Wednesday, April 28, 2021



"You cannot put a rope around the neck of an cannot confine it in the strongest prison cell that your slaves could ever build.." - the words of Séan O'Casey, in relation to the murder of Thomas Ashe (pictured).

'Ashbourne in County Meath was the venue for one of the few military actions of the Rising to take place outside Dublin. It was also the most successful. Members of the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Volunteers had assembled near Swords on Easter Monday under the leadership of Thomas Ashe. In order to distract potential military reinforcements from Dublin City, over the next few days they proceeded to attack a number of RIC barracks in north County Dublin. They also attempted to disrupt the rails links into Dublin from the north and west of the country.

On Friday 28 April 1916 (105 years ago on this date) Ashe and his men set out for Batterstown, where they hoped to disrupt the Midlands Great Western rail line into Dublin. En route they passed through Ashbourne, where they attacked another RIC barracks. After 30 minutes the barracks surrendered, but the Volunteers were forced to continue fighting as a large detachment of RIC constables that had arrived in Ashbourne by car. The ensuing gun battle lasted over five hours, and was a rare and notable example of the use of guerilla tactics in the Easter Rising...' (from here.)

Thomas Ashe founded the Volunteers in Lusk and established a firm foundation of practical and theoretical military training. He provided charismatic leadership first as Adjutant and then as O/C (Officer Commanding) the 5th Battalion of the Dublin Brigade. He inspired fierce loyalty and encouraged personal initiative in his junior officers and was therefore able to confidently delegate command to Charlie Weston, Joseph Lawless, Edward Rooney and others during the Rising.

Most significantly, he took advantage of the arrival of Richard Mulcahy (pictured) at Finglas Glen on the Tuesday of the Rising and appointed him second in command. The two men knew one another through the IRB and Gaelic League and Ashe recognised Mulcahy’s tactical abilities. As a result Ashe allowed himself to be persuaded by Mulcahy not to withdraw following the unexpected arrival of the motorised force at the Rath crossroads. At Ashbourne on the 28th of April, 1916, Ashe also demonstrated great personal courage, first exposing himself to fire while calling on the RIC in the fortified barracks to surrender and then actively leading his Volunteers against the RIC during the Battle.

Four days previous to the 'Battle of Ashbourne' (on the 24th April, Easter Monday) Commandant Ashe had received orders from James Connolly to send forty members of his 5th Fingal Battalion to the General Post Office, in Dublin, to help fortify it, and he was instructed to raid nearby barracks, thereby, hopefully, locking down British forces and relieving pressure on those fighting in the city. He sent twenty men to the rebels headquarters at the GPO and kept the remainder of the fighters - about sixty in all - for the barracks attacks. It would prove to be a wise decision by the school teacher from Lusk.

Ashe and his men seized the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) barracks and the Post Office in Swords, then turned their sights on Ashbourne and planned to attack the RIC barracks there. That day, Ashe was joined by Richard Mulcahy, who had only recently been appointed to the rank of First Lieutenant. He was in the area following his own orders and happened to meet the Fingal Commandant by chance. Ashe immediately made Mulcahy his second-in-command.

Before launching their assault, they had made sure to cut telephone wires, and even sawed down telephone poles, to block off communications with the surrounding area. He then sent his older volunteers home, reducing his ranks to about 45 men. The attack at Ashbourne would prove to be tougher than they had expected ; usually, the barracks was manned by an RIC sergeant and four others, but it had been reinforced due to the fighting in the capital and, instead of five RIC for the IRA to contend with, there were now 10 British 'policemen', led by a District Inspector McCormack. They were well armed and well prepared.

The IRA disarmed two RIC men who were setting up a barricade outside the barracks and then called on the remaining enemy forces to surrender, but those inside the structure took aim and started shooting at the IRA men. A homemade hand grenade was lobbed at the barracks and, soon after, those inside flew the white flag but, just as the RIC men were about to emerge, the IRA were alerted to the imminent arrival of a large RIC convoy, under County Inspector Alexander Gray, on its way to put the down the rising. With the prospect of rescue from the convoy, the besieged RIC men rushed back inside and resumed the fight.

