; there was no 'grand design ' for the creation of a police State - just cops doing a job the best they knew how , and politicians ignoring the warning signs .......
(MORE LATER).
Over the last few days I have posted comments on the 'Indymedia' site in reply to a post on same regarding Provo Sinn Fein and the funds they receive from Westminster .
My comments added further information to the original piece , information which I backed-up with the source of where I obtained said information . Without any contact from 'Indymedia' , the posts I made were removed , while other posters ' coments were not touched .
I have had contact with 'Indymedia' over this issue - but all my posts concerning their censorship have now been removed as well . Political censorship on a public Forum (despite the fact that I did not contravene their 'Rules For Posting') : just thought you might be interested ...... Sharon . UPDATE - There have been developments in the early hours of this morning ; my 'banned' post has been re-published (and my posts complaining about same have been removed !) but , at the time of writing , I am non-the-wiser as to why my post was removed in the first place . I intend to pursue this matter further with 'Indymedia' . Sharon.
Ten years ago this month the ' ULSTER WORKERS COUNCIL' strike brought down the power-sharing executive of BRIAN FAULKNER and GERRY FITT .
ANDY POLLAK talks to UDA leader ANDY TYRIE , one of the men behind the 1974 work stoppage , and GEORGE SEAWRIGHT , one of the new breed of hard-line Loyalist spokesmen , about the outlook for Northern Ireland's (sic) Protestants in the 1980's .
From ' FORTNIGHT ' magazine , May 1984 .
UDA Commander Andy Tyrie makes it clear that he does not want to sabre-rattle , that he wants to hope , often against hope , that a peaceful solution can be found to Northern Ireland's (sic) problems .
Ten years after the 'Ulster' Workers Council strike (UWC) he believes the Protestants are still not getting adequate leadership from their Unionist politicians , and that the British government now ignores the Loyalist community and is trying to move Northern Ireland (sic) slowly in the direction of a united Ireland without actually provoking an all-out crisis like that of May 1974 .
He says that "...though maybe it's mad , or wishful thinking , I'm still an optimist . The chances of peaceful accommodation through parliamentary politics are getting less , but I always hope that when you do arrive at a crisis situation people will say this has gone too far , it's going to cost an awful lot of lives , and maybe we should go up into the Assembly and try to work together .. "
But he is absolutely firm that the one thing the UDA will not countenance is interference by the Irish government (sic) in the North's affairs . Andy Tyrie claims that the UDA had nothing against the 1974 power-sharing executive - "...but we felt that the Council of Ireland was the thin edge of the wedge and that Ministers from Dublin would be coming up here and formimg a sort of joint government which would advance and advance until we were totally run by the Dublin government ....... "
(MORE LATER).
THE IRA HAS TO DO WHAT THE IRA HAS TO DO .
The Sinn Fein electoral wagon is slowing down . As a result , the IRA is likely to begin stepping up its war against the Northern State . GENE KERRIGAN reports from Belfast and also interviews Sinn Fein's DANNY MORRISON on the party's recent successes and failures .
From ' MAGILL ' magazine , September 1984.
The belief that Sinn Fein is approaching its ceilings of votes is likely , according to republican sources , to lead to a change in IRA military tactics . This may result in a return to a more intensive bombing of 'economic targets ' ; within the Sinn Fein leadership it is now believed that the party (sic) is unlikely to out-poll the SDLP in the short term and secure a position as the main representatives of the nationalist community in the North .
Sinn Fein will this month - after the new ward boundary arrangements are announced - work out its strategy for the 1985 local elections in the Six Counties . It may be hampered in its aim of maximising its vote by the rule changes brought in by Margaret Thatcher after the electoral victory of Bobby Sands in Fermanagh-South Tyrone in 1981 . To some extent the impression that Sinn Fein was breathing down the SDLP's electoral neck was deliberately fostered by the Sinn Fein leadership - against the advice of , for instance , Gerry Adams - in order to enthuse the Sinn Fein rank and file .
There has been a re-appraisal since the Euro elections in June 1984 , in which Sinn Fein - while retaining its percentage share of the nationalist vote - saw its overall voting figures fall from 102,000 to 91,000 . The 'armalite and ballot paper' strategy remains the same , with the involvement in electoral politics and community activities being seen as a way of involving wider circles of sympathisers but with the central belief retained that only a continuous and indefinitely prolonged military campaign will convince the British government that the State is ungovernable while the British remain ....... (' 1169 .... ' Comment - ....and now the Provos are part and parcel of that same State ; paid employees of Westminster who ask you to believe that they are following in the footsteps of Tone , Emmet and Pearse .... !)
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
As most of the allegations about garda 'short-cuts' involved members of republican groups there was a tendency to shrug them off as 'propaganda' ; or , if the gardai delivered the odd thump , so what ? Under cover of the suppposed need to protect the very existence of the State , the gardai were virtually given a free hand - the trend was as plain as daylight in the figures on the use of Section 30 , the extraordinary power of arrest , of virtual short-term internment , give to the gardai in the 'Offences Against The State Act' .
