IRELAND, 1920 : THEY HAD 'TICKETS TO RIDE...'
On the 15th November 1920 - 103 years ago on this date - A British soldier in Ireland, a Lieutenant William Spalding Watts, who was attached to the '33rd Company Royal Engineers', was enjoying a train journey from Cork to Bere Island, in West Cork, an internment camp for Irish Republican POW's, which was built that year by the British.
Lieutenant Watts was travelling in the '1st Class' carriage and some of his comrades were in '3rd Class', as they were of the opinion that it would be safer for them to mingle with the public rather than to travel as a group in '1st Class'.
All of them wore their British Army uniforms and all were relaxed as the train pulled in to Waterfall Railway Station, about six miles outside Cork City, to pick up more passengers.
Lieutenant Watts, Lieutenant RR Goode, Captain Reedy, Captain Stewart Chambers and Captain Montague Green were sitting in their respective carriages oblivious to the fact that armed Volunteers from the 2nd Battalion, Cork No. 1 Brigade IRA, had boarded the train, and were making their way through the carriages.
Three of the Volunteers entered the '3rd Class' carriage and walked slowly through it, looking at each passenger as they went ; one of the IRA men, now with gun in hand, stopped at British Army Captain Chambers and said to his two comrades "That is one of them.." and, pointing at Captain Green, said "..and that is the other."
The two British Army soldiers were were then marched out of the train at gunpoint and were joined outside by Lieutenant Watts, who had been removed from his '1st Class' comfort by other Volunteers (...it was rumoured later that the IRA were looking for a British Army man named George Edward Green, who was involved in the torture of Tom Hales [".. his mouth was severely damaged and his hands crippled.."], not Montague Green. Incidentally, Tom Hales survived only to later join a Leinster House party).
Lieutenant Goode and Captain Reedy were left where they were.
Captain Stewart Chambers was responsible for the 'arrest' of Father O'Donnell (Chaplin to the Australian Forces) in October 1919 for 'seditious language' and the IRA wanted a word with him about that, and British Army Captains Chambers and Green had the previous week been witnesses to the shooting of two RIC members at Ballybrack, in Cork and, it seems, the IRA wanted to know what exactly they had seen.
Within days of their absence, posters and leaflets were displayed in areas of Cork and Kerry, signed as being from 'The Anti-Sinn Féin Society', demanding the release of the three British Army operatives within two days or else "...individuals and houses would be blown to the Devil. No mercy shown...(and) leading members of the IRA will be suitably dealt with. Ignore this at your peril. Vengeance may be slow, but it’s sure...not a tooth for a tooth, but 50 to 1.."
The posters and leaflets named thirteen villages in Cork and Kerry and listed certain houses in those villages that would be blown up and stated that the occupants of same would be killed, claiming that the 'Society' would not stop until "222 men were dead".
However, all three British Army Officers were shot dead. Their bodies were never recovered.
'RADIO ÉIREANN.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
If ever blood is spilt among Irishmen* which, God forbid, there will be many whom history will judge harshly for their sin of omission, and among their number will be the men* (*sic) of Radio Éireann, the men* who could have enlightened but didn't, who could have spoken but elected for silence.
These, by a false toleration of error, have betrayed truth and, by an unvirtuous prudence, have suffered the continuance of ideological barriers. It is incredible, but it is also true.
Perhaps it is not yet too late to make amends ; all that is required is that at a certain fixed time, every day of the year, present political facts be related to their historical causes.
This should be done in an accurate and impartial manner, the aim being to educate both Orange and Green to know their past mistakes and the effects of these. The facts of history will show, also, that the chief architect of partition has never lived in Ireland.
(END of 'Radio Éireann' ; NEXT - 'American Notes', from the same source.)
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
A few years ago, such reliance on therapists and pills would have been regarded by Irish people as among the worst kind of excesses typifying American society ; now we have abandoned any sense that it is mormal to feel negative emotions and that there are no simple, rapid solutions to the emotional vagaries of human existence.
It is in our voting pattern that we can most clearly see the fragmentation of our society - according to data produced by Professor Richard Sinnott of the Department of Politics at UCD, there has been a huge decline in turnout over the past nine years, especially among the under-25's ; from 47% in the 1992 Maastricht referendum to 21% in the recent Nice referendum, a decline that persisted even when circumstantial factors were taken into accoont.
Voter turnout increased with increasing age, but even in the Nice referendum only 52% of those in the 50-64 age group voted.
The lack of involvement of young people especially in the political process is worrying, since it suggests either a smugness that they have all their material wants and need nothing more, or alternatively that their lack of interest stems from a sense of helplessness in shaping their future.
Such disconnectedness, if proven to be the cause, is a breeding ground for dissent and anarchy...
(MORE LATER.)
BEIR BUA...
The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
"One of the ancient indestructible things of the world...an idea which is older than any empire and will outlast every empire.." - Padraig Pearse was right.
Irish republicanism has outlasted the British Empire, thanks to determined people like Pearse. Ireland was Britain's first colonial possession to challenge its power this century and, since then, Britain has constantly retreated.
Britain is now only a shadow of the power it was in Pearse's time, still trying desperately to cling onto its first, and one of its last, colonies - Ireland.
In our time it has succeeded in strengthening and updating its grip on Ireland, in the form of a new Stormont Assembly in Ireland, but its overall power since Pearse's time has weakened, while republicanism - "one of the ancient indestructible things of the world" - has remained, pursuing Britain "like a sleuth-hound ; we lie in wait for her and come upon her like a thief in the night. And some day we will overwhelm her with the wrath of God".
Pearse followed in the tradition of Tone, Emmet and the Fenians. He accepted no compromise and knew that you could not claim to be heirs to Tone and the Fenians while disregarding their programme...
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE...
1922 :
On the 15th November 1922 - 101 years ago on this date - twenty-five IRA prisoners entered a tunnel they had dug inside Kilkenny Jail and escaped from the confines imposed on them by the Free Staters.