Seventeen cars carrying approximately 60 RIC men from Slane were, at that moment, speeding towards the scene. Ashe and his men were in a race against time, and had to rush towards the road to stop the convoy reaching the crossroad at Rath Cross, where the RIC could then spread out. It was at this point that second-in-command Richard Mulcahy came into his own. The narrow Dublin to Slane road, with its tall, close hedges – about seven-feet-high – on either side, provided perfect terrain for the rebels and Mulcahy had his men positioned on both sides of the road as the convoy approached at a few minutes past noon.

About 15 yards from the cross roads was the spot chosed to launch a devastating attack on the Crown Forces, and the RIC took heavy fire from all directions. The first to be hit was RIC County Inspector Gray, in the lead car. A newspaper report at the time stated that '..County Inspector Gray received a wound to the head and Sergeant Shanaher, of Navan, who was with him in the car, was shot through the heart. The Sergeant fell into a channel of water near the cross, and presented a gruesome spectacle when the battle ended. He was thrown into the channel in a sitting position and was found dead, still wearing his helmet..'

The rest of the convoy then jumped from their vehicles, seeking cover behind the wheels or beneath the cars themselves. Others leapt into a ditch and started firing on their attackers from there. The fighting was fierce ; a civilian car that blundered into the ambush was also fired on, resulting in the deaths of two of the occupants. For five hours lead flew in all directions, but the IRA were getting the upper hand. RIC District Inspector Harry Smyth managed to kill one Volunteer with his pistol only to be shot dead himself a moment later, his brains spattered across the ditch into which he fell.

With the loss of their leader, the remaining RIC men signaled their surrender. At the end of the carnage, eight policemen lay dead in ditches and along the road, and up to 18 were wounded. The IRA suffered two dead – John Crennigan and Thomas Rafferty – and five wounded, and the besieged RIC forces in Ashbourne barracks soon gave up the fight when they were informed that the rescue party had been defeated. Ashe and Mulcahy had the injured, including the RIC, ferried to the Meath Infirmary, in Navan.

Politically, Thomas Ashe was a member of the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood' (IRB) and he established IRB circles in Dublin and Kerry and eventually became President of the IRB Supreme Council in 1917. While he was actively and intellectually nationalist he was also inspired by contemporary socialism ; he rejected conservative Home Rule politicians and as part of that rejection he espoused the Labour policies of James Larkin. Writing in a letter to his brother, Gregory, he said -

"We are all here on Larkin's side. He'll beat hell out of the snobbish, mean, seoinín employers yet, and more power to him"

He supported the unionisation of north Dublin farm labourers and his activities brought him into conflict with landowners such as Thomas Kettle in 1912. During the infamous lockout in 1913 he was a frequent visitor to Liberty Hall and become a friend of James Connolly. Long prior to its publication in 1916, Thomas Ashe was a practitioner of Connolly’s dictum that "the cause of labour is the cause of Ireland, the cause of Ireland is the cause of labour".

In 1914 Ashe travelled to the United States where he raised a substantial sum of money for both the Gaelic League and the newly formed Irish Volunteers of which he was an early member.

Thomas Ashe died on the 25th September, 1917, after being force fed by his British jailers. He was the first Irish republican to die as a result of a hunger-strike and, between that year and 1981, twenty-one other Irish republicans died on hunger-strike.

The jury at the inquest into his death found "..that the deceased, Thomas Ashe, according to the medical evidence of Professor McWeeney, Sir Arthur Chance, and Sir Thomas Myles, died from heart failure and congestion of the lungs on the 25th September, 1917 and that his death was caused by the punishment of taking away from the cell bed, bedding and boots and allowing him to be on the cold floor for 50 hours, and then subjecting him to forcible feeding in his weak condition after hunger-striking for five or six days.."