In the period 1972-1976 , the most violent period of the Northern conflict , 2,724 people were lifted by the gardai , under Section 30 : in the period 1980-1984 , with a relatively low level of violence , 11,035 people were arrested under Section 30 .
With the power of detention comes the power of interrogation . The crudities of the mid-1970's when suspects "...fell down the stairs .. " or "... walked into a door .. " with amazing regularity , eased off as the gardai became more sophisticated : interrogation techniques had by now become so refined that on one occasion there was a row between a local garda , who 'knew' a suspect was guilty , and the interrogators , who knew that the suspect was innocent even though he was ready to sign a confession after several hours of interrogation . There is something seriously wrong .
No one had planned for it to go wrong ; there was no 'grand design ' for the creation of a police State - just cops doing a job the best they knew how , and politicians ignoring the warning signs .......
(MORE LATER).
Over the last few days I have posted comments on the 'Indymedia' site in reply to a post on same regarding Provo Sinn Fein and the funds they receive from Westminster .
My comments added further information to the original piece , information which I backed-up with the source of where I obtained said information . Without any contact from 'Indymedia' , the posts I made were removed , while other posters ' coments were not touched .
I have had contact with 'Indymedia' over this issue - but all my posts concerning their censorship have now been removed as well . Political censorship on a public Forum (despite the fact that I did not contravene their 'Rules For Posting') : just thought you might be interested ...... Sharon . UPDATE - There have been developments in the early hours of this morning ; my 'banned' post has been re-published (and my posts complaining about same have been removed !) but , at the time of writing , I am non-the-wiser as to why my post was removed in the first place . I intend to pursue this matter further with 'Indymedia' . Sharon.
Wednesday, August 03, 2005
POLITICOS AND PARAMILITARIES .......
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
The 'Ulster' Clubs are already providing 'flying pickets' for ' Northern Ireland (sic) Office' Ministers , and look forward to harassing British - imposed Commissioners , urging a boycott of goods made in the twenty-six county State , picketing shops which do not comply , and local government bodies which continue to meet .
Generally , in the words of one of their most prominent members , they will continue to "... persuade people to hold firm .. " and in the words of another - "...remind the police (sic - RUC) which community they live in .. " ( ' 1169... ' Comment - ...and you can judge for yourself just how the loyalists in the 'Clubs' would carry-through on those two quotes !)
The betting is on a couple of weeks of political bickering after the leaders' meeting with Margaret Thatcher - during which the Clubs' eyes will be on the politicians - and then "...things will move quite quickly into a different phase .. " ( ' 1169.... ' Comment - ...again - you can use your own judgement on that quote .. )
If a moderate Unionist leadership ( ' 1169 ..... ' Comment - is there such a beast .. ? ) is to emerge it probably has to do so over the next few weeks , openly , unequivocally , and with dynamism , or take to the streets with the rest .
[END of ' POLITICOS AND PARAMILITARIES ' .]
(TOMORROW - ' Preparing The Defence Of Ulster (sic) Loyalism ' : From 1984.)
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Sammy Wilson (DUP) is prepared for what he terms "...extra-parliamentary actions .. " (ie killing Catholics) if the (1985) Hillsborough Treaty is not withdrawn : " I would'nt be a very good General , so I would hardly imagine that they (ie the Loyalist paramilitaries) would sign me up for that , but I'm sure there would be something I could do in a situation like that . I would'nt relish it , but I would imagine there are other people and that's their forte .
I can imagine that there are people from the border areas , political representatives who have been going to a funeral a week at times , who might not be as restrained as I would be .. " ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - goad others into violence ....then , later , condemn their actions . )
One man from the border area is Ivan Foster ; as a (religious) [!] 'Minister' , his theology does not prevent him from wielding a gun : " Modernism has equated Christianity with pacifism , which is a load of rubbish . It is useful to throw in here that title which is given to the Lord in the bible where it says of him that he is a man of war . These Anglo-Irish talks are entering a phase where it is very possible that the State will become a tyrant and say to me as a British citizen that I am going to lose a part of my citizenship because a foreign State is going to be given a role in the running of a part of the United Kingdom (sic) .
It is a Presbyterian doctrine , ground out in the hard mill of the days of persecution in Scotland , that when the (British) government , or the King as it then was , forsakes his lawful role and begins to enforce his will on the people , contrary to the contract that exists between him and the people , then the King is no longer the lawful Head of State - he has become a tyrant . And it is a Christian's duty to resist a tyrant . I would have no hesitation . I would not be joining the army of Ulster (sic) as a chaplain ; I would be joining it as 'Joe Blogs' , an ordinary foot soldier . I would not be infringing my conscience or the word of God , but acting in complete obedience to both .