When the prison authorities discovered that the jailbreak had happenened they interviewed the remaining POW's who, to a man, knew nothing about it (!) and their 'privileges' were withdrawn as a result ie no cigarettes or other 'luxuries' were allowed in.
The newspapers heard about the escape so a press briefing was organised, at which the guv'nor reluctantly acknowledged that IRA prisoners had escaped but claimed that none of the missing prisoners were important IRA men!
None of the prisoners were recaptured.
(One of those who escaped, Jim Hayes, was shot dead by Free Staters three days after the escape [18th] near Silverfort, Fethard, in County Tipperary.)
============================
1922 :
On the 15th November, 1922, a 'legal writ', issued by a Free State court, was served on a Republican POW - a Mr Daithi O'Donnchadha (David O'Donoghue...who, a few short years later, joined the Staters).
Mr. O'Donnchadha had been sacked from his position in the Civil Service four years earlier because he refused to swear allegiance to the then new Free State regime which was attempting to organise itself and had, instead, placed his accountancy skills at the disposal of the fledgling Dáil Éireann (the 32-County institution).
He was employed as the 'Secretary to the Dáil Loan' Department and, as such, he had 'insider knowledge' as to how to access the funds in those accounts, and the Staters wanted that information and the cash.
The Free State 'writ' sought to compel him to transfer those details (and the money!) to the new 'trustees' who had been 'appointed' (!) by the Staters.
In around the end of that month (November 1922) a second 'writ' was served on a Mr Stephen O'Mara, another Republican POW - he, too, was being held captive in prison by the Staters as he was also a 'Loan Trustee' and, like Mr O'Donnchadha, had refused to aid the new State regime.
Mr Éamon de Valera was also a 'Loan Trustee' but, as he was then 'on the run', the Staters were unable to actually serve him with one of their 'legal writs' so they made it 'legal' to serve him with a 'writ', by placing an ad claiming that that ad was deemed to be 'notice of being served', in newspapers on the 4th December 1922!
Speaking later of his time as a finance-man-on-the-run, Mr O'Donnchadha recalled one occasion when he was nearly caught by Free State operatives -
"On the 11th November, 1919, as I was leaving 76 Harcourt Street, to go to the Sinn Féin Bank, I observed that there was a raid on the Sinn Féin Headquarters at No. 6.
I returned immediately with the news, and a warning that it might be advisable to be prepared in case No. 76 were raided. Mícheál Ó Coileáin was on the premises and I sent up word to him. After stowing away some money and accounts in the secret cache, I went into the street and mingled with the crowd outside No.6.
When the raid was over I followed the lorries down St. Stephen's Green South, until they were out of sight. Whilst the crowd was dispersing I went into University Church and stayed there a few minutes. Then, deciding to avoid No. 6, I was going back to 76 when I met Brian Ua hUigiun and Fionán Ó Loinsigh at the corner of the Green on their way to meet some other T.Ds.
We were just about to enter 76 when some military lorries came speeding towards us and pulled up there, so we passed on, saved by a matter of seconds. Leaving my two friends near Hatch Street, I came back on the other side of the street and joined the crowd which had gathered to look on at the raid..."
This corrupt, gombeen State remains 'loyal to the half-crown'!
============================
(sic - Ulster has nine counties, not six.)
1923 :
On the 15th November 1923 - 100 years ago on this date - Westminster held a 'Partition Meeting/Boundary Commission' discussion between themselves in London.
The attendance would have included their 'top people' in regards to 'Irish affairs' and it's safe to assume that Lionel Curtis, James Masterton-Smith, John Anderson, Mark Sturgis, Tomas Jones, G G Whiskard, Norman Loughnane and Stephen Tallents would have been present, as those people had all, in one way or another, 'directed Irish affairs' for Westminster over at least the previous three or four years.
A recommendation for 'progess' (consisting of about thirty pages!) was the outcome of their one-way chit-chat and it advised Westminster to change 'Article 12', stating that economic and geographic conditions should not now 'be read as a qualification to the wishes of the inhabitants'.
That meeting also advised Westminster that "...it is difficult to see an award (ie 'granting' extra land to Leinster House) which would not precipitate war between the North and South..", and suggested employing "..the large force of Specials equipped and armed by the British taxpayer (to) resist the findings of the Boundary Commission..."
Also included in their report was advice in regards to the actual composition of the Commission - that Westminster should have the final say on the Chairperson of that entity and that this should be done with a covernote stating that, in doing so, the British were proving just how serious they were in dealing with the issue - and, once the new appointment had been made, the new Chairperson would have to be allowed "...time to study the whole subject until he had fully grasped the issues at stake.."
An obvious delaying tactic and, considering that the 'Boundary Commission' was allowed to run until late 1925, it is obvious that its members from the Free State preferred the delaying tactic rather than having to report back home that the British had not only 'pulled a quick one' but weren't going to concede an inch of Irish territory.
The final (1925) report of that Commission was not made public until January 1968 ; it was suppressed (for 43 years) to aid the Stormont and Leinster House administrations to 'settle themselves' into their 'seats of power'.
And that whole saga remains to this day an open wound ; one of many caused by Westminster in Ireland.
============================
1973 :
IRA CAPTAIN MICHAEL McVERRY.
On the 15th November, 1973, IRA Captain Michael McVerry was killed during an attack on the 'Royal Ulster Constabulary' (RUC) barracks in Keady, County Armagh.
He was shot dead by British soldiers after placing a 100 lb bomb against the gable wall of the barracks during the IRA attack.
1st December 1949 – 15th November 1973.
RIP.
Thanks for the visit, and for reading!
Sharon and the team.
ON THIS DATE (8TH NOVEMBER) 28 YEARS AGO - DEATH OF A 'GUN-RUNNER'.
Neil T. Blaney (pictured), born 29th October 1922, died 8th November 1995 : 28 years ago on this date.
On November 10th 1966, when Sean Lemass resigned as Free State Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fail, George Colley and Charles J.Haughey made known their desire for that position.
