"..James Craig (pictured) was born in Belfast in 1871, son of a distiller. He was a millionaire by the age of 40 – much of his money coming from his adventures in stockbroking...he first distinguished himself in the (British) Army. Everybody had enjoyed the first Boer War so much that they decided to do it all over again and from 1899 Craig served as an officer in the 3rd Royal Irish Rifles. He was, at one point, imprisoned by the Boers and was finally forced home by dysentery in 1901..." (from here.)
Before the British partitioned Ireland in 1921, pogroms by loyalists in Belfast were carried out by the 'Ulster Volunteer Force' (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary outfit, with the British Army and the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) looking on, but not intervening.
The loyalist political leader, James Craig, who was concerned at the level of resistance to pro-British misrule, realised that the British hold on the island was slipping but was determined to protect his own patch, in the North-Eastern corner - he insisted that Westminster establish a 'Special Constabulary' to assist the British Army and the RIC and, at a meeting of the British Cabinet on 6th September, 1920, he got his wish.
A force of "well-disposed and loyal citizens" was to be established for operational purposes in the North-Eastern Counties only - the Six County area. This new unit was to be known as the 'Ulster Special Constabulary' and was to be divided into three sub-units ; the A, B and C Specials.
On the 14th October, 1920, Mr Craig, addressing the new USC, expressed his warm approval of the action of "you boys" in expelling the Catholics from the shipyards and other places of employment ; thousands of these "boys" had already been enrolled in the 'Special Constabulary' by the authority and under the control of the British Government.
The A-Specials were a full-time unit, and were based in RIC barracks, thus allowing more 'police officers' free to leave their desks and assist their colleagues in cracking skulls in Nationalist areas ; the B-Specials were a part-time but fully-armed unit, that were sent out on patrol duty, with or without the British Army or RIC and the C-Specials, a reserve unit for those eager to serve 'Queen and Country' on a 'call-us-if-you-need-us basis (and it's those same paramilitary thugs that Leinster House wanted to honour on the 17th January 2020 ; only a politically-immature and subservient 'Irish parliament' would wish to commemorate those who accepted arms and political direction from a foreign government, and used both, in an attempt to extinguish all things Irish).
James Craig also played a role in 'maintaining the empire' after Ireland had been partitioned ; in 1924, by then anointed as a 'Sir', James Craig was also enjoying power and position as the British-appointed 'Prime Minster' of the Stormont 'government' in the occupied Six Counties, was in a foul mood - his temper tantrums could be traced back to a certain clause in the then three-year-old 'Treaty of Surrender' - the clause ('Article 12' of that treaty) which established a boundary commission re the imposed artificial border between 26 Irish counties and six other Irish counties, and which was agreed to by the British reluctantly (under protest, if you like).
The agreed terms of reference for that commission was '..to determine in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern Ireland (sic) and the rest of Ireland..'
That body consisted of three members, one from each political administration - Dublin (represented by Free State 'Minister for Education', Eoin MacNeill), Stormont (the representative for which, Joseph R. Fisher, was put in place by the British, as 'Ulster' refused to put forward a representative, which should have brought that abomination to an end, there and then) and Westminster, and was 'Chaired' by Justice Richard Feetham, a South African Judge (and a good friend of the British 'Establishment') who also happened to be the British representative on the Commission ; in other words, the Staters meekly observed as the British picked two of the three representatives!
The British (in the guise of 'Sir' James Craig, one of their main players) were determined that the 'Boundary Commission' "..would deal only with minor rectifications of the boundary.." while Michael Collins claimed that the Free Staters would be offered "..almost half of Northern Ireland (sic) including the counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone, large parts of Antrim and Down, Derry City, Enniskillen and Newry...", to which the then British 'Colonial Secretary to Ireland', Winston Churchill, replied, stating that the possibility of the 'Boundary Commission' "..reducing Northern Ireland (sic) to its preponderatingly Orange (ie Unionist) areas (is) an extreme and absurd supposition, far beyond what those who signed the [1921] Treaty meant.."
Eoin MacNeill, the Free State representative on the commission, stated that the majority of the inhabitants of Tyrone and Fermanagh, and possibly Derry, South Down and South Armagh would prefer their areas to be incorporated into the Free State rather than remain as they were ie 'on the other side of the border', under British jurisdiction, but the other two (Westminster-appointed) members of the commission, Fisher and Chairperson Feetham, then disputed with MacNeill what the term 'in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants' actually meant.