I would have no compunction , not in the least . I know how to use a gun . There's no good carrying a gun if you don't know how to use it . There's no good carrying a gun if you don't intend to use it . And if I am ambushed , I have one prayer : ' Lord , let him miss the first time ...' "
[END of ' FIRE AND BRIMSTONE ' .]
(TOMORROW - ' The IRA Has To Do What The IRA Has To Do ' : from 1984 .)
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
It was at the climax of these proceedings that the garda , Christy Power of the 'Task Force' , began shooting - there were at least five gardai , uniformed and detective , within a few feet of him as he continued to wave his gun around . It was at this stage that a leading member of the Provisionals did the gardai's work for them ( ' 1169....' Comment - how history repeats itself ; the Provisionals are , once more , preparing to do the gardai's work for them ... ! ) and prevailed on Detective Christy Power to put his gun away .
3 . The Road To Prince's Street .
The gardai involved in the Glenholmes affair are not habitual criminals , nor are they evil or lunatic ; they are conscientious gardai going about the business assigned to them by the State (' 1169 ... ' Comment - ... as was proved years later by their conduct in Donegal .. !) . Perhaps the best explanation of their conduct came in an article by John Dickinson in 'The Irish Independent' newspaper in which the gardai were lauded for their activities - '... for what is seen as their intention to uphold the Hillsborough Agreement in the spirit as well as the letter .. ' (' 1169 ... ' Comment - the so-called 'Independent -group of newspaper is anything but ; it is a loyal servant of the State . ) .
The gardai had no personal motivation for committing offences (' 1169 .... ' Comment - again , as can be judged from their behaviour in Donegal !) - they had no professional motivation in that Evelyn Glenholmes was not wanted for any offence within their jurisdiction and had just been ordered free by a judge . But the British wanted Glenholmes and the Irish (sic) government had been loud and clear in its stated intention that British wishes on extradition would be granted . The gardai knew that if Glenholmes could be unlawfully detained , by whatever means necessary , there was a good chance that the (FS) government wishes would be fulfilled . They were apparently unaware that their activities would involve serious crimes , that they too are subject to the law . (' 1169 .... ' Comment - which should mean that it is not permittable for a garda member to plant explosives , 'find' them later , and hope for promotion for doing so ... !)
From the mid-1970's there has been clear evidence that increasingly wider sections of the garda force have been indulging in unprofessional activity ; This began with the Cosgrave Coalition's pressure on the garda force to "...get results.." . There was ample evidence of physical beatings delivered to suspects ; an increasing number of serious crimes was being 'solved' by the extraction of confessions . At no stage did the political or garda authorities accept that there was a problem ....... (' 1169 .... ' Comment - once again , any similarities with Donegal..... are intended !)
(MORE LATER).
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
The 'Ulster' Clubs are already providing 'flying pickets' for ' Northern Ireland (sic) Office' Ministers , and look forward to harassing British - imposed Commissioners , urging a boycott of goods made in the twenty-six county State , picketing shops which do not comply , and local government bodies which continue to meet .
Generally , in the words of one of their most prominent members , they will continue to "... persuade people to hold firm .. " and in the words of another - "...remind the police (sic - RUC) which community they live in .. " ( ' 1169... ' Comment - ...and you can judge for yourself just how the loyalists in the 'Clubs' would carry-through on those two quotes !)
The betting is on a couple of weeks of political bickering after the leaders' meeting with Margaret Thatcher - during which the Clubs' eyes will be on the politicians - and then "...things will move quite quickly into a different phase .. " ( ' 1169.... ' Comment - ...again - you can use your own judgement on that quote .. )
If a moderate Unionist leadership ( ' 1169 ..... ' Comment - is there such a beast .. ? ) is to emerge it probably has to do so over the next few weeks , openly , unequivocally , and with dynamism , or take to the streets with the rest .
[END of ' POLITICOS AND PARAMILITARIES ' .]
(TOMORROW - ' Preparing The Defence Of Ulster (sic) Loyalism ' : From 1984.)
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Sammy Wilson (DUP) is prepared for what he terms "...extra-parliamentary actions .. " (ie killing Catholics) if the (1985) Hillsborough Treaty is not withdrawn : " I would'nt be a very good General , so I would hardly imagine that they (ie the Loyalist paramilitaries) would sign me up for that , but I'm sure there would be something I could do in a situation like that . I would'nt relish it , but I would imagine there are other people and that's their forte .
I can imagine that there are people from the border areas , political representatives who have been going to a funeral a week at times , who might not be as restrained as I would be .. " ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - goad others into violence ....then , later , condemn their actions . )
One man from the border area is Ivan Foster ; as a (religious) [!] 'Minister' , his theology does not prevent him from wielding a gun : " Modernism has equated Christianity with pacifism , which is a load of rubbish . It is useful to throw in here that title which is given to the Lord in the bible where it says of him that he is a man of war . These Anglo-Irish talks are entering a phase where it is very possible that the State will become a tyrant and say to me as a British citizen that I am going to lose a part of my citizenship because a foreign State is going to be given a role in the running of a part of the United Kingdom (sic) .