Michael Collins organised the funeral (pictured) and transformed it into a national demonstration against British misrule in Ireland ; armed 'Irish Republican Brotherhood' Volunteers in full uniform flanked the coffin, followed by 9,000 other IRB Volunteers, and approximately 30,000 people lined the streets. A volley of shots was fired over Ashe's grave, following which Michael Collins stated - "Nothing more remains to be said. That volley which we have just heard is the only speech which it is proper to make over the grave of a dead Fenian."

The London-based 'Daily Express' newspaper perhaps summed it up best when it stated, re the funeral of Thomas Ashe, that what had happened had made '100,000 Sinn Féiners out of 100,000 constitutional nationalists.' The level of support shown gave a boost to Irish republicans, and this was noted by the 'establishment' in Westminster - 'The Daily Mail' newspaper claimed that, a month earlier, Sinn Féin, despite its electoral successes, had been a waning force. That newspaper said - ' had no practical programme, for the programme of going further than anyone else cannot be so described. It was not making headway. But Sinn Féin today is pretty nearly another name for the vast bulk of youth in Ireland...'

And, thankfully, there are many like Thomas Ashe in that 'vast bulk of youth in Ireland' today.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

An Election Committee has been formed and it is intended to contest the elections vigorously and ensure that the voice of Irish republicanism will be heard in local administration.

A special appeal is directed to former members of the Republican Movement to come forward and support the candidature of the Sinn Féin candidates. In the past year, there has been a revival of republican thought and to translate this into action and to cement our gains it is believed that very republican has a right and a duty to assist in the task of electing all our candidates.

It is intended to urge the people to study the Sinn Féin 'Social and Economic Programme' and their plan for national unity and independence. We will put forward our views on housing, rents, emigration, unemplyment and cost of living, and hope to convince the people that party politicians are too concerned with petty issues to face up to the real national problems... (MORE LATER.)


'07.55hrs - Sackville Street being blown to pieces. The centre of Dublin is unrecognisable this morning. Rubble is strewn everywhere. Burnt-out cars, trams, dead horses, human bodies, all matter of carnage fills the capital’s streets. British 18-pounders are booming once again. The rebel HQ is completely surrounded.

09.05hrs - As soon as the sun rose this morning the machine guns and sniper rifles returned to work. Throughout the night, armoured cars have been scouting around Jacob’s factory’s positions. With the sound of heavy fighting and artillery, and word coming down from the factory’s towers of huge fires on the north side of the city, the men of Jacob’s garrison must fear that it will not be long before their own position is assaulted by the enemy.

10.12hrs - South Staffordshires are on the march. Huge numbers of troops from the regiment have crossed the Liffey at Butt Bridge, before marching on to Gardiner Street, and making their way towards Bolton Street. The college there is thronged with hungry and increasingly desperate refugees from the growing chaos...' (from here.)

After the British have completely left Ireland, politically and militarily, and the definite timeline from 1916 to that date is written, those reading it will then realise that the only part played in that scenario by the Stormont and Leinster House institutions was in delaying that achievement. Irish republicans realise that now, and have always done so.


Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.

By John Drennan.

From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.

Silence was also to the fore in terms of the next issue our media monolith turned its attention to and, of course, everyone supported the 'Nice Referendum' ('1169' comment - no, not "everyone" supported the 'vote yes' position). More European integration was just the sort of lad to put a bit of manners on the likes of Charlie McCreevy who, earlier that year, had been castigated for daring to suggest to Mr Romano Prodi that we would run our country (sic) the way we wanted to, thank you very much.

Besides, given that the opposition to 'Nice' consisted of a lot of pro-life types like Dana, perhaps it was best to not give those sorts too much publicity. The government took its eye off the ball and believed the media consensus and, by the time they realised how relevant this was to the real views of ordinary people, it was time for panic stations and the kind of bombastic propaganda that was not just useless, but insulting to the vast majority of intelligent voters.