When MacNeill reported back to his Free State colleagues and voiced concern over the way the 'Boundary Commission' was doing its business, he was more-or-less told to just do his best - his colleagues were 'comfortable' by then ; they had status, careers and a bright (personal) future ahead of them.
The 1916 Rising had taken place eight years ago, the Treaty of Surrender had been signed three years ago and now the Stormont 'Prime Minister', 'Sir' James Craig, was threatening 'to cause more trouble' if the Boundary Commission recommended change.
The Staters thought it best just to be seen going through the motions, regardless of whether anything changed or not, especially when they considered the threat from the Stormont 'Minister for Education', 'Lord' Londonderry (pictured, on the left, posing with friends) - "If by its findings any part of the territory transferred to us under the Act of 1920 is placed under the Free State, we may have to consider very carefully and very anxiously the measures which we shall have to adopt, as a government, for the purpose of assisting loyalists whom your commission may propose to transfer to the Free State but who may wish to remain with us, with Great Britain and the Empire."
Then, on the 7th October 1924, 'Sir' James Craig (the Stormont 'Prime Minister') took to the floor in Stormont and made a speech directed at Westminster - Craig knew his British 'friends' well enough to know that they would not hesitate to cross him : he stated in his speech that an "unfavourable" decision by the commission would see him resign as Stormont 'Prime Minister' and take charge of at least 40,000 armed men who were of similar mind with him, and that they would not rule out any steps necessary "to defend their territory".
Eoin MacNeill had his 'concerns' further added to when the 'Boundary Commission' stated that, in actual fact, the Free State should transfer some of its territory to the Six County 'State'!
He finally resigned in disgust on the 21st November 1925 (his absence thus further rendering that Commission 'unconstitutional') and, in a parting shot, the British claimed that, before he resigned, he had agreed that the Free State should cede some territory to the 'Northern Ireland State', a claim which may or may not have prompted him to also resign (on the 24th November 1925) from the Free State administration.
Within days (that is, on the 3rd December 1925), all those that were still involved with the 'Boundary Commission' farce agreed that the 'border', as fixed 5 years earlier in the '1920 Government of Ireland Act' and as stated in the 1921 'Treaty of Surrender', would so remain, and an agreement was signed to that effect by all concerned.
Those representatives also agreed that the 'findings' of that body should be kept hidden and, indeed, that paperwork was only published for the first time 44 years later, in 1969!
The Free Staters in Leinster House could (and should) have taken a legal case stating that the Boundary Commission was not properly constituted, as per the agreed 1921 Treaty, thereby highlighting, on an international stage, British duplicity - but that would have required 'balls', excuse the language, and the Free Staters, then, as now, have none.
'Sir' James Craig, 69 years of age, was in his house with his wife in Glencraig in County Down on the 24th November, 1940 (the same year that he tried to persuade Winston Churchill to invade the Free State!) when he dropped dead in his armchair.
His body was entombed on the grounds of Stormont Castle, along with all the other Irish ills that are located there.
On the 8th January, 1920, the newspapers in Ireland reported that a 'National Land Bank' had been established on the previous day by Sinn Féiners.
The financial/agricultural institution had actually held its first general meeting in Dublin, on the 7th, under the guidance of Robert Barton.
Four well-known and trusted men of the time were announced as directors of the bank - Henry Gratten-Bellew, Erskine Childers, Edward Stephens and James MacNeill, with a Mr Lionel Smith-Gordon responsible for the running of the bank - and loan procedures and other banking infrastructure were agreed and put in place.
Within a few days a premises had been secured, at Number 68 Lower Leeson Street, Dublin but, because the banking institution was an 'underground' operation and there was every likelihood that Westminster would seize its assets, a plan to disperse its funds etc was enacted.
Up to twenty co-operative banking entities in England were contacted and NLB funds and other holdings were transferred to those institutions for safe-keeping.
Due to British harassment and 'arrest' of some of the key figures, the bank only opened in April 1920.
In June that year (1920) Mr Michael Collins announced that £200,000 had been paid in the National Land Bank, and that its guaranteed stock was paying interest at 2%.
The NLB was sold to/amalgamated with 'The Bank Of Ireland' in the late 1920's.