It is a Presbyterian doctrine , ground out in the hard mill of the days of persecution in Scotland , that when the (British) government , or the King as it then was , forsakes his lawful role and begins to enforce his will on the people , contrary to the contract that exists between him and the people , then the King is no longer the lawful Head of State - he has become a tyrant . And it is a Christian's duty to resist a tyrant . I would have no hesitation . I would not be joining the army of Ulster (sic) as a chaplain ; I would be joining it as 'Joe Blogs' , an ordinary foot soldier . I would not be infringing my conscience or the word of God , but acting in complete obedience to both .
I would have no compunction , not in the least . I know how to use a gun . There's no good carrying a gun if you don't know how to use it . There's no good carrying a gun if you don't intend to use it . And if I am ambushed , I have one prayer : ' Lord , let him miss the first time ...' "
[END of ' FIRE AND BRIMSTONE ' .]
(TOMORROW - ' The IRA Has To Do What The IRA Has To Do ' : from 1984 .)
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
It was at the climax of these proceedings that the garda , Christy Power of the 'Task Force' , began shooting - there were at least five gardai , uniformed and detective , within a few feet of him as he continued to wave his gun around . It was at this stage that a leading member of the Provisionals did the gardai's work for them ( ' 1169....' Comment - how history repeats itself ; the Provisionals are , once more , preparing to do the gardai's work for them ... ! ) and prevailed on Detective Christy Power to put his gun away .
3 . The Road To Prince's Street .
The gardai involved in the Glenholmes affair are not habitual criminals , nor are they evil or lunatic ; they are conscientious gardai going about the business assigned to them by the State (' 1169 ... ' Comment - ... as was proved years later by their conduct in Donegal .. !) . Perhaps the best explanation of their conduct came in an article by John Dickinson in 'The Irish Independent' newspaper in which the gardai were lauded for their activities - '... for what is seen as their intention to uphold the Hillsborough Agreement in the spirit as well as the letter .. ' (' 1169 ... ' Comment - the so-called 'Independent -group of newspaper is anything but ; it is a loyal servant of the State . ) .
The gardai had no personal motivation for committing offences (' 1169 .... ' Comment - again , as can be judged from their behaviour in Donegal !) - they had no professional motivation in that Evelyn Glenholmes was not wanted for any offence within their jurisdiction and had just been ordered free by a judge . But the British wanted Glenholmes and the Irish (sic) government had been loud and clear in its stated intention that British wishes on extradition would be granted . The gardai knew that if Glenholmes could be unlawfully detained , by whatever means necessary , there was a good chance that the (FS) government wishes would be fulfilled . They were apparently unaware that their activities would involve serious crimes , that they too are subject to the law . (' 1169 .... ' Comment - which should mean that it is not permittable for a garda member to plant explosives , 'find' them later , and hope for promotion for doing so ... !)
From the mid-1970's there has been clear evidence that increasingly wider sections of the garda force have been indulging in unprofessional activity ; This began with the Cosgrave Coalition's pressure on the garda force to "...get results.." . There was ample evidence of physical beatings delivered to suspects ; an increasing number of serious crimes was being 'solved' by the extraction of confessions . At no stage did the political or garda authorities accept that there was a problem ....... (' 1169 .... ' Comment - once again , any similarities with Donegal..... are intended !)
(MORE LATER).
Tuesday, August 02, 2005
POLITICOS AND PARAMILITARIES .......
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
Effectively , four people run the 'Ulster' Clubs : Alan Wright , who belongs to no political party ; John McMichael , who belongs to the UDA ; and Lisburn Councillor Billy Bleakes and Armagh Councillor Philip Black , who are both members of the 'Official Unionist Party' (OUP) .
Over the whole of the North of Ireland , the DUP outnumber the OUP's in Clubs' membership but , in Billy Bleakes' home area of Lisburn , there are now six 'Ulster' Clubs - one chaired by the DUP , two by unaffiliated people , three by members of the OUP . The Clubs claim about 8,500 members , none of them merely nominal ; their meetings , held in Orange Halls or Town Halls , are never held in a venue where alcohol is available and are always started by a Bible reading . They are 'closed' meetings , and are described as consisting of "...an awful lot of discussion .. "
As to what they will be doing in the near future , no one seems to believe in the likelihood of Unionists withholding car tax and rates , no matter what the OUP Spokesperson on Law and Order (well sic ..!) Ken Maginnis MP rashly committed himself to last week - an outburst attributed by the unkind (!) to his belatedly realising that Clubs' support in his constituency now includes a significant section of his party support .
What the Clubs are doing is placing pickets on British politicians who visit the Six Counties .......