Neil Blaney entered on the nomination of another Fianna Fail Minister, Kevin Boland, but Haughey and Blaney withdrew when Sean Lemass nominated Jack Lynch. George Colley stayed in the contest and was defeated by 53 votes to 19 ; the Colley-Haughey power struggle began to develop, but all concerned (George Colley, Haughey, Boland, Neil Blaney and Jack Lynch) continued to cooperate with each other within the confines of the Fianna Fail 'TACA' group.
Neil Blaney was interested in the workings and objectives of the 'Civil Rights Association' in the Six Counties but let it be known that he didn't consider them to be hardline enough and tried to steer Fianna Fail away from having too much to do with them, a position which some seen as a challenge to Free State Taoiseach Jack Lynch, and more so with each speech Blaney made in which he verbally attacked a politician favoured by Lynch, Six County (British) 'Premier', Captain Terence O'Neill (who was also under attack by Ian Paisley).
Blaney actually advised nationalists in the Six Counties not to support 'Premier' O'Neill.
However, for the sake of party unity (a State-wide general election was due in June 1969), Neil Blaney softened his tone in public but tension remained high between him, George Colley and Haughey, although Jack Lynch tried to avoid taking sides.
Seamus Brady, a Fianna Fail 'spin doctor' and a linkman between Blaney and the media of that time, was a well-respected Fianna Fail activist in the Dublin North-East area and was friendly with Blaney, who maintained his contacts in the Six Counties even though the Fianna Fail party itself, officially, did not bother to keep in touch too much with the few remaining contacts it had in the North, a position it regretted finding itself in as the Six County area was in open turmoil.
Jack Lynch (pictured) made a speech on television in which he stated - "The Stormont Government is evidently no longer in control of the situation...the Government of Ireland (sic) has requested the British Government to apply to the United Nations for urgent dispatch of a peace-keeping force to the Six Counties...many injured do not wish to be treated in Six County hospitals, so Irish Army (sic) authorities have been instructed to establish field hospitals in Donegal and other points on the border.." and the State Minister for External Affairs, Patrick Hillery, flew to London (where he was told to mind his own business) before flying off to America and the UN, where he was to raise the Six County issue at the Security Council.
Leinster House decided that money would have to be provided to deal with 'distress' in the Six Counties and wanted any such funds spent in a way which would win friends and influence people for the Fianna Fail Government : £100,000 from State exchequer funds was agreed and a special sub-committee of the State Cabinet was appointed to deal with the whole Northern 'problem'; elected to that sub-comittee were Padraig Faulkner, Joe Brennan, Neil Blaney - their constituencies were on the border - and Charles J.Haughey, who was (FS) Minister for Finance and had strong Northern connections, his father having come South to join the Free State Army in the 1920's.
The objectives of that 'Northern sub-committee' were outlined by Charles Haughey at the 'Arms Trial'-
"We were given instructions that we should develop the maximum possible contacts with persons inside the Six Counties and try to inform ourselves as much as possible on events, political and other developments - within the Six County area."
This 'Northern Sub-Committee' made contact with the Belfast IRA, with Saor Éire elements through the Citizens Committee located in a house in Kildare Street in Dublin (now demolished) the use of which was made available by the New Ireland Assurance Company, and contact was also made with Cathal Goulding, the IRA Chief Of Staff, with the objective of using every possible contact to influence decision making in the Northern nationalist community.
Leinster House was not prepared to be 'compromised' by the decisions taken in either the Civil Rights Association or the IRA. Neil Blaney's friend, Seamus Brady, was appointed (on the 15th August 1969) by Haughey to the 'Propaganda Corps' attached to the State sub-committee and he was sent into the Six Counties and, later on that month, gave a report to Jack Lynch which concentrated on the strength of the IRA in the area.
Seamus Brady had produced a booklet entitled 'Terror in Northern Ireland' (sic) for the Central Citizens Defence Committee (CCDC) in Belfast - he had been chosen to infiltrate the CCDC and this publication launched him nicely into his work.
The full costs of producing the booklet were paid by the Leinster House-established 'Information Bureau', and a jointly-written booklet by Seamus Brady and local Civil Rights activist Aidan Corrigan was produced, entitled - 'Eye Witness in Northern Ireland' (sic) ; this too was financed by the 'Information Bureau' and was printed - 5,000 copies - at the Cityview Press in Dublin despite its imprint stating that it was 'Published and printed in the Province of Ulster'.
The booklet was launched at a press conference in Dublin's Jury's Hotel on October 5th, 1969 (the same month in which Neil Blaney, speaking at celebrations for his 21st year in Leinster House, said - "..the Fianna Fail party has never taken a decision to rule out the use of force if the circumstances in the Six Counties so demand .."), at an event organised by Brady who, along with Neil Blaney (the then State Minister for Agriculture) had had a meeting with an IRA staff officer, in Dublin (in Blaney's office in 'Government Buildings'!), the previous month (ie September 1969).
Neil Blaney's political career also encompassed ministerial sackings, the 'Arms Trial', an inquiry by the State 'Committee of Public Accounts' into exactly how a sum of money* (£100,000) was spent and power struggles in the Fianna Fail party, and we hope our few paragraphs, above, can give a flavour of Neil Blaney's involvement re the occupied six counties.
(*For instance - on the 14th November 1969, a bank account was opened [by a person operating on behalf of Charles J. Haughey, State Minister for Finance at that time] in a Baggot Street, Dublin, bank, in the name of 'Ann O'Brien', and the money in same was used mainly for the running and promotion of a newspaper called 'Voice of The North', which was based in an office in Monaghan and which pushed the views of Fianna Fail on 'the Northern Question').
The 'Gun Runner' died on the 8th of November, 1995, in his 74th year, 28 years ago on this date.
'FIRST THINGS FIRST...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
For we are convinced that both Mr. de Valera and Mr. Costello are quite well aware that before the Irish people should even consider giving guarantees of this kind they must first get the British occupation forces out of our country.
That is the primary consideration.