==========================
'WHY ARE THE DEAF BEING EXCLUDED FROM THE COMPENSATION SCHEME FOR ABUSED CHILDREN...?'
Amid the considerable controversy about the deal struck between the Catholic Church and the State over compensation to victims of institutional child abuse, little attention has been focused on the proposed exclusion from the compensation scheme of a number of institutions run by the church where abuse clearly took place.
By John Cradden.
From 'Magill' magazine, March 2002.
Outdated newspaper clichés that include the word 'silence' to refer to the plight of deaf people in society suddenly take on a new relevance here.
While the 'Residential Institutional Redress Bill' is still being debated, the campaigning and lobbying will continue.
This time, the deaf community should steadfastly refuse to be silenced.
(END of 'Why Are The Deaf Being Excluded From The Compensation Scheme For Abused Children?' ; NEXT - 'Gas Lads', from 2002.)
On the 8th January, 1921, as he was going about his business on a road beside his farm, a Mr Charles French was killed instantly after he was hit by a British Army Crossley Tender truck at Relagh, Omagh, in County Tyrone.
We are unable to find out any more information about this killing.
RIP Mr French.
==========================
ON THIS DATE (8TH JANUARY) 102 YEARS AGO : FIVE IRA MEN EXECUTED BY FREE STATERS.
'Laurence Sheehy had a remarkable short life. He was just 22 when he was executed in 1923 during a turbulent time in Irish history...(he) was born 1901, the son of Patrick and Margaret Sheehy, in Braystown, Robinstown Co. Meath. He joined the (Free State) Army and in 1922 Private Sheehy was assigned to Baldonnel Aerodrome to guard aircraft.
Around this time the Leixlip Flying IRA Column was founded and its leader, Patrick Mullaney, a teacher from Balla, County Mayo, would often visit Baldonnel and became very friendly with the Free State soldiers, Laurence Sheehy amongst them.
On the 27th September 1922 the provisional (FS) government granted itself emergency powers, that any civilian charged with taking up arms against the State or even possessing arms could be tried in a military court and face the death penalty. Still, such a sentence did not impact on Laurence's Republican feelings and he decided to join the Flying Column.
In December 1922, the Column came under attack after taking over Grangewilliam House in Leixlip and after a fierce gun battle, 20 IRA Volunteers were captured, Sheehy and Sylvester Heaney from Dillonstown amongst them, as well as Thomas McCann from Duleek Street, Drogheda, who had also been stationed at Baldonnel.
They were put on trial and the death sentence was handed down to Sheehy and Heaney, who was just 19 at the time. Three others would also be put to death.
On 8th January 1923, the five were executed by firing squad.
Laurence Sheehy's family were never told about his execution and his parents learned of their son's death on their way to Ardee by a family friend who sympathised with them. In 1938, Laurence Sheehy's body was brought home to Co Meath and he was buried in the new cemetery on the Boyne Road with full military honours...
After a skirmish on the border of County Kildare and County Meath, the Meath Anti-Treaty IRA column, consisting of 22 men under Paddy Mullally, is captured.
The Republicans attack a Free State supply column near Leixlip. One Republican and one Free State soldier are killed in the action and three Republicans are wounded. Five of the Anti-Treaty men, who had previously deserted from the National (FS) Army, are executed in Dublin on 8 January 1923 for "treachery".
Three Meath men were executed in 1923 ; two, Laurence Sheehy from Braytown and Terence Brady from Wilkinstown, were executed in Portobello on 8th January 1923 and Thomas Murray from Kilcarn but originaly from Whitecross County Armagh was executed on 13th January 1923 in Dundalk Jail.
Laurence Sheehy and Terence Brady were executed with comrades Leo Dowling from Askinran County Kildare, Sylvester Heavey from Dillonstown County Louth and Anthony O'Reilly from Celbridge, County Kildare.
All five who deserted from the National Army (sic) were arrested in Leixlip County Kildare on 1st December 1922 when an attack was carried out on an army (FS) supply lorry which had broken down in the townland of Collinstown on the Maynooth road.
In follow up searches carried out by the Free State army a number of confrontations occurred with insurgents resulting in over twenty insurgents being arrested. During the battles three insurgents were wounded and a Free State soldier killed.
Twenty one rifles, a Thompson sub-machine gun, six revolvers, a Lewis sub-machine gun, grenades and a substantial amount of ammunition were recovered.