(MORE LATER).
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Sammy Wilson (DUP) wants the (1985) Hillsborough Treaty done away with -
" I don't like blood-curdling speeches , to be quite truthfull . I don't like issuing blood-curdling warnings , because we have to live amongst this , so I'll be quite careful in what I say . But all that I can say is that once we as a Unionist population feel that our future is under threat and that no one else is listening to us , and we've done all the political things we can do , there will be a turning to other methods . And my fear would be , and we have already seen this in small measures to some extent , that once that process starts , it's not the kind of thing you can turn on and off like a tap . ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - a typical Unionist ploy : goad others into doing the killing ...then condemn them for doing it . And it still works for them to this day . )
Once you start along that road , people start to look to all of those they imagine to be enemies , for example among the nationalist community in Northern Ireland (sic) . People will say 'Well , they're the ones who've been harbouring the terrorists . ' Large sections of the nationalist population would then be open to the kind of retaliatory action which years of frustration would bring out . I imagine the republic would be seen as that threat , the ones who are pushing the constitutional claim , and you're not too far away either , so people would say ' If we're suffering , you'll suffer . ' How it all ends I would'nt even want to start dreaming about . ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - .... not only 'goading' , but pointing in a certain direction , too .. )
I would no longer be a politician in that kind of situation ; people would have to opt as to whether they just wanted to drop out of everything or whether they wanted to maintain some degree of input and control . I myself would look for a role in whatever extra-parliamentary actions were available ....... " ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - "...extra-parliamentary actions ... " : TRANSLATION - " ...killing Catholics... " . Then condemning the deaths of said Catholics and , whilst washing his hands of the matter , murmer something about those who carried out the killings being left to feel that they had no other choice ... ) .......
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
Evelyn Glenholmes' supporters managed to get her into a car after the Free State Court released her ; but the gardai were'nt having that - once she was in the car and being driven off , there were attempts to physically stop the car from moving ; gardai jammed a car against the back bumper of Glenholmes's car and ordered the driver of the car in front not to move , thus immobilising the car . This involved threatening behaviour , unlawful detention , and innumerable criminal common law , civil and motoring offences .
The next stage of the offences involved harassment , intimidation and possibly unlawful detention , as gardai hemmed in Glenholmes and her friends and prevented them going about their business . Sometime around then , the gardai obtained their provisional warrant ; there were a number of common and actual assaults in O' Connell Street , Dublin , outside the GPO . Although the gardai had by now the right to arrest Glenholmes and to take whatever action necessary , including the use of force , to effect that arrest , they had by now blown the case .
Evelyn Glenholmes and her friends had been subjected to a number of offences over a period of about half an hour ; any Court would accept that citizens subjected to continual assault and threatening behaviour would have the right to defend themselves , using reasonable force . Those citizens could not be expected to accept , in the middle of a chain of assaults , that they should now acquiesce because a warrant had been obtained to legitimise the garda activity . The illegal acts performed by the gardai over a period of half an hour were witnessed by other gardai and had to be known to quite senion members of the force . No garda intervened to stop those offences being committed and no garda laid charges , then or later , as a consequence of those offences .
A blind eye was turned . This is a dereliction of duty .......
(MORE LATER).
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
Effectively , four people run the 'Ulster' Clubs : Alan Wright , who belongs to no political party ; John McMichael , who belongs to the UDA ; and Lisburn Councillor Billy Bleakes and Armagh Councillor Philip Black , who are both members of the 'Official Unionist Party' (OUP) .
Over the whole of the North of Ireland , the DUP outnumber the OUP's in Clubs' membership but , in Billy Bleakes' home area of Lisburn , there are now six 'Ulster' Clubs - one chaired by the DUP , two by unaffiliated people , three by members of the OUP . The Clubs claim about 8,500 members , none of them merely nominal ; their meetings , held in Orange Halls or Town Halls , are never held in a venue where alcohol is available and are always started by a Bible reading . They are 'closed' meetings , and are described as consisting of "...an awful lot of discussion .. "
As to what they will be doing in the near future , no one seems to believe in the likelihood of Unionists withholding car tax and rates , no matter what the OUP Spokesperson on Law and Order (well sic ..!) Ken Maginnis MP rashly committed himself to last week - an outburst attributed by the unkind (!) to his belatedly realising that Clubs' support in his constituency now includes a significant section of his party support .
What the Clubs are doing is placing pickets on British politicians who visit the Six Counties .......
(MORE LATER).