To even suggest any kind of agreement or guarantee while those forces remain in Ireland is in effect a betrayal of our national rights and must be repudiated.
(END of 'First Things First' : NEXT - 'Radio Éireann', from the same source.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH NOVEMBER) 102 YEARS AGO : FINAL DRAFT PREPARED OF BRITISH GOVERNMENT'S 'SECRET CIRCULAR' RE EMPLOYING ARMED ANTI-IRISH MILITIA IN IRELAND.
In Ireland, in 1920, the British administration established a large paramilitary force of anti-Irish unionists and declared that that grouping should be known as the 'Special Constabulary', comprising approximately 40,000 members in total.
It was a three-tiered grouping : group 'A', numbering around 2,000 men, would be paid full time, armed and mobile, operating much as the hated RIC did, group 'B' would have about 20,000 armed members, part-time, uniformed but unpaid and group 'C' would consist of about 15,000 'reservists', to be called 'for duty' in times of "extreme emergency" only.
A sizeable number of those who joined the new 'Specials' were from the ranks of the 'Ulster Volunteer Force' (UVF), a pro-British paramilitary outfit which, even after its numbers had been so diminished, managed to retain a membership of approximately 20,000 (armed) men, with a British Colonel, Frederick Hugh Crawford (pictured), in charge of it.
The British government was interested in using Crawford's UVF to further secure its military and political position in Ireland - this was then only five years after the 1916 Rising and both sides in Ireland were aware that the fight was not yet over - and Westminster let it be known that it was in favour of 'utilising' those armed men as part of its military effort to 'secure Ireland for the Empire', a scenario which the RIC, in turn, 'let it be known' that it was in favour of.
On the 8th November 1921 - 102 years ago on this date - the Divisional Commissioner of the RIC in the Six Counties, a Colonel 'Sir' Charles Wickham, put the finishing touches to a 'secret' circular which he was sending to other RIC bosses in the Six Counties -
"Owing to the number of reports which have been received as to the growth of unauthorised loyalist defence forces, the (British) Government have under consideration the desirability of obtaining the services of the best elements of these organisations. They have decided that the scheme most likely to meet the situation would be to enroll all who volunteer and are considered suitable into Class 'C' (of the 'Special Constabulary') and to form them into regular military units.
There is no necessity to produce the maximum possible number of units ; what is required is to ensure that every unit recommended for formation can be constituted from a reliable section of the population."
Note how the supposed 'neutral' RIC described the UVF paramilitary organisation as a "loyalist defence force" and as "a reliable section of the population" - the British were then, and still are today, 'in charge' of those loyalist paramilitary organisations, and use them to carry-out 'jobs' which Westminster wants done, but not 'officially'. Also, about two weeks after 'Sir' Wickham wrote and dispatched his 'secret' circular, a copy of it found its way into the hands of Michael Collins who, on 23rd November 1921 - while attending Treaty negotiations with the British in London - produced it to the startled British team and told them it may very well signal the end of the 'negotiations'.
Westminster called-in its top man in the Six Counties, 'Sir' James Craig, the Stormont 'Prime Minister', and told him that the 'secret' circular would have to be withdrawn ; Craig then instructed his 'Minister for Home Affairs', a Mr. Richard Dawson Bates (a UVF man, pictured) to withdraw the circular.
However, by way of a 'two-fingered salute' to his political masters in Westminster, when he returned to Belfast, Craig increased the number of 'A Specials' by 700 men, and the 'B Specials' by 5,000 men - if they couldn't 'hire' "from a reliable section of the population" in one way, then they'd find another way to do it!
Incidentally, Colonel 'Sir' Charles Wickham had an interesting background - a British 'Establishment' man through and through,'Sir' Charles had an interesting background - he spent 23 years as the man in charge of the 'B' Specials, and was also head of the RUC for a period.
He was born in 1879, in England, and was educated at Harrow and Sandhurst, where he no doubt picked-up his 'stiff upper lip'. At 20 years young he joined the British Army and served in the Boer War and in the 'First World War'. Between the years 1918 and 1920 he served as a Lieutenant-Colonel with the British military 'mission' in the Russian Civil War, following which (at 41 years young) he was the 'Divisional Commissioner for Ulster' in the RIC, from 1920 to 1922.
It was at that time in his 'career' that he helped to establish the Ulster Special Constabulary.
At 43 years young he was appointed as the Inspector-General of the RUC, a position he held until 1945 when, at 66 years of age, his paymasters in Westminster formed the opinion that the 'johnnies' in the 'colonies' would benefit from a spot of 'Wickham-ism'. In 1945, British Lieutenant-Colonel 'Sir' Charles Wickham was 66 years of age ; but no rest for the wicked.
He was sent to Greece to serve as the 'Head of British Police and Prisons Mission', where he 'crossed swords' with the ELAS guerilla group. He remained in that position until 1952(when he was 73 years of age).
The man died in 1972, at the age of 93, and had a longer life than most of those he came into contact with.
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
The priest as mentor has also been relegated due to a weakening of the influence of the Church.
In such a society, it is hardly surprising that those with problems are increasingly looking for help to counsellors but, even more worrying, is the fact that even those whose distress might be considered appropriate to the circumstances in which they find themselves are also attending counsellors ; moreover, they are also flocking to psychiatrists in huge numbers.
As personal development courses flourish and counsellors advertise in supermarkets, far from being considered an exercise in narcissism brought about by our affluence, it is regarded as a badge of honour to scrutinise one's past and explore one's feelings.
Not only are talking therapies available in abundance, but people are taking medication for nervous disorders in enormous amounts, costing the medical card system £52.66 million last year as compared to £19.1 million in 1995...
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (8TH NOVEMBER) 232 YEARS AGO : DUBLIN REPUBLICANS PREPARE TO ESTABLISH A BRANCH OF THE 'UNITED IRISHMEN'.
NORTHERN ARMY OF AVENGERS.
Head Quarters.
The first year of Irish Liberty.
GENERAL, JN TANDY,
to his COUNTRYMEN.