The five - Sheehy, Brady, Dowling, Heavey and O`Reilly - were brought to Kilmainham Jail and Court Marshalled on 11th December 1922. The charges were as follows :
1) "TREACHERY ON THE 1ST DECEMBER 1922 IN THAT THEY AT LEIXLIP, CO, KILDARE ASSISTED CERTAIN ARMED PERSONS IN USING FORCE AGAINST THE NATIONAL ARMY"
2) "TREACHERY COMMUNICATING AND CONSERTING WITH ARMED PERSONS MENTIONED IN THE FIRST CHARGE, IN THE PLACE AND AT THE TIME MENTIONED"
All five were found guilty of both charges and sentenced to death. The men were executed on 8th January 1923 at Keogh barracks and were buried there, however, just a year later, the bodies were handed over to the families for burial in their own home towns...' (from here.)
In memory of those Irish republicans executed by colleagues who were led astray and were turned against them.
(See also our 'January 8, 1923' piece, below.)
On the 6th January, 1922, in Belfast, inquests were held into the murders of nineteen people, who had been shot dead or battered to death in "recent disturbances" ie a Westminster/loyalist/unionist pogrom against Catholics in the Belfast area.
Seventeen of the victims were Catholics, two were Protestants - one of whom was shot dead in a Catholic-owned shop by a loyalist gunman, who mistakenly thought he was a Catholic.
On the 8th January, 1922, in the Divis Street area of Belfast, a Catholic teenager, William Allwell (19), who lived in Number 6 Coates Street, was shot dead and later that same day a Mrs Bridget Devlin (50), who lived on Percy Street, was entering the grounds of her local Catholic Church to go to Mass when she was shot - the poor woman died from her wounds on the 11th January.
You can read more about the Belfast pogrom here.
RIP William Allwell and Bridget Devlin.
==========================
ON THIS DATE (8TH JANUARY) 103 YEARS AGO : DE VALERA FINALISES RESIGNATION SPEECH OVER THE TREATY OF SURRENDER.
"In view of the vote that was taken here on Saturday and which I had definitely to oppose as one that was tending to subvert the Republic which I was elected to my present position to defend and maintain ; and as it appeared to me also to be a vote which would tend to subvert the independence of the country, I could no longer continue — as I was beaten in that - I could no longer continue in my present office feeling I did not have the confidence of the House.
I therefore wish to place my resignation in the hands of the Assembly ; and I think it is not necessary to say any further words in doing so, but simply to resign my office and the responsibilities of it and the members of the Cabinet all go with my resignation"
- Eamon de Valera (pictured) stepped down from that position the next day, the 9th January, 1922, because of the 'Treaty of Surrender', which had been accepted by Michael Collins and others (Arthur Griffith, Riobárd Bartún [Robert Barton], Eamonn S Ó Dugáin [Eamonn Duggan] and Seoirse Ghabháin Uí Dhubhthaigh [George Gavan Duffy] had also appended their names to that vile document) on the 6th December, 1921, in London.
At ten minutes past two on that Tuesday morning (6th December 1921), those men accepted 'dominion status' and an oath which gave "allegiance" to the Irish Free State and "fidelity" to the British Crown - within six months a civil war was raging in Ireland, between the British-supported Free Staters and the Irish republicans who did not accept that 'Treaty'.
De Valera had already stated, on the 18th December 1921, that he was against that 'Treaty' -
"We were elected by the Irish people and did the Irish people think that we were liars when we said that we meant to uphold the Republic. I am against this Treaty because it does not reconcile Irish national aspirations with association with the British Government. I am against this Treaty not because I am a man of war, but a man of peace.
I am against this Treaty because it will not end the centuries of conflict between the two nations of Great Britain and Ireland. It gives away Irish independence ; it brings us into the British Empire.." ('1169' comment - yet the same man had no problem with working on behalf of that 'empire' in the years following his 'not acceptable' speech!)
He had offered to resign on the 6th January, 1922, but the offer was not accepted at the time - but, on the 9th, it was accepted by 60 votes to 58 votes, following which Arthur Griffith (another Free-Stater-in-waiting) stated -
"Before another word is spoken I want to say : I want the Deputies here to know, and all Ireland to know, that this vote is not to be taken as against President de Valera. It is a vote to help the Treaty, and I want to say now that there is scarcely a man I have ever met in my life that I have more love and respect for than President de Valera. I am thoroughly sorry to see him placed in such a position. We want him with us."