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Sammy Wilson (DUP) wants the (1985) Hillsborough Treaty done away with -
" I don't like blood-curdling speeches , to be quite truthfull . I don't like issuing blood-curdling warnings , because we have to live amongst this , so I'll be quite careful in what I say . But all that I can say is that once we as a Unionist population feel that our future is under threat and that no one else is listening to us , and we've done all the political things we can do , there will be a turning to other methods . And my fear would be , and we have already seen this in small measures to some extent , that once that process starts , it's not the kind of thing you can turn on and off like a tap . ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - a typical Unionist ploy : goad others into doing the killing ...then condemn them for doing it . And it still works for them to this day . )
Once you start along that road , people start to look to all of those they imagine to be enemies , for example among the nationalist community in Northern Ireland (sic) . People will say 'Well , they're the ones who've been harbouring the terrorists . ' Large sections of the nationalist population would then be open to the kind of retaliatory action which years of frustration would bring out . I imagine the republic would be seen as that threat , the ones who are pushing the constitutional claim , and you're not too far away either , so people would say ' If we're suffering , you'll suffer . ' How it all ends I would'nt even want to start dreaming about . ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - .... not only 'goading' , but pointing in a certain direction , too .. )
I would no longer be a politician in that kind of situation ; people would have to opt as to whether they just wanted to drop out of everything or whether they wanted to maintain some degree of input and control . I myself would look for a role in whatever extra-parliamentary actions were available ....... " ( ' 1169 ... ' Comment - "...extra-parliamentary actions ... " : TRANSLATION - " ...killing Catholics... " . Then condemning the deaths of said Catholics and , whilst washing his hands of the matter , murmer something about those who carried out the killings being left to feel that they had no other choice ... ) .......
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
Evelyn Glenholmes' supporters managed to get her into a car after the Free State Court released her ; but the gardai were'nt having that - once she was in the car and being driven off , there were attempts to physically stop the car from moving ; gardai jammed a car against the back bumper of Glenholmes's car and ordered the driver of the car in front not to move , thus immobilising the car . This involved threatening behaviour , unlawful detention , and innumerable criminal common law , civil and motoring offences .
The next stage of the offences involved harassment , intimidation and possibly unlawful detention , as gardai hemmed in Glenholmes and her friends and prevented them going about their business . Sometime around then , the gardai obtained their provisional warrant ; there were a number of common and actual assaults in O' Connell Street , Dublin , outside the GPO . Although the gardai had by now the right to arrest Glenholmes and to take whatever action necessary , including the use of force , to effect that arrest , they had by now blown the case .
Evelyn Glenholmes and her friends had been subjected to a number of offences over a period of about half an hour ; any Court would accept that citizens subjected to continual assault and threatening behaviour would have the right to defend themselves , using reasonable force . Those citizens could not be expected to accept , in the middle of a chain of assaults , that they should now acquiesce because a warrant had been obtained to legitimise the garda activity . The illegal acts performed by the gardai over a period of half an hour were witnessed by other gardai and had to be known to quite senion members of the force . No garda intervened to stop those offences being committed and no garda laid charges , then or later , as a consequence of those offences .
A blind eye was turned . This is a dereliction of duty .......
(MORE LATER).
Monday, August 01, 2005
POLITICOS AND PARAMILITARIES .......
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
Alan Wright joined the Orange Order ; in the summer of 1985 , in Portadown , he watched Orangemen clashing with the RUC and organised an 'Action Committee' in the local Orange Lodge to protest at what he clearly saw to be the first 'fruit' of the unsigned Anglo-Irish Agreement ( the Hillsborough Treaty ) - that Committee grew . The ageing Orange leadership locally was displaced ; a meeting was called by two local Councillors , OUP and DUP . That meeting formed the 'United Ulster (sic) Loyalist Front' and elected Alan Wright as its Chairperson , as an 'honest non-party broker' . McMichael (UDA) was there from the start .
The two party leaders stayed away - Peter Robinson (DUP) came to speak ; the two parties swiftly formed their 'think-tank' working party . Ever since the politicians have been talking with ever greater urgency about the lack of time ..... no time for the Agreement to collapse of its own internal contradictions , no time to work out policies so that individuals will not spew them out at random . The political vacuum which fills with violence has become a staple of Unionist 'political-speak' , as it has been for the SDLP for years , and with only dim awareness of the irony .
So-called 'Fronts' started springing-up at local levels , though out of historical piety they were re-christened 'Ulster' Clubs ; a 'parent' Club for each Council area , 25 plus three for Belfast . The 'Front' still meets about a week before the Club's Acting Council , to 'direct' .
Effectively four people run the whole show .......
(MORE LATER).
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Gregory Campbell , DUP , claims that the Hillsborough Treaty could bring civil war to the North of Ireland - " That's the logical conclusion of what I'm saying . I realise that . I see that as going very near to the edge of the Protestant faith , of what I have held dear for twenty-five years . Obviously I'm not going to do that lightly , and it's not something that I would relish . But knowing Margaret Thatcher as we all do , as Arthur Scargill does , it's not likely that she's going to back down and we have to prepare ourselves for the inevitable . Dublin and London are slowly coming round to the position of blackmailing the Protestants , of saying ' you either have your country (sic) and you have your peace , and you have your guarantees ... or else the alternative is that you have civil war ' .