UNITED IRISHMEN,
What do I hear? The British Government are dared to speak of concessions! Would you accept of them?
Can you think of entering into a treaty with a British Minister? A Minister too, who has left you at the mercy of an English soldiery, who has laid your cities waste, and massacred inhumanely your best Citizens . . . a Minister, the bane of society, and the scourge of mankind . . . behold, Irishmen . . . he holds in his hand the olive of peace; be aware, his other hand lies concealed armed with a poniard. NO, IRISHMEN, no . . . you shall not be the dupes of his base intrigues. Unable to subdue your courage, he attempts to seduce you, let his efforts be vain.
Horrid crimes have been perpetuated in your country. Your friends have fallen a sacrifice to their devotion for your cause. Their shadows are around you and call aloud for Vengeance.
It is your duty to avenge their death. It is your duty to strike on their blood-cemented thrones the murderers of your friends.
Listen to no proposals, IRISHMEN, wage a war of extermination against your oppressors, the war of Liberty against tyranny, and Liberty shall Triumph.
JN TANDY.'
It was on this date (8th November) in 1791 that James Napper Tandy put the final preparation into convening the inaugural meeting of the 'Dublin Society of United Irishmen'.
The meeting took place in the Eagle Tavern (now known as the 'Quaker [Friends] Meeting House', where the wall plaque, pictured above, is located) in Eustace Street in Dublin city centre.
The meeting was Chaired by Simon Butler (1757-1797, a barrister by profession, and brother of 'Lord' Mountgarret - family history here), with Tandy himself acting as Secretary, and the following resolutions were among those discussed and passed -
'That the weight of English influence in the government of this country is so great, as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance which is essential to the preservation of our liberties and the extension of our commerce...that the sole constitutional mode by which this influence can be opposed, is by a complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in Parliament... and that no reform is just which does not include every Irishman of every religious persuasion.'
The 'Dublin Society' held meetings on alternative Fridays, usually at the Music Hall in Fishamble Street in the city centre, with the objective of working to obtain social democratic reforms and independence from England and developed a strategy of spreading its ideals by means of leaflets, newspapers, ballads, 'catechisms' and travelling emissaries.
By 1797, the society as a whole had at least 100,000 members throughout Ireland whereas today, although smaller in number (!), the objective remains the same : 'independence from England'.
BEIR BUA...
The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
The documents in this booklet are taken from periods of republican history in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries.
Though these documents are from history, they cannot be safely locked away in an historical archive to be forgotten about. They are living history, all part of a story which has yet to be completed.
The story of Irish republicanism is of the struggle to 'break the connection with England, the never-failing source of all our political evils'.
Padraig Pearse drew upon the history of the United Irishmen and the Fenians to re-invigorate the Republican Movement and demonstrate its continuity with the struggle of previous generations. He honoured Ireland's dead by taking up the struggle again under the same banner that they stood under in their day. He consciously followed in their tradition... (MORE LATER.)
1919 :
In 1919 in Ireland, as Irish republican forces were defending themselves, their people and this country from imposed British political and military interference (an on-going struggle), the British paramilitary 'police force' in Ireland, the 'RIC', knew they were unable to 'contain the situation' and decided to regroup.
A 'Safety of Barracks' circular was distributed to all their 'section heads' in the country on the 8th November, decreeing that all such 'units' with less than six operatives should be closed immediately (...as they weren't able to 'defend themselves' successfully!) and the 'police men' effected by the policy change would be stationed in a different barracks, to ensure that they have more of their members present, should they be challenged by republicans.
That move led to the closure of smaller barracks - more than 430 of them - out of a total of 1,300 such 'police stations'. The IRA continued to defend themselves, their people and this country and also continued to 'close' hundreds more barracks in their own way...
===================
1920 :
On around the 8th November, 1920, an IRA Active Service Unit placed itself in an ambush position near Grange, in Limerick, waiting for two lorry loads of British soldiers who were due to pass that spot two days later (10th) ; Donnacha (Donnchadh) O'Hannigan (pictured, more info here) was in command of the rebels but the operation didn't go as intended -
"...we took up a position at the village of Grange on the Limerick-Brute road, expecting a convoy of enemy transport of which we had received
information that it was likely to pass that way.
After several hours waiting, the enemy approached, but in the opposite direction to that which we expected them. Unfortunately, a shot was fired prematurely and probably accidentally by one of our men, and this precipitated the fight, much to our disadvantage in the position we occupied.
The British were supported by an armoured car. I had a very poor knowledge of the district, and decided to withdraw.
We were hotly pursued by the enemy, but we returned their fire and retired in good order. We had one wounded (Volunteer Burke), but in the circumstances were unable to calculate the enemy casualties. I was subsequently informed that they had five wounded..."
After 'Truce and Treaty', Donnacha was neutral in the on-going conflict between the Republicans and the Free Staters.
===================
1920 :
A Flying Column attached to the Longford Brigade of the IRA, under the command of Sean MacEoin (who later joined the Free State Army) attacked an RIC post on the 8th November and reports suggest that three RIC members were killed, and one wounded.
===================
1920 :
On the 8th November (1920), a motorised RIC and Black and Tan gang stormed into the villags of Ardfert, in County Kerry, by two different routes.
They 'arrested' three men - Michael Brosnan (a Volunteer with the Castleisland Company IRA, 1st Battallion, Kerry No. 2 Brigade), John Cantillion and Maurice ('Mossy') McElligott - and placed them in their lorries, to be used as hostages in case they were to come under attack from the IRA. The two lorries then drove off, at speed, in the direction of the village of Rathoneen, where they carried out house raids.
After wrecking a few houses, they decided to drive back to Ardfert but, nearing their destination, they stopped and took their three hostages out of the lorries, and brought them into a field (which is now the Hazel Grove housing state). The 'police' and the Tans lined up and told the three hostages to make a run for it, but an RIC member whispered to Mossy McElligott that if he valued his life, he shouldn't move.