Others objected to the 'deal', and among them were Austin Stack, who stated his intention to fight on "even if this rotten document be accepted", and Erskine Childers, who complained that the 'Treaty Ports' section of the document would prevent the Free State from pursuing an independent foreign policy.
The seven women members of the Dáil opposed the Treaty on the grounds that lives had been lost in pursuit of an Irish Republic, which the document subverted. Many, such as Margaret Pearse, Mary MacSwiney and Kathleen Clarke had lost close relatives in the struggle for independence and stated that such an outcome was not what they and others had fought for.
And, one week later (on the 16th January), Michael Collins and his Free State comrades were given the seat of British injustice in Ireland - Dublin Castle - from which to continue the campaign against Irish republicans.
"I claim my right, before matters go any further, to register my protest, because I look upon this act worse than I look upon the Act of Castlereagh. I, for one, will have neither hand, act, nor part in helping the Irish Free State to carry this nation of ours, this glorious nation that has been betrayed here to-night, into the British Empire — either with or without your hands up.
I maintain here now that this is the grossest act of betrayal that Ireland ever endured.
I know some of you have done it from good motives ; soldiers have done it to get a gun, God help them! Others, because they thought it best in some other way.
I do not want to say a word that would prevent them from coming back to their Mother Republic, but I register my protest, and not one bit of help that we can give will we give them.
The speech we have heard sounded very beautiful — as the late Minister of Finance can do it ; he has played up to the gallery in this thing, but I tell you it may sound very beautiful but it will not do.
Ireland stands on her Republican Government and that Republican Government cannot touch the pitch of the Free State without being fouled ; and here and now I call on all true Republicans ; we all want to protect the public safety, it is our side that will do its best to protect the public safety.
We want no such terrible troubles in the country as faction fights. We can never descend to the faction fights of former days. We have established a Government, and we will have to protect it.
Therefore, let there be no misunderstanding, no soft talk, no ráiméis at this last moment of the betrayal of our country, no soft talk about union. You cannot unite a spiritual Irish Republic and a betrayal worse than Castlereagh's, because it was done for the Irish nation.
You may talk about the will of the Irish people, as Arthur Griffith did ; you know it is not the will of the Irish people, it is the fear of the Irish people, as the Lord Mayor of Cork says. And tomorrow or another day when they come to their senses, they will talk of those who betrayed them today as they talk of Castlereagh. Make no doubt about it.
This is a betrayal, a gross betrayal, and the fact is that it is only a small majority, and that majority is not united. Half of them look for a gun and the other half are looking for the fleshpots of the Empire. I tell you here there can be no union between the representatives of the Irish Republic and the so-called Free State."
And today, on the 8th January 2025 - 104 years after the Westminster and Free State-enforced partition of Ireland - Irish republicans remain adamant that there can be no political union between "the representatives of the Irish Republic and the so-called Free State".
"They told you that the Army you were joining was the Army of the Irish Republic.
They put the false title up on placards for you.
They told you that in order to establish the Republic it was necessary to utilise the Treaty, so that you could be armed and equipped for the purpose of establishing the Independence of Ireland.
By false pretences they led you along, telling you they were framing a Republican Constitution, and that they would have no Governor-General, and that they would never take the oath of allegiance.
Lyingly they whispered in your ear that when the time came they would stand up against England and say they would not have these things.
That was how they beguiled you and many boys like you into their army..."
On the 1st December, 1922, twenty-two Irish Republican Army Volunteers were captured at Pike's Bridge by the Free State Army and, ten days later, five of those prisoners of war - Terence Brady, from Wilkinstown, in County Meath, Leo Dowling, from The Curragh, in County Kildare, Sylvester Heaney, From Dillionstown, in Dunleer, County Louth, Anthony O'Reilly, from Cellbridge, in County Kildare and Laurence Sheehy, from Braytown, in County Meath (known as 'The Leixlip Five') - were court martialled in Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin.
The Volunteers were found 'guilty of treachery' - the five men had been members of the Free State Army but, on realising that they were then under orders to hunt down and execute IRA Volunteers to 'protect the Free State', they deserted the FSA and joined the IRA.