Bertie Ahern breathlessly claimed that the 'No To Nice' side were getting thousands of pounds from right-wing US fundamentalists, foreign communists and the rest. The media helped him out by running far too big on a non-story ; the intelligent voters thought that a Fianna Fáil politician casting aspersions on funding sources was a bit rich and reeked of election week panic. The were right... (MORE LATER.)


Pictured - IRA Cork Volunteers, 1921.

'...on April 28 (1921), Volunteer Maurice Moore (aged 26) of Cobh, Co Cork and Lieutenant Patrick Sullivan (aged 24), also of Cobh, were both shot, following their capture during the Fourth Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade flying column disaster at Clonmult. On the same day, Volunteers Thomas Mulcahy (aged 25) and Patrick Ronayne (aged 26), both of Burnfort, Mallow, Co Cork, died by firing squad. Members of the 5th Battalion, Cork No. 2 Brigade, they were captured at the miscarried Mourne Abbey Ambush...' (from here.)

Honourable Irish men without a doubt, and we have no doubt that they, at least, were not, at that time, caught between an enemy and a leadership at local level who were not as honourable, as was the case in 1916 :

'..Captain Dickie, General Officer Commanding (of the British military) , invited the leaders of the Irish Volunteers in Cork on 28th April (1916) to meet him at the house of the Bishop of Cork, and that they refused ; that on the following morning he visited the Volunteer Hall himself, and held a conference with the Volunteer leaders which also proved abortive ; and that a further conference was held on 30th April at the Lord Mayor's house, at which the Bishop, the Lord Mayor, the General Officer Commanding, and the two leaders of the Volunteers were present, at which it was agreed that the Volunteers should hand over their rifles either to the Bishop or to the Lord Mayor, and that the (British) military were not even to know the number of rifles handed in, the rifles to be returned to the Volunteers as soon as the Dublin disturbances were over ; whether he is aware that, in conformity with that agreement, the rifles were on 1st May handed over to the Lord Mayor's custody, and passports were delivered to the Volunteer leaders to go through the county of Cork to advise the County Corps to abide by the agreement, with the result that no disturbance took place throughout the county ; but that, notwithstanding that agreement, the (British) military authorities on the following day arrested all the leaders, men and women, of the Cork City Volunteers, and lodged them in Cork gaol and, under threat of arresting the Lord Mayor, compelled him to surrender the rifles entrusted to him..

..if the Irish Volunteers handed in their arms to the Bishop (Daniel Coholan) and the Lord Mayor (Thomas Butterfield) before midnight on April 30th and assisted the (British) authorities to maintain order, the (British) General Officer Commanding was prepared to ensure no prosecution for offences other than acts of overt rebellion or traitorous correspondence with the enemy (by which is meant the Irish Volunteers) their own request, leaders of the Cork City Volunteers were permitted, on the 29th April, to visit country districts to endeavour to prevent disturbances by country branches of their organisation...' (from 'HANSARD, May 1916, 'DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND'.)

Shameful behind-the-scenes machinations, a criminal act, in our opinion that, during Easter Week in 1916, in Cork, an agreement was reached between representatives of the British occupation forces and the Cork leadership (as opposed to the rank-and-file Volunteers) of the Irish Volunteers "that the Volunteers should hand over their rifles", that the local Irish Volunteers should, in effect, become a British Army militia and "assist the (British) authorities (sic) to maintain order" and that Cork Volunteers be "permitted (!) to visit country districts to endeavour to prevent disturbances by country branches of their organisation..".

Absolutely disgusting and despicable behaviour by the Irish Volunteer leadership in Cork, in 1916. Actions of that sort, whether during Easter Week in 1916 or at any other period in our history - to be even willing to discuss such issues with the British - are unforgivable, but no shame attaches to the 'rank-and-file', the hundreds of brave Irish men and women from Cork who truly and honestly took the battle to the British and, thankfully, continue to do so to this day.

Interesting reading material on the above can be found here, here, here and here.

'Put not your trust in Princes' remains good advice ; even 'in-house', you have to watch what people do rather than what they say. We have always done that at this blog and doing so has served us well, to the point that we are proud of the people that we work alongside with in our joint efforts to secure a proper peace in this country.