Michael Brosnan and John Cantillion ran for their lives, but only made it about fifty yards across the field before they were both shot dead. The pro-British 'peace keepers' then turned on Mossy and beat him until they thought he was dead. The RIC and their Tan colleagues then left the scene and went to the near-by pub, 'O' Sullivans' and demanded, and got, free drink from the owner.
Mossy McElligott lived to tell the tale.
===================
1921 :
During the 'Treaty of Surrender' negotiations (!) in the early 1920's, a British 'Civil Servant' named Thomas Jones, who had made it his business to be 'friendly' with Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith, approached both of those men, on the 8th November, 1921, and asked if he could speak to them about a possible solution that he, Mr Jones, had been thinking about.
Mr Jones asked both of them if they thought, perhaps, the formation of a small group, comprising members from the British and Irish sides, to discuss which areas of Ireland should be partitioned, would be a good idea...?
Michael Collins replied that he wouldn't be in favour of such a group because "it sacrificed unity entirely" (how right he has been, to date, regarding that issue - yet he went on to implement and enforce that same proposal!) but Arthur Griffith said he wasn't opposed to the idea, and Mr Jones told them that if anything should happen to his Prime Minister (David Lloyd George), then Mr Bonar Law could find himself in charge and he wouldn't be as favourable to the Irish in relation to the partition issue.
This put the wind up both men ('the devil you know' and all that) and so it was that the seed of a 'partition group' (the 'Boundary Commission') was planted but...it later transpired that David Lloyd George, the British PM, had instructed Mr Thomas Jones to approach the two Irish men in the manner he did, to innocently (!) propose the outcome that he, the PM, wanted ie 'I'm Thomas Jones, this is my idea, lads, just shootin' the breeze, but what do ye think...?'!
To add insult to injury, later that same day (8th November 1921) a Mr Lionel Curtis, the 'Secretary to the British Delegation', called a meeting of his own people and announced a 'breakthrough' - that of the soon-to-be-announced formation of a 'Boundary Commission'!
(We have mentioned (!) this con job before...)
===================
1922 :
On the 8th November, 1922, an IRA Unit, under the command of Bill Roe, attacked the Free Staters in Wellington Barracks (pictured), on the South Circular Road, in Dublin.
That barracks was a holding centre for IRA POW's and was also used by the Staters as the base for their 'Army Intelligence' unit.
IRA men were positioned on both sides of the near-by Grand Canal, armed with a Thompson submachine gun, revolvers and rifles ; one Free State soldier, Thomas Murphy, was killed in the gun battle, and another, James Finlay, was wounded and died later. Altogether, about twenty Staters were wounded, as were two civilians, and a third civilian, named Keane, was killed in the crossfire.
In a revenge attack, an IRA man, James Spain, was captured on Donore Avenue, in Dublin, by the Staters, and shot dead by a Free State soldier named Christy Clarke, following which Clarke and his comrades returned to Wellington Barracks and 'punished' the IRA prisoners they were holding there.
===================
1922 :
During an IRA attack on Free State Army forces on the 8th November 1922, in Milltown Village in County Kerry (pictured), a mother and her son were wounded in the crossfire. The son, Jeremiah McKenna, died four days later from his wounds.
Thanks for the visit, and for reading!
Sharon and the team.
ON THIS DATE (25TH OCTOBER) 106 YEARS AGO : SINN FÉIN ADOPTS A REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION.
"The Constitution of this new movement which you have adopted is one which it may be well to lay stress on. It says that this organisation of Sinn Féin aims at securing international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic.
That is what I stand for, what I stood for in East Clare and it is because I stand for that that I was elected here. I said in East Clare when I was elected that I regarded that election as a monument to the dead. I regard my election here as a monument to the brave dead, and I believe that this is proof that they were right, that what they fought for — the complete and absolute freedom and separation from England — was the pious wish of every Irish heart..."
- part of a speech delivered by Éamon de Valera to the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in the Mansion House, in Dublin, on the 25th/26th October, 1917.
A report on that Ard Fheis, by Fr. Patrick Gaynor, can be read here.
That Sinn Féin Ard Fheis, Chaired by Arthur Griffith, was of particular interest and importance to Mr. Griffith, as it signalled a move away from his 'Dual Monarchy' policy in favour of republican principles ; in short, Arthur Griffith insisted that Ireland should come into its own, alongside Britain, with the two entities (for want of a better description!) forming a 'dual monarchy' ie a 'shared monarch', but with two 'separate' political administrations, according to Mr. Griffith which, he believed, would be more palatable to Westminster (but which proved to be less palatable to Irish republicans who insisted - and still do - on a clean break from the British).
Some of the more than 2,000 delegates present, perturbed by the objections to the so-called 'republican slant' of the proceedings, began a walk-out from the Ard Fheis but eventually the issue was somewhat settled there and then, in-house, and the proceedings continued.
Incidentally, at that time, there were 3,300 Sinn Féin Clubs (Cumainn), over 250,000 members and the organisation was financially healthy, with about £1,200 in its kitty.
However, between the jigs and the reels (!), one of the motions passed at that Ard Fheis, on the 25th October 1917 - 106 years ago on this date - read :
'1 -
The name of this organisation shall be Sinn Féin.
2 -
Sinn Féin aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic. Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.
3 -
This object shall be attained through the Sinn Féin Organisation.
4 -
WHEREAS no law made without the authority and consent of the Irish people is or ever can be binding on their conscience, therefore in accordance with the Resolution of Sinn Féin adopted in Convention, 1905, a Constituent Assembly shall be convoked, comprising persons chosen by the Irish Constituencies as the supreme national authority to speak and act in the name of the Irish people and to devise and formulate measures for the welfare of the whole people of Ireland.
Such as :
The introduction of a Protective System for Irish industries and Commerce by combined action of the Irish County Councils, Urban Councils, Rural Councils, Poor Law Boards, Harbour Boards, and other bodies directly responsible to the Irish people.
The establishment and maintenance under the direction of a National Assembly or other authority approved by the people of Ireland of an Irish Consular Service for the advancement of Irish Commerce and Irish interests generally.