On the 8th January, 1923, the five Volunteers were executed by the Staters.
There is some confusion about where exactly those brave men were put to death, but it's generally believed that Terence Brady and Leo Dowling were executed in Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin, while Sylvester Heaney, Anthony O'Reilly and Laurence Sheehy were shot dead in Keogh (formerly Richmond) Barracks in Inchicore, Dublin.
Volunteers Terence Brady and Leo Dowling were buried in Kilmainham, Dublin, and Volunteers Anthony O'Reilly, Laurence Sheehy and Sylvester Heaney were interred in Arbour Hill, Dublin.
However, all five Volunteers were exhumed (along with the other IRA men executed during the Civil War) and their bodies were returned to their families in October 1924.
RIP. They died attempting to establish the independence of Ireland.
==========================
The month of January in 1923 was a particularly trying time in the Munster area (and throughout the new State) for the new Free State Leinster House administration.
The grain mill workers were threatening to go on strike because the mill owners sought to reduce the wages of their workforce, printers in Kilkenny went on strike on the 1st of January to protest against a proposed cut of 5 shillings a week in their wages, to take effect on the 6th of January.
The strike involved the three Kilkenny newspapers ('The Waterford News And Star', 'The Kilkenny Moderator' and 'The Kilkenny People'), which were not published in January 1923.
The local 'media blackout' helped to provide cover to whoever it was (and its still unresolved to this day) that took a Mr John Ivory from his house in Faithlegg, County Waterford, in early January 1923, and shot him dead.
Mr Ivory had been a Volunteer in the IRA but, come 'truce and treaty and the parting of the ways', he wouldn't fight for the Free Staters nor would he shoulder a weapon against them, so he played no part, either for or against.
The family home was located in Ballyglan, about seven miles from where John lived, and was known to be friendly to the Volunteers ; indeed, two of Mrs Ivory's sons were in the IRA.
Volunteer John Ivory's body was found in a ditch on the 8th January, 1923. He had been shot twice at close range.
==========================
THE FORGOTTEN PEOPLE...
Emigration from Ireland to the United States continued throughout the 1990's, although the reasons were no longer so bluntly economic.
Now, in the wake of September 11th, the US authorities have been granted increased powers to investigate legal status, and Irish illegal emigrants are more vulnerable than ever before.
By Mairead Carey.
From 'Magill Annual', 2002.
"Travelling to Ireland for your wedding is a risky proposition," wrote Debbie McGoldrick in reply, and advised the woman to contact an immigration attorney before taking any decision.
Now, her situation would be far worse.
"People are nervous. Post September 11, the tolerance people have for illegals has gone way down. The people who committed this atrocity were people who slipped through the INS cracks.
There is a mood in the country that immigration laws need to be tightened up. It is certainly not a good time to be illegal," says Debbie.
Bruce Morrison believes it is time for Irish illegals "..to spend more energy on finding ways to become legal.
Historically, people didn't do that because it was easy to find your way in the network of Irish-Americans. People have been a bit off-hand about the issue."
He cites an example of an Irish illegal who intends marrying a US citizen...
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH JANUARY) 103 YEARS AGO : ROUSING ANTI-TREATY SPEECH DELIVERED IN DÁIL ÉIREANN MAKES THE HEADLINES.
Henry James 'Harry' Boland (27th April 1887 – 2nd August 1922).
"I rise to speak against this Treaty because, in my opinion, it denies a recognition of the Irish nation..I object to it on the ground of principle, and my chief objection is because I am asked to surrender the title of Irishman and accept the title of West Briton....I object because this Treaty denies the sovereignty of the Irish nation, and I stand by the principles I have always held — that the Irish people are by right a free people.
I object to this Treaty because it is the very negation of all that for which we have fought. It is the first time in the history of our country that a body of representative Irishmen has ever suggested that the sovereignty of this nation should be signed away...we secured a mandate from the Irish people because we put for the first time before the people of Ireland a definite issue ; we promised that if elected we would combat the will, and deny the right of England in this country, and after four years of hard work we have succeeded in bringing Ireland to the proud position she occupied on the fifth December last.
The fight was made primarily here in Ireland ; but I want to say that the fight that was made in Ireland was also reflected throughout the world ; and we — because we had a definite object — had the sympathy of liberty-loving people everywhere...I have taken one oath to the Republic and I will keep it. If I voted for that document I would work the Treaty, and I would keep my solemn word and treat as a rebel any man who would rise out against it.
