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From 'AP/RN' , August 10th , 1989 .
(No 'By-Line')
In 1925 the IRA further emphasised its independence when it withdrew its allegiance from the underground Second Dail Republican government reluctantly headed by de Valera and elected a new Army Council .
That same year de Valera's argument for entry into the Free State parliament was strengthened when that body debated the Boundary Agreement between the Free State Government and the British . This finally sealed the partition boundary in its present form ; if the Sinn Fein TD's had taken their seats they * could have defeated Cosgrave's Cumann na nGaedhal on the vote . (* '1169....' Comment : it should be noted that this article was written three years after the Provisionals decided to take seats in Leinster House - in short , they were [and are!] still attempting to justify that decision to themselves and to Republicans outside their political party . It is now twenty years [ie 1986-2006] since Adams and his group deserted the Republican Movement for a career in Free State politics - and partition remains in place .)
At the 1926 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis , de Valera argued for an end to abstentionism but was defeated by 223 votes to 218 : he resigned and led his supporters away to form his new party , Fianna Fail , in May of that year : that party leadership immediately began the task , at which it was to become adept in the years ahead , of building a strong centrally controlled organisation geared to winning elections . It was helped by the increasing reactionary policies of Cumann na nGaedhal , who had introduced a repressive 'Public Safety Act' and had concluded another agreement with Britain to collect and repay the land annuities and had also cut public spending .......
(MORE LATER).
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From 'Liberty News' , March/April 1988 .
(No 'By-Line' )
1913 was , in fact , a marvellous victory drawn from the jaws of defeat ; the trade union and labour movement was soon to become an essential and important part of the new State and , in general terms , society came to accept the broad tenets of social democracy , if not socialism .
The broad values of society reflected the need to extend care to the underprivileged groups in society : but the battle was not won in 1913 , and progress since has been uneven . Despite tremendous growth in numerical terms in the size of the trade union movement in the 1970's , working-class organisation has not been reflected in political gains . In terms of a social audit of Dublin today as compared to 1913 can we really claim to be 'in credit' ? Certainly extreme poverty * has gone but things are relative to the times . ( * '1169....' Comment : "extreme poverty" has , for the most part , simply been replaced by 'bread/border-line poverty' and pushed into its own areas in the cities . It is usually only seriously [briefly] addressed and/or recognised when it 'spills-out' from those areas into neighbouring middle-class estates .)
We still have acute housing problems , unemployment , emigration , attacks on hard-won health , education and social services and new problems of urban decay , drug abuse , vandalism and crime in the alienation of our youth . Regrettably there is now a gathering attack on trade unionism and the essential collective values that it represents and to which the whole of Irish society owes many of its freedoms .......
(MORE LATER).
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Charles Haughey and Charles Stewart Parnell .
From 'MAGILL' magazine , February 1998 .
By Vincent Browne.
Charles Stewart Parnell was unable to account for either the £1000 John Morrogh donation or £5,000 of the monies received from Cecil Rhodes : it would appear that this 'great Irish leader' appropriated for his own uses about £375,000 in present-day terms .
But that is not all - in the present issue (ie February 1998) of the 'Bar Review' magazine , Rory Brady SC quotes from a biography of Cecil Rhodes - ' Rhodes : The Race for Africa' , as claiming that the donation by Rhodes , of £10,000 , was intended to buy the support of the Irish Party for chartered companies . In 1889 , Cecil Rhodes was seeking support in the British House of Commons for a charter for his corporation , the British South Africa Company , to develop Bechuanaland , and he needed the support of Charles Stewart Parnell and the Irish Party .......
(MORE LATER).