The re-establishment of an Irish Mercantile Marine to facilitate direct trading between Ireland and the countries of Continental Europe, America, Africa, and the Far East.
The industrial survey of Ireland and the development of its mineral resources under the auspices of a National Assembly or other national authority approved by the people of Ireland.
The establishment of a National Stock Exchange.
The creation of a National Civil Service, embracing all the employee of the County Councils, Rural Councils, Poor law Boards, Harbour Boards, and other bodies responsible to the Irish people, by the institution of a common national qualifying examination and a local competitive examination (the latter at the discretion of the local bodies).
The establishment of Sinn Féin Courts of Arbitration for the speedy and satisfactory adjustment of disputes.
The development of transit by rail road and water, of waste lands for the national benefit by a national authority approved by the people of Ireland.
The development of the Irish Sea Fisheries by National Assembly or other National authority approved by the people of Ireland.
The reform of education, to render its basis national and industrial by the compulsory teaching of the Irish language, Irish history and Irish agricultural and manufacturing potentialities in the primary system, and, in addition, to elevate to a position of dominance in the University system Irish agriculture and economics.
The abolition of the Poor Law System and substitution in its stead of adequate outdoor relief to the aged and infirm, and the employment of the able-bodied in the reclamation of waste lands, afforestation and other national and reproductive works.
A special meeting of the Executive may be summoned on three days' notice by the President on requisition presented to him signed by six members of the Executive specifying the object for which the meeting is called.
In case of an urgent emergency the President shall call all members of the Executive to an urgency meeting, and may take action in the name of the Executive in case he secures the approval of an absolute minority of the entire Executive. The action taken is to be reported for confirmation at next ordinary meeting of the Executive.
That where Irish resources are being developed, or where industries exist, Sinn Féiners should make it their business to secure that workers are paid a living wage.
That the equality of men and women in this Organisation be emphasised in all speeches and leaflets.'
The above political motion was way ahead of its time, and still serves as a demonstration of the forward thinking, fairness and 'street-level' democratic values that traditional Irish republicans have for the Irish people, and Ireland itself, unlike the sleeveen time-servers in Leinster House.
'FIRST THINGS FIRST.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, April 1955.
The flare of publicity given to the interview by Mr. John Aloysius Costello with 'The Yorkshire Post' newspaper and the subsequent statements and counter-statements by himself, Mr, de Valera and various members of the Stormont junta have given a brief temporary revival to the politicians standby - the 'partition problem'.
But the editorial statement by 'The Yorkshire Post' is very candid on the matter. It states -
'...nor could we contemplate an arrangement which would deprive us in time of war of the use of the Ulster ports..'
That is the authentic voice of England ; it is saying in 1955 what Lloyd George said in 1920 -"Ulster, whether she wills it or not, must not be allowed merge with the rest of Ireland."
England feels that her imperial defence system requires that a grip be kept on the Irish side of the North Channel and irrespective of the wishes of the people concerned, she is determined to maintain that grip...(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (25TH OCTOBER) 41 YEARS AGO : BRITISH HANDLERS FINALISED THEIR PLANS TO ALLOW THEIR IRA INFORMER TO BREAK HIS 20-MONTH PERIOD OF INCOMMUNICADO HIDING.
One of the many so-called 'Irish republicans' that turned 'supergrass' on their one-time 'comrades' who were allegedly involved in militant republicanism was Tyrone man Patrick McGurk, who attempted to implicate nine men as being members of 'proscribed organisations'.
On the 20th of September, 1982, the RUC, apparently doubtful that he would go through with his 'evidence' if produced in court, instead invoked the obsolete 'Bill of Indictment' to by-pass the preliminary enquiry stage of the case against the nine accused. This meant that, until his return to Dungannon on the following day (Wednesday 26th October 1982) McGurk had been held incommunicado, without access to family or friends, throughout the 20-month period that the British kept him in a 'safe house', for his own protection.
It wasn't only in the republican community that the use by the British of so-called 'supergrasses' was questioned, as this exchange in Leinster House highlights :
"I will take the case of Mr. X as a clear example of the injustice of trial by supergrass, of which the British Government approve. I hope the Minister and the Government will take a serious interest in the whole affair and request the British Government to take the necessary action immediately to resolve these injustices.
Mr. X was 24 years of age in February 1982. He had no history of involvement in guerrilla activities whatsoever. In 1979 he married his wife Kathleen and they have two children, a boy and a girl. His daughter was six months old when he was arrested at 4.30 a.m. and brought to Gough Barracks in Armagh.
On Tuesday, 9th February 1982 an RUC man came to the room in the barracks and asked the interrogators "Who is this?" One of them answered "Mr. X." The RUC man turned back towards the other room and repeated the name, whereupon a man, unknown to Mr. X, appeared at the doorway. The interrogators asked the newcomer "Do you know this man?" The man at the door nodded. They asked "Have you made any statements against him?" Again the man nodded. They asked "Are you prepared to give evidence against this man?" Again the man nodded. The newcomer was then led away.
That man was Patrick McGurk (pictured), supergrass, newly recruited.
Mr. X was not the first victim of the new tactics. Mr. X was charged with possession of land mines at Ballygawley Road near Dungannon between 1st January and 31st December 1978. He was also charged with an arson attack on the Ulsterbus depot in Dungannon in May 1978. Mr. X made no statement while in custody and the only evidence against him were alleged statements made by McGurk. He was transferred to Crumlin Road prison in Belfast in custody for the next 21 months.
There is no precise location for the alleged incidents. Ballygawley Road is at least ten miles long. There was no precise date given for the alleged incidents. There were no explosions and no casualties. There was never any evidence of a bomb. Such a charge that cannot be pinned down make an alibi impossible. On 21st April 1982 Mr. X was brought up for bail. Under the Emergency Provisions Act, 1978, the conditions of bail are such that, instead of the prosecution having to prove that the prisoner would be a danger to society if released, the defence has to prove that he or she would not.