If I could in conscience vote for that Treaty I would do so, and if I did I would do all in my power to enforce that Treaty ; because, so sure as the honour of this nation is committed by its signature to this Treaty, so surely is Ireland dead. We are asked to commit suicide and I cannot do it....." (speech delivered in the Dáil on the 7th January, 1922, and carried worldwide by the media on the 8th.)
It is generally considered that Harry Boland was the first man to be 'unofficially executed' by a Michael Collins-controlled Free State death squad on the evening of Sunday 30th July/early Monday morning 31st July 1922 and, following that shooting, in the Grand Hotel in Skerries, Dublin, the State gunmen issued this statement (on Monday 31st July 1922) -
"Early this morning a small party of troops entered the Grand Hotel to place Mr. H.Boland T.D., under arrest. Mr. Boland had been actively engaged in the irregular campaign.
When accosted in his bedroom he made an unsuccessful attempt to seize a gun from one of the troops and then rushed out to the door. After firing two shots at random and calling on Mr. Boland to halt, it was found necessary to fire a third shot to prevent an escape. Mr. Boland was wounded and removed to hospital.
A man giving his name as John J.Murphy with residence at 3 Castlewood Avenue, Ranelagh, Dublin, who was found with Mr. Boland, was taken prisoner.
Subsequently he was identified as Joseph Griffin* , an active irregular, belonging to Dublin." (*'1169' Comment - Joe Griffin was an IRA operative within the Movement's Intelligence Department.)
One of the Free State troops present at the time stated afterwards -
"Mr.Boland was wanted and we went to the hotel and two or three of us entered his room. He was in bed. We wakened him and he got up out of bed and partly dressed himself. He had no gun.
Suddenly he turned and rushed to tackle one of our fellows for his gun. A shot was fired over his head to desist but he continued to struggle and almost had the gun when a second shot was fired and Mr.Boland was wounded."
The bullet entered his right side near the ribs, passed through his body and came out through his left side causing very serious injuries.
Although unarmed at that moment, as admitted by his executioners, caught by surprise and outnumbered (a "small party" of Free State troops were in the room at the time) the Staters attempted to present the execution of Harry Boland as 'a killing in self-defence' ie 'he attempted to jump us and then tried to flee...'.
They had learned well from their British colleagues.
Harry Boland died from his wounds on the 2nd August 1922, in St. Vincents Hospital, Dublin and, as he lay waiting for death, he told family members that the Stater who shot him had been imprisoned with him in Lewes Prison, in England, but he refused to put a name to him.
The funeral expenses were taken care of by the Cumann na Poblachta organisation.
'Boland's mix of animal charm, gregariousness, wit and a dash of ruthlessness made him an influential and formidable character. Though not an intellectual in his manner he was a clear thinker, a forceful orator and a graceful writer....' (from here.)
Thankfully, there are those like him who continue to this day to work for the Movement...
POLITICAL LIFESTYLES IN IRELAND...
His lavish lifestyle was funded by wealthy admirers.
Time after time, his debts were taken care of by friendly businessmen.
In exchange for giving people access to government leaders, he cheerfully lined his own pockets.
From 'Magill' Magazine, January 2003.
I don't know whether this is just another example of the cosy relationship that supposedly* exists between senior journalists and certain elements of the political establishment.
But put it this way - you can hardly blame people for being very, very suspicious.
Continuing with the subject of uninspiring Fine Gael leaders, 'Magill' hears through the grapevine that Enda Kenny is in rather a bad temper these days.
Six months in the job now, and the only other headlines he's been able to generate have involved nigger jokes, Wolfe Tone songs, or both.
Thanks to this relentless trivialisation of politics, the bland bombshell complains, he's in danger of being turned into a laughing stock before he's had a chance to really get going...
(*"Supposedly"? No. 'Journalists' in this State are PR agents for politicians, for two main reasons -
1. They cosy-up to the politicians in the hope of getting a 'scoop', which they then spin in the politicians favour.
2. They know if they 'behave themselves' they could end up on the political payroll as an 'adviser' : examples here and here.)
(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for dropping in - appreciated.
Agus Athbhliain Faoi Mhaise Daoibh ('Happy New Year')!
Sharon and the team.
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