'Does the world even have heroes like Ireland's Thomas Francis Meagher anymore? After fighting for Irish independence ("I know of no country that has won its independence by accident") ,then condemned to death, pardoned and exiled, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped to America,where he became a leader of the Irish community and commanded the Irish Brigade during the Civil War. General Meagher’s men fought valiantly at some of the most famous battles of the Civil War,including Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. After the war, Meagher served as Acting Governor of the Montana Territory. In 1867, Meagher disappeared on the Missouri River ; his body was never found...' (from the poster, pictured, sourced here.)

It was in relation to the 'Chancellorsville Campaign' that Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher, on the 28th April 1863 - 158 years ago on this date - wrote the following letter to his commanding officer :

'Report of Brig. Gen. Thomas Francis Meagher, U. S. Army, commanding Second Brigade.

The Chancellorsville Campaign :


April 28, 1863––1.30 p.m.


Assistant Adjutant-General, Hancock’s Division.

MAJOR: I have the honour to inform the major-general commanding the division that, in accordance with instructions received from him, I proceeded to this ford on yesterday forenoon, to relieve Colonel Kelly and take command of the brigade.

On arriving at the ford (where I found the Sixty-third encamped), I learned that Colonel Kelly had, an hour previous, proceeded to the United States Ford, at which place, I was advised by the major general, two regiments of the brigade were to be stationed. Accordingly, I set out at once to the United States Ford, taking the corduroy road leading up from Banks’ Ford to the Warrenton pike, being ignorant of the River road, not having either a map or guide to direct me. I proceeded along the Warrenton pike until I reached Hartwood Church, when I took the road leading to the United States Ford, at which I arrived some time about 5 p.m., and found everything perfectly quiet, and the Sixty-ninth and One hundred and sixteenth posted there in the best order.

Colonel Kelly had left something more than an hour before, to return to Banks’ Ford. I concluded, therefore, on remaining at the United States Ford until this morning, it being too late for me to return to the lower one by the only route (that of the Warrenton pike) with which I was acquainted.

This morning, a little before 9 o’clock, the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts Volunteers came in, having remained over night at Hartwood Church. As I was on the point of leaving for Batiks’ Ford, orders arrived for the regiments of the brigade stationed at the United States Ford to proceed to the former one. These orders were immediately put into execution, General Carroll’s brigade, which reached the ground about the same time as the orders did, more than supplying their place.

The Sixty-ninth, One hundred and sixteenth, and Twenty-eighth are expected very soon. I have relieved Colonel Kelly from the command, and have received from him all the instructions communicated to him as guidance for the command.

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, yours,


Brigadier-General, Commanding.'

"Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for in the passes of the Tyrol it cut to pieces the banner of the Bavarian, and, through those cragged passes, struck a path to fame for the peasant insurrections of Innsbruck! Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for at its blow a giant nation started from the waters of the Atlantic, and by its redeeming magic, and in the quiverings of its crimsoned light, the crippled colony sprang into the attitude of a proud Republic - prosperous, limitless, and invincible! Abhor the sword - stigmatize the sword? No, for it swept the Dutch marauders out of the fine old towns of Belgium - scourged them back to their own phlegmatic swamps - and knocked their flag and sceptre, their laws and bayonets, into the sluggish water of the Scheldt.." - Thomas Francis Meagher.

Thomas Francis Meagher was born in Waterford City (near the Commins/Granville Hotel) on August 3rd, 1823, into a financially-comfortable family ; his father was a wealthy merchant who, having made his money, entered politics, a route which the young Thomas was to follow. At 20 years young, he decided to challenge British misrule in Ireland and, at 23 years of age (in 1846), he became one of the leaders of the 'Young Ireland' Movement. He was only 25 years of age when he sat down with the Government of the Second French Republic to seek support for an uprising in Ireland. At 29 years of age, he wrote what is perhaps his best known work - 'Speeches on the Legislative Independence of Ireland', of which six editions were published.