Now , given that option we will not have Dublin rule ; we cannot have Dublin rule . And I know how terrible , how horrible , how awful the consequences of me going to the logical end of my argument are . But I will have to act in my community as a safeguard , as a safety valve , as somebody whom the community can use for letting off steam , and try and channel the paramilitary activities in the best way possible . And I will have to try and minimise the effect it will have on the country (sic) in the event of that type of Armageddon situation coming about . But I have to say that if these are the options , to have a greater degree of peace and stability than we have had and to have guarantees within the United Kingdom (sic) , if we let Dublin have a small role in a consultative way in Northern Ireland (sic) , or to have an opposition which will result in widespread violence , then I am going to be pushed into a position where I have to adopt the second role ."
Sammy Wilson said - " Unionists are not spoiling for a fight and we are not itching for a civil war . We've got to live in this country (sic) and I hope I have a long time to live here . Personally I would like to be as comfortable as possible and to live as long as possible . I don't want to be warring and fighting and living in a Lebanese type-situation for the rest of my life . If I was sixty-five maybe I could tolerate it for a few years , but not when you're fairly young . So no one is going to embark on any course of action unless we are sure that there is a real threat . But regardless of how innocuous it looks in the immediate term we'll be asking what lies behind it . If it does give a toehold to the Irish government (sic) then we'll be seeking by all political processes that are available to us to oppose it . Once that is exhausted , I think people will quite rightly say - ' We've done our best , and no one has listened to us ' .
At that stage the role of the politician is going to change ....... "
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
2. Crime In The Streets.
Before Noon (on Saturday March 22 , 1986 ) [Free State] District Justice Connellan ordered that Evelyn Glenholmes be released from State custody ; it cannot be known for certain if there was a prior conspiracy among a number of gardai to frustrate the judge's order - it may have been that , coincidentally , the gardai decided to break as many laws as necessary to extradite Evelyn Glenholmes .
The decision to frustrate the order of the judge and to effectively keep Evelyn Glenholmes in custody was contempt of Court - however , there were a number of other crimes committed by the gardai in the course of effecting this contempt of Court . The criminal activity of the gardai was conducted in a number of stages - first , there was an attempt to prevent Glenholmes from leaving the Courtroom ; then there was an attempt to prevent her leaving the vicinity of the Court ; then there was a period of 'walking custody' , in which the gardai effectively detained her and prevented her going about her business . This was followed by a number of assaults .
At some stage along there the gardai obtained a provisional warrant , which , on the face of it , legitimised their subsequent behaviour . Then the shots were fired . The political motivation for the offences is clear ; if Glenholmes could be kept within reach for a nuber of minutes a warrant might be obtained which would allow the gardai to send her to Britain . The first stage of the criminal activity involved blocking the door of the Court and preventing members of the public , lawyers and journalists from leaving ! This involved crimes of common assault , threatening behaviour and unlawful detention - not just of Glenholmes but of a number of people . The gardai then chased Evelyn Glenholmes , her lawyers and friends , through the Court : this involved common assault , threatening behaviour and behaviour likely to lead to a breach of the peace .
The second stage of the criminal activity began outside the Court , when gardai attempted to prevent Glenholmes from entering a car , when they used violence to attempt to reach her . This involved common assault , actual assault , threatening behaviour and behaviour likely to lead to a breach of the peace . She managed to get into the car . But that was'nt the end of the gardai criminal behaviour .......
(MORE LATER).
Fionnuala O'Connor on the struggle for the Loyalist leadership as the politicians and their paramilitary allies gear up for a strike .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , March 1986 .
Alan Wright joined the Orange Order ; in the summer of 1985 , in Portadown , he watched Orangemen clashing with the RUC and organised an 'Action Committee' in the local Orange Lodge to protest at what he clearly saw to be the first 'fruit' of the unsigned Anglo-Irish Agreement ( the Hillsborough Treaty ) - that Committee grew . The ageing Orange leadership locally was displaced ; a meeting was called by two local Councillors , OUP and DUP . That meeting formed the 'United Ulster (sic) Loyalist Front' and elected Alan Wright as its Chairperson , as an 'honest non-party broker' . McMichael (UDA) was there from the start .
The two party leaders stayed away - Peter Robinson (DUP) came to speak ; the two parties swiftly formed their 'think-tank' working party . Ever since the politicians have been talking with ever greater urgency about the lack of time ..... no time for the Agreement to collapse of its own internal contradictions , no time to work out policies so that individuals will not spew them out at random . The political vacuum which fills with violence has become a staple of Unionist 'political-speak' , as it has been for the SDLP for years , and with only dim awareness of the irony .
So-called 'Fronts' started springing-up at local levels , though out of historical piety they were re-christened 'Ulster' Clubs ; a 'parent' Club for each Council area , 25 plus three for Belfast . The 'Front' still meets about a week before the Club's Acting Council , to 'direct' .