As this is extremely difficult, very few prisoners are granted bail and it was not surprising that Mr. X was refused. He was returned to Crumlin Road prison and was remanded in custody again.
The next development was in September 1982, five months after the bail refusal, when the preliminary inquiry should have taken place. This is when the accused are faced by the accusers who have to give evidence against them in an open court, so that the court can decide whether or not there is sufficient evidence to merit a continuation of the proceedings. The surprise was that there was to be no preliminary inquiry as Lord Chief Justice Lowry had granted a bill of indictment to the Director of Public Prosecutions the night before. This dispensed with the preliminary inquiry. Mr. X and others who stood in the courtroom that morning were returned to Crumlin Road prison and so rests the future of Mr. X. This is one of the many examples of the injustice of the supergrass trial system in Northern Ireland (sic) of which the British Government approve..." (From here.)
Incidentally, one of those named by McGurk was Patrick Joseph Kelly, who was arrested by the British in February 1982 but released in October 1983 due to lack of evidence after a trial that lasted fifteen minutes.
Today, British 'supergrasses' in Ireland are dressed in suits, given jobs, a salary, expenses, office staff and a position and title with which to implement British rule in their own country and are cheered-on in doing so by the same political establishment they once fought against.
And they relish their 'success' in doing so.
(The 'Supergrass' system is still in operation in Ireland [examples here and here] and will no doubt remain in the 'weapons arsenal' of both Westminster and Leinster House, to be used against Irish republican activists. The only way to bring that corrupt system to an end is to remove the British political and military presence from Ireland.)
IRELAND ON THE COUCH...
A Psychiatrist Writes.
'Magill' commissioned Professor Patricia Casey to compile an assessment of Irish society at what may emerge as the end of a period of unprecedented growth and change.
This is her report.
From 'Magill Magazine' Annual, 2002.
Born into such instability, children are at risk of emotional deprivation and ultimately of growing up with distorted views of parenthood, which they will take with them into adulthood.
A complicating factor is our increasing mobility, which has also distanced children from the modifying influence of grandparents and cousins. The family in modern Ireland is therefore increasingly likely to be cohabiting, unstable and inward-looking as it is devoid of the steadying hand of the extended family.
Meanwhile, the push to encourage women into the workplace continues, even if it is against the will of some.
In 1999, the Minister for Finance added his weight to this by penalising, through individualisation of the tax system, those families in which one parent stayed at home. This resulted in something of a minor revolt and the minister was forced to delay his plans, although they are proceeding apace again.
The publication of a recent EU report finding that Ireland has the lowest proportion of women in the workforce of any EU country (sic) was recently a cause of political concern rather than national (sic) pride...
(MORE LATER.)
ON THIS DATE (25TH OCTOBER) 103 YEARS AGO : DEATH OF TWO IRISH HUNGER-STRIKERS.
Joseph Murphy (left of pic) and Terence MacSwiney : both men died on hunger-strike on this date - 25th October - in 1920, 103 years ago.
In his book 'History of the Irish Working Class', Peter Beresford Ellis wrote : "On October 25th, 1920, Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence MacSwiney - poet, dramatist and scholar, died on the 74th day of a hunger-strike while in Brixton Prison, London. A young Vietnamese dishwasher in the Carlton Hotel in London broke down and cried when he heard the news - "A Nation which has such citizens will never surrender". His name was Nguyen Ai Quoc who, in 1941, adopted the name Ho Chi Minh and took the lessons of the Irish anti-imperialist fight to his own country..."
Terence MacSwiney, his wife Muriel and their daughter, Máire, photographed in 1919.
He was the Commandant of the 1st Cork Brigade of the IRA and was elected as the Lord Mayor of Cork. He died after 74 days on hunger strike in Brixton Prison, England, on the 25th October, 1920, and his body lay in Southwark Cathedral in London where tens of thousands of people paid their respects.
'Joe Murphy (pictured) was born in Lynn, Massachusetts in the USA. He had 14 siblings, with only 5 surviving (and) was one of 3 children born in America, but he did not have American citizenship.
The Murphy family returned to their native Cork and settled in Pouladuff Road, in the suburbs...he joined H Company, 2nd Battalion of the Cork No.1 Brigade of the IRA in Cork city (and) would eventually rise to the rank of Commandant..but would be expelled from the IRA for "bringing the army into disrepute", although it's not clear what the exact reason for this was. Joe would later be arrested by the British for possession of a bomb to be used in an attack on British forces (but) it is likely these were trumped-up charges by the British even though Murphy was not a member of the IRA at this time...' (from here.)
Two gallant Corkmen who perished on hunger strike on October 25th 1920 - 103 years ago on this date.
(A special mention here, and a heartfelt 'Fáilte!', to our readers in Lynn, in Massachusetts, who we know are 'tuned-in' : we appreciate you taking the time to do so, and we hope you'll keep in touch. Go raibh maith agat!)
BEIR BUA...
The Thread of the Irish Republican Movement from The United Irishmen through to today.
Republicanism in history and today.
Published by the James Connolly/Tommy O'Neill Cumann, Republican Sinn Féin, The Liberties, Dublin.
August 1998.
('1169' comment - 'Beir Bua' translates as 'Grasp Victory' in the English language.)
Tá traidisiún láidir is uaibhreach againn go bhfuil iontach cruinn agus spreagúil sa leabhrán seo.
Cuireann sé síos ár scéal, scéal spairn na hÉireann ar son saoirse, agus tá muid ábalta a lán fulaingt is crógacht a fheicáll sna spairin sin ó míle ocht gcéad nócha a hocht go dtí an lá seo.
Is leabhrán é seo go bhfuil leis an croí agus tnúth na saoirse ; leis an t-anam agus ár gcreid ndobhriste, agus leis an cheann is an obair déanta a bheith.
It was just a simple working class and fairly insignificant revolutionary who once declared that "...actions, not words, count most in life, especially in the life of a revolutionary organisation...."
(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for the visit, and for reading!
Sharon and the team.
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