He unveiled an Irish flag, which was based on the French Tricolour, in his native city, Waterford, on the 7th March 1848, outside the Wolfe Tone Confederate Club. The French Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alphonse de Lamartine, and a group of French women who supported the Irish cause, gave Meagher the new 'Flag of Ireland', a tricolour of green, white and orange - the difference between the 1848 flag and the present flag is that the orange was placed next to the staff and the red hand of Ulster adorned the white field on the original.

On the 15th April that same year, on Abbey Street, in Dublin, he presented the flag to Irish citizens on behalf of himself and the 'Young Ireland' movement, with the following words : "I trust that the old country will not refuse this symbol of a new life from one of her youngest children. I need not explain its meaning. The quick and passionate intellect of the generation now springing into arms will catch it at a glance. The white in the centre signifies a lasting truce between the 'orange' and the 'green' and I trust that beneath its folds, the hands of the Irish protestant and the Irish catholic may be clasped in generous and heroic brotherhood.."

The 'trial' of Thomas Francis Meagher and other Irish patriots.

He was 'arrested' by the British for his part in the 1848 Rising, accused of 'high treason' and sentenced to death ("to be hanged, drawn and disemboweled..") but, while he was awaiting execution in Richmond Jail, this was changed by 'Royal Command' to transportation for life. Before he was deported, he spoke in Slievenamon, Tipperary, to a crowd estimated at 50,000 strong, about the country and the flag he was leaving behind - "Daniel O'Connell preached a cause that we are bound to see out. He used to say 'I may not see what I have laboured for, I am an old man, my arm is withered, no epitaph of victory may mark my grave, but I see a young generation with redder blood in their veins, and they will do the work.' Therefore it is that I ambition to decorate these hills with the flag of my country.."

In July 1849, at only 26 years of age, he was transported from Dun Laoghaire on the S.S.Swift to Tasmania, where he was considered, and rightly so, to be a political prisoner (a 'Ticket of Leave' inmate) which meant he could build his own 'cell' on a designated piece of land that he could farm provided he donated an agreed number of hours each week for State use. In early 1852, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped and made his way to New Haven, in Connecticut, America, and travelled from there to a hero's welcome in New York.

This fine orator, newspaper writer, lawyer, revolutionary, Irish POW, soldier in the American civil war and acting Governor of Montana died, in mysterious circumstances - he drowned after 'falling off' a Missouri River steamboat - on the 1st of July 1867 at 44 years of age.

Once, when asked about his 'crimes', he replied - "Judged by the law of England, I know this 'crime' entails upon me the penalty of death ; but the history of Ireland explains that 'crime' and justifies it."

This brave man dedicated twenty-four of his forty-four years on this earth to challenging British misrule in Ireland and, while it can be said without doubt that Thomas Francis Meagher did his best, a 'crime' does remain to be resolved.


From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.

Something Drastic ;

The unemployment figures for Ireland soared to 110,361 by mid-February, as economic chaos under the joint direction of Stormont and Leinster House showed its bitter fruit with so many workless.

The figure would be several times larger but for the steady drain of emigration, officially estimated in the region of 35,000 for each year. Even Unionist circles admit defeat and fear the impact on the political scene "...unless something drastic is done, the Six Counties will become a distressed area.." - so said Mr Norman Porter ('Independent Unionist'), in a warning to Stormont last month.

"Something drastic"? Let's replace the bungling of Stormont and Leinster House by introducing Sinn Féin's policy.


"Written after I was shot -

Darling Nancy

I was shot leading a rush up Moore Street

took refuge in a doorway.

While I was there I heard the men pointing out where I was + I made a bolt for the lane I am in now.

I got more one bullet I think

Tons + tons of love dearie to you + to the boys + to Nell + Anna.

It was a good fight anyhow.

Please deliver this to Nannie O'Rahilly, 40 Herbert Park, Dublin.

Good bye darling.."