Effectively four people run the whole show .......
(MORE LATER).
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE .......
The Democratic Unionist Party would prefer a Civil War to acquiescence in a role for the Dublin Government in the affairs of the North of Ireland after the Anglo-Irish summit .
FINTAN O'TOOLE spoke to DUP activists about the depth of their opposition to the Anglo-Irish deal and their willingness to resort to violence .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , November 1985 .
Gregory Campbell , DUP , claims that the Hillsborough Treaty could bring civil war to the North of Ireland - " That's the logical conclusion of what I'm saying . I realise that . I see that as going very near to the edge of the Protestant faith , of what I have held dear for twenty-five years . Obviously I'm not going to do that lightly , and it's not something that I would relish . But knowing Margaret Thatcher as we all do , as Arthur Scargill does , it's not likely that she's going to back down and we have to prepare ourselves for the inevitable . Dublin and London are slowly coming round to the position of blackmailing the Protestants , of saying ' you either have your country (sic) and you have your peace , and you have your guarantees ... or else the alternative is that you have civil war ' .
Now , given that option we will not have Dublin rule ; we cannot have Dublin rule . And I know how terrible , how horrible , how awful the consequences of me going to the logical end of my argument are . But I will have to act in my community as a safeguard , as a safety valve , as somebody whom the community can use for letting off steam , and try and channel the paramilitary activities in the best way possible . And I will have to try and minimise the effect it will have on the country (sic) in the event of that type of Armageddon situation coming about . But I have to say that if these are the options , to have a greater degree of peace and stability than we have had and to have guarantees within the United Kingdom (sic) , if we let Dublin have a small role in a consultative way in Northern Ireland (sic) , or to have an opposition which will result in widespread violence , then I am going to be pushed into a position where I have to adopt the second role ."
Sammy Wilson said - " Unionists are not spoiling for a fight and we are not itching for a civil war . We've got to live in this country (sic) and I hope I have a long time to live here . Personally I would like to be as comfortable as possible and to live as long as possible . I don't want to be warring and fighting and living in a Lebanese type-situation for the rest of my life . If I was sixty-five maybe I could tolerate it for a few years , but not when you're fairly young . So no one is going to embark on any course of action unless we are sure that there is a real threat . But regardless of how innocuous it looks in the immediate term we'll be asking what lies behind it . If it does give a toehold to the Irish government (sic) then we'll be seeking by all political processes that are available to us to oppose it . Once that is exhausted , I think people will quite rightly say - ' We've done our best , and no one has listened to us ' .
At that stage the role of the politician is going to change ....... "
(MORE LATER).
CHAOS IN THE GARDAI .......
The Evelyn Glenholmes affair not only involved unlawful activity by gardai , it stemmed from the chaotic condition of the force which has resulted from ignoring the warning signs of the past decade .
By Gene Kerrigan.
First published in ' MAGILL ' magazine , April 1986 .
2. Crime In The Streets.
Before Noon (on Saturday March 22 , 1986 ) [Free State] District Justice Connellan ordered that Evelyn Glenholmes be released from State custody ; it cannot be known for certain if there was a prior conspiracy among a number of gardai to frustrate the judge's order - it may have been that , coincidentally , the gardai decided to break as many laws as necessary to extradite Evelyn Glenholmes .
The decision to frustrate the order of the judge and to effectively keep Evelyn Glenholmes in custody was contempt of Court - however , there were a number of other crimes committed by the gardai in the course of effecting this contempt of Court . The criminal activity of the gardai was conducted in a number of stages - first , there was an attempt to prevent Glenholmes from leaving the Courtroom ; then there was an attempt to prevent her leaving the vicinity of the Court ; then there was a period of 'walking custody' , in which the gardai effectively detained her and prevented her going about her business . This was followed by a number of assaults .
At some stage along there the gardai obtained a provisional warrant , which , on the face of it , legitimised their subsequent behaviour . Then the shots were fired . The political motivation for the offences is clear ; if Glenholmes could be kept within reach for a nuber of minutes a warrant might be obtained which would allow the gardai to send her to Britain . The first stage of the criminal activity involved blocking the door of the Court and preventing members of the public , lawyers and journalists from leaving ! This involved crimes of common assault , threatening behaviour and unlawful detention - not just of Glenholmes but of a number of people . The gardai then chased Evelyn Glenholmes , her lawyers and friends , through the Court : this involved common assault , threatening behaviour and behaviour likely to lead to a breach of the peace .
The second stage of the criminal activity began outside the Court , when gardai attempted to prevent Glenholmes from entering a car , when they used violence to attempt to reach her . This involved common assault , actual assault , threatening behaviour and behaviour likely to lead to a breach of the peace . She managed to get into the car . But that was'nt the end of the gardai criminal behaviour .......
(MORE LATER).
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