Joseph O'Rahilly ('The O'Rahilly', pictured, and the author of the above letter) was born in Ballylongford, in County Kerry, on the 22nd April, 1875. He had a busy, well-travelled and interesting life and took part in the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland, during which he was killed in the fighting ;

'The O’Rahilly has been killed. He had agreed to lead a diversionary charge, along with 12 other men, against a British barricade at the junction of Henry Street and Moore Street. He is shot, and drags himself to the back of Kelly’s shop, 25 Moore Street. He writes a last letter to his wife before dying of his wounds...' (from here.)

"Friday April 28th 1916. The General Post Office in Dublin, occupied on the Monday as the headquarters of republican insurrection, was burning fiercely. The insurgents inside had decided they had to make their escape across Henry Street to the network of small houses and shops on Moore Street. A small party of twenty armed men dashed across the open street to establish a toehold there and to clear out a British barricade. At their head was a distinguished looking gentleman in green uniform, complete with Victorian moustache and sword.

The charging party was hit by volleys of British bullets from the barricades on both sides. Four Volunteers were killed outright. Their leader, the moustached gentleman, fell wounded in the face. He managed to drag himself out of the line of fire to Sackville Lane, where he lay, bleeding, grievously injured. His name was Michael O'Rahilly..." (from here.)

More information re 'The O'Rahilly' himself -

'His interest in Irish history led him slowly and inexorably towards nationalism. The first indication of nationalism is in a letters controversy in 1899 in the European edition of the New York Herald, following celebrations of Queen Victoria's 80th birthday. Rahilly criticised the celebrations, pointing out the miseries her reign had inflicted on Ireland. Some of his criticism was censored by the paper as too offensive..' - can be read here, and his family history can be read here, including a local [Clondalkin] connection -

'Aodogán and Marion (O'Rahilly) lived Moreen, Clondalkin, Co.Dublin (junction of Belgard Rd and Naas Rd, opposite Newlands golf course, townland of Mooreenaruggan). They spelt house "Moreen", but it is now spelt "Mooreen". The house was built 1936. Aodogán listed as living there by [Thom's, 1938]. The house website says: "In 1932, in America" [Aodogán and Marion] "purchased plans for use in building their new home, Mooreen House. The design was already famous and had been awarded the title House of the Year, and a full-scale replica was constructed in Macy's New York Department Store..."'.
But read it quickly, in case it, too, vanishes -

'Dublin City Council is investigating the circumstances surrounding the demolition of the former home of a 1916 Rising leader in Ballsbridge this morning (Tuesday, 29th September 2020). The property at 40 Herbert Park, which once belonged to The O’Rahilly, was bulldozed by a company developing the site at around 6.30am this morning. The site and two adjoining addresses at 36 and 38 Herbert Park are set to be developed into 105 apartments and the extension of an aparthotel by Derryroe Limited, a company owned by the Kennedy and McSharry families...' (from here.)

Another State-inspired atrocity against our history, in the vein of, and for the same motive (€€€) as Hume Street, Wood Quay and Archers Garage. A corrupt State desecrating a part of its own history which it is ashamed of. Shame on the political system and those that operate same for paying lip-service to our historic past while counting the contents of their brown envelopes at the same time.

'SING of The O'Rahilly,

Do not deny his right;

Sing a "The" before his name;

Allow that he, despite

All those learned historians,

Established it for good;

He wrote out that word himself,

He christened himself with blood.

How goes the weather?

Sing of The O'Rahilly

That had such little sense

He told Pearse and Connolly

He'd gone to great expense

Keeping all the Kerry men

Out of that crazy fight;

That he might be there himself

Had travelled half the night.

How goes the weather?
(By William Butler Yeats.)

'The O'Rahilly's' grandson, Ronan, 79 years of age, died on Monday, 20th April, 2020. The poor man was diagnosed with vascular dementia in 2013 and had been resident in a nursing home in Carlingford in County Louth for the last years of his life. "How goes the weather", Ronan?

Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam.


Thanks